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Jprtnceton  C^eofo^tcaf  ^minar^ 

BX  5055   .S55  1849 
Short,  Thomas  Vowler,  1790- 
History  of  the  Church  of 
England  to  the  revolution. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2014 


https://archive.org/details/historyofchurcho00shor_2 


THE  HISTORY 


OF  THE 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND 


TO 


THE  REVOLUTION,  1688. 


BY  THOMAS  VOWLBR  SHORT,  D.  D. 

LORD  BISHOP  OP  ST.  ASAFHS. 


THIRD  AMERICAN  FROM  THE  THIRD  ENGLISH  EDITION. 


NEW-YORK. 
STANFORD  AND  SWORDS,  137,  BROADWAY. 
1849. 


PREFACE. 


The  best  excuse  which  can  be  made  for  the  publication  of  a  work  such 
as  that  which  is  now  offered  to  the  world,  is  the  plain  statement  of  the  reasons 
which  originally  led  to  its  composition,  and  of  the  objects  which  the  author  had 
in  view  when  he  commenced  the  task.  And  if,  when  the  undei taking  is 
accomplished,  the  same  reasons  still  exist  either  in  part  or  whole ;  if  his  labours 
be  calculated  to  supply  a  want  which  in  any  measure  continues  to  be  felt,  he 
must  trust  that  the  kindness  of  the  public  will  excuse  that  vanity  which  induces 
him  to  hope  that  liis  exertions  ma.y  in  some  degree  contribute  to  supply  a 
desideratum  among  the  elementary  works  of  our  countr}-. 

The  author  of  the  present  sketch  discovered,  after  he  had  been  admitted  into 
orders,  that  the  knowledge  of  English  ecclesiastical  history  which  he  j)ossessed 
was  very  deficient.  It  was  a  point  concerning  which  information  was  not  to  be 
readily  obtained,  but  in  which  he  felt  that  he  ouglit  to  have  made  diligent  search 
during  the  professional  preparation  of  himself,  on  which  every  educated  man. 
who  is  engaged  in  the  instruction  of  others,  is  pecuharly  bound  to  enter ;  he  was 
distressed,  that  his  knowledge  of  the  sects  among  the  philosophers  of  Athen.s 
was  greater  than  his  information  on  questions  which  affect  the  Church  of 
England ;  and  he  determined  to  devote  a  considerable  portion  of  those  few  hours 
which  a  laborious  employment  left  at  his  disposal  to  the  study  of  the  history  ol 
our  own  church. 

His  pursuits  were  chiefly  directed  to  those  particulars  which  at  the  same  time 
might  supply  him  with  real  knowledge  in  his  own  profession  ;  and  he  was 
disposed  to  hasten  over  periods  which  could  furnish  little  but  an  acquaintance 
■with  facts,  and  an  insight  into  ecclesiastical  abuses.  The  circumstances  in 
which  he  was  placed  furnished  him  with  an  abundance  of  books ;  but  this  verv 
fact  made  him  more  sensible  of  the  need  of  some  guide  to  direct  him  in  the 
selection  of  them ;  and  notwithstanding  the  kind  assistance  provided  by  a  large 
number  of  clerical  friends,  he  found  a  diversity  of  advice,  which  perplexed 
rather  than  facilitated  his  progress.  He  sought  in  vain  for  a  general  history  of 
the  Church  of  England,  which  might  furnish  him  with  a  map  of  his  intended 

iii 


iw  PREFACE. 

journey ;  for  those  which  exist  are  rather  large  surveys  than  maps ;  in  which 
the  general  features  are  laid  down  on  so  extensive  a  scale,  that  they  never 
i-xhibit  a  commodious  view  of  the  whole. 

Ho  determined,  therefore,  to  draw  up  a  sketch  for  himself,  to  lay  down  the 
great  landmarks  as  distinctly  as  he  could,  and  to  fill  up  the  details  in  such  a 
manner  as  circumstances  would  allow.  And  conceiving  that  his  own  map,  vvitli 
all  its  imperfections,  might  be  useful  to  others,  he  constantly  framed  it  as  he 
proceeded,  thinking  that,  when  his  task  was  accomplished,  it  might  either  remain 
as  a  private  memorial  of  his  own  studies,  or  be  given  to  the  public  Avhen  the 
academical  labours  of  the  author  were  at  an  end,  in  case  no  work  of  the  same 
description  should  previously  supply  the  wants  of  individuals  situated  as  he  had 
been.  Wlien  this  period  had  arrived,  and  he  hardly  felt  satisfied  with  the 
publications  which  had  appeared,  he  ventured  to  print  the  present  volumes. 
Mr.  Southey's  Book  of  the  Church  hardly  satisfied  him.'  Mr.  Carwithen  has 
f;ivcn  a  very  faithful  description  of  the  country  through  which  he  has  par.sed. 
but  he  has  not  sufficiently  pointed  out  the  more  striking  features  to  which  the 
attention  of  the  traveller  must  he  directed,  if  he  wishes  to  obtain  an  idea  of  the 
whole  territory.  Manj-  of  the  other  writers  who  might  here  be  mentioned  have 
examined  only  a  part  of  the  liistory  of  our  church,  and  are  perhaps  liable  to 
other  objections. 

A  larger  work  than  the  present  would  probably  have  been  better  suited  to  a 
greater  variety  of  readers ;  a  small  one,  if  it  be  wisely  composed,  will  seek  the 
immediate  benefit  of  one  class  only,  and  trust  to  the  chance,  that  whatever  is 
useful  to  one  description  of  persons  can  hardly  prove  uninteresting  to  others. 
The  professed  object  of  these  pages  is  to  facilitate  the  studies  of  young  men  who 
are  preparing  themselves  for  the  offices  of  the  Church,  through  their  academical 
pursuits. 

The  careful  perusal  of  two  small  volumes'  may  prevent  them  from  being 
ignorant  on  those  points  on  which  general  information  is  ordinarily  expected  : 
and  prepare  the  way  for  more  extensive  studies,  by  furnishing  tliem  with  the 
means  of  arranging  systematically  the  knowledge  which  they  shall  otherwise 
acquire. 

If  such  a  book  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  author  twenty  years  agone,  his 
labours  might  have  been  more  profitably  directed  in  the  same  course ;  for  there 
is  a  certain  quantity  of  knowledge  necessary  on  every  subject,  before  we  shall 
proceed  effectually  to  the  acquisition  of  more ;  and  it  often  happens  that  the 
want  of  this  is  not  supphed,  till  the  more  active  duties  of  hfe  prevent  the 

'  Dr.  Short  begs  leave  in  tliis  edition  to  apologize  to  Mr.  Southey  for  expressions  used  in  the  first, 
which  ought  never  to  have  been  printed,  and  which  are,  for  that  reason,  now  omitted ;  especially  as 
the  new  edition  of  Mr.  Southey's  work  has  obviated  the  want  of  references,  to  which  allusion  is- 
there  made. 

2  The  first  edition  was  printed  in  two  volumes. 


PREFACE.  T 

clergyman  from  taking  advantage  of  those  channels  of  information  which  would 
otherwise  have  been  open  to  him. 

In  the  execution  of  this  work,  there  is  hardly  enough  of  detail  to  satisfy  the 
inquisitive  ;  but  while  it  assists  him  in  his  pursuits,  it  may  prevent  the  idle  from 
being  totally  ignorant  on  ecclesiastical  history ;  it  is  with  this  view  that  the 
author  has  directed  his  particular  attention  to  those  points  which  constitute  the 
history  of  the  Church  of  England  as  it  is  at  present  established,  to  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles,  for  instance,  the  translations  of  the  Bible,  and  the  Prayer  Book. 

It  is  probable  that  feelings  of  personal  kindness  may  induce  some  individuals, 
who  are  possessed  of  a  greater  knowledge  on  ecclesiastical  history,  to  favour 
these  volumes  with  a  reading ;  and  they  may  wonder  that  the  studies  in  which 
he  has  been  engaged  have  not  convinced  the  writer  of  the  imperfections  of  his 
work,  and  the  objections  which  may  be  raised  against  the  attempt  to  crowd  the 
whole  history  of  our  church  into  two  small  volumes.  In  extenuation  of  his 
defects,  he  would  only  plead  the  difficulty  of  the  task,  and  beg  them  to  examine 
the  question  on  its  right  grounds.  The  work  was  composed  when  the  author 
had  an  abundance  of  books,  and  but  little  time  to  use  them ;  and  has  been 
prepared  for  the  press  in  a  small  country  village,  where  he  has  the  command  of 
his  time,  but  of  no  library  save  his  own  private  one.  If,  therefore,  he  had 
extended  the  limits  of  his  work,  the  attempt  must  have  been  made  under  many 
disadvantages,  of  which  they  onlj"-  can  be  fully  aware  who  have  once  possessed 
a  free  admission  into  large  libraries,  of  which  they  have  been  subsequently 
deprived.  An  occasional  access  to  libraries  is  extremely  useful  for  purposes  of 
reference  and  collation  ;  but  he  who  collects  materials  for  history  must  search 
among  a  variety  of  books  whicli  the  hand  of  time  has  consigned  to  oblivion,  and 
which  are  frequently  unworthy  of  the  attention  of  the  general  reader ;  and  no 
one  can  do  this  who  is  not  resident  among  public  libraries  ;  nor  can  it  be 
regarded  in  any  light  less  serious  than  a  national  calamity,  that  the  necessary 
labours  of  those  who  reside  in  the  universities  almost  preclude  the  possibility  of 
their  deriving  any  extensive  advantages  from  the  treasures  which  are  preserved 
around  them. 

In  despair,  therefore,  of  accomplishing  any  thing  more  worthy  of  the  subject, 
yet  hoping  that  his  present  labours  may  not  have  been  totally  thrown  away,  he 
commits  himself  to  the  kindness  of  his  friends  and  readers,  with  a  full  conviction 
that  none  of  them  are  more  fully  aware  of  the  deficiencies  of  these  volumes  than 
himself.  With  regard  to  actual  mistakes,  he  presumes  that  many  may  be 
discovered,  arising  partly  from  the  extensive  range  of  history  which  he  has  been 
forced  to  embrace,  while  the  reader  will  criticise  that  portion  with  which  he  is 
best  acquainted ;  he  will  ask,  therefore,  for  a  fair  indulgence  from  those  who 
have  never  engaged  in  such  a  task,  nothing  doubting  that  he  who  knows  the 
difficulty  of  avoiding  such  errors,  from  experience,  will  use  that  forbearance 
which  the  case  requires. 

(2)  b 


PREFACE. 

Some  persons  may  object  that  the  opponents  of  the  Establishment  are 
occasionally  depicted  in  too  favourable  colours,  and  the  defects  of  our  common 
parent  held  up  to  view  with  less  cautious  respect  than  becomes  a  dutiful  son  of  the 
Church  of  England.  Let  such  remember,  in  the  spirit  of  meekness,  that  there 
is  a  higher  body  to  which  we  belong,  and  that  the  Church  of  England  is  no 
further  our  mother  than  as  she  proves  herself  a  church  of  Christ.  If  such  a 
charge  be  reasonably  substantiated,  no  one  will  be  more  ready  to  find  that  he 
has  been  deceived  than  the  writer  of  these  pages ;  he  has  always  endeavoured 
to  search  for  the  truth,  and  he  hopes  that  in  this  pursuit  he  may  never  grow 
weary.  To  say  that  the  Church  of  England  is  imperfect  in  constitution  and 
practice,  is  only  to  say  that  she  was  partly  framed  by  human  beings,  and  is 
administered  by  men  :  but  to  pray  that  her  maladministrations  may  be  corrected 
by  her  friends,  and  her  deficiencies  supplied  by  those  who  understand  her 
constitution,  is  the  petition  of  one  who,  while  he  admires  the  Church  of 
England,  believes  that  neither  communities  nor  individuals  are  infallible. 

And  if  the  perusal  of  these  volumes  shall  be  accompanied  with  a  portion  of 
that  amusement  which  their  composition  has  afforded  the  author ;  if  they  shall 
contribute  to  excite  in  the  breast  of  others  that  love  and  admiration  for  our 
church  which  their  preparation  has  confirmed  in  the  heart  of  the  writer,  their 
publication  will  fully  answer  the  desires  of  one  who  believes  that  the  best 
reformation  of  the  Church  of  England  would  be  to  reduce  her  in  practice  to  what 
she  is  in  theory;  who  believes  that  her  doctrines  are  such,  that  he  who  ventures 
his  eternal  safety  to  her  guidance  is  taking  a  secure  path;  and  that  the 
framework  of  her  establishment  is  that  Avhich,  under  God's  providence,  is  best 
suited,  in  the  present  state  of  the  Christian  world,  to  preserve  and  disseminate 
our  holy  faith  among  the  various  branches  of  society. 


Kings  Worthy, 
^pril,  1832. 


ADVERTISEMENT  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


The  circumstances  of  the  Author  of  this  Sketch  are  so  changed  since  he 
wrote  it,  that  they  will  sufficiently  account  for  his  reprinting  the  work  with  little 
or  no  alteration.  The  Rector  of  Bloomshury  ought  to  be  engaged  in  other 
tasks  than  that  of  writing  ecclesiastical  history.  The  public  have  taken  off  the 
first  edition,  as  rapidly  as  could  have  been  expected,  considering  its  extent  and 
the  nature  of  the  work ;  and  in  offering  a  second  in  a  cheaper  form,  the  Author 
has  consulted  the  convenience  of  those  for  whose  use  it  was  originally  designed ; 
in  this  edition  he  has  corrected  such  errors  as  his  friends  have  kindly  pointed  out 
to  him,  and  he  places  it  before  students  in  Theology,  with  the  hope  that  it  may 
assist  them  in  becoming  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  Church  of  England ; 
and  that  they  may  derive  as  much  practical  advantage  from  this  pursuit,  as  he 
has  obtained  from  it,  in  all  the  different  circumstances  to  which  his  clerical  duties 
have  called  him. 


Rectory,  St.  George's,  BLOOMSBinnr» 
April,  1838. 


fii 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


^  1.  Getteral  outline  of  the  history  of  the  Bri- 
tish church  before  the  Saxon  invasion. 

2.  England  early  converted  to  Christianity; 
possibly  by  St.  Paul :  other  traditions 
without  any  foundation. 

3.  KingLucius.  Earlypersecutions;  the Dio- 
clesian.  St.  Alban.  Constantius  Chlorus. 
Constantine  puts  an  end  to  persecution. 

4.  British  bishops  at  early  councils;  Aries, 
Nice,  Sardica,  Ariminum. 

5.  Pelagian  heresy.  Germanus,  Lupus,  and 
Severus.  Schools  established.  Illutusand 
Dubritius;  Banchor;  Galilean  liturgy. 

6.  Saxons  converted  by  St.  Augustin;  Ethel- 
bert,  Brilha.  Gregory  I.  instrumental  in 
this  event. 

7.  Augustin,  archbishop  of  England.  Chris- 
tian festivals  accommodated  to  the  hea- 
then feasts.  Ecclesiastical  establishment. 
Union  with  the  British  church  attempted. 
Easter  ;  Roman  method  of  keeping  it 
adopted  by  Oswr. 

8.  Theodore  made  archbishop.  Adrian.  Pa- 
rish churches  established.  Bishoprics 
divided.  Wilfred  appeals  to  the  pope. 
Sussex  converted. 

9.  Wilfred's  appeal  to  Rome ;  superiority  of 
Rome  over  Saxon  England.  Council  of 
Cloveshoo. 

Union  of  the  heptarchy.  The  Danes  at- 
tack monasteries.  Ethelwulph's  grant  to 
the  church:  tithes  had  been  previously 
Eaentioned :  they  are  sometimes  spoken 
of  as  due  by  divine  right. 

11.  Alfred  educates  England;  he  translates 
many  books  into  Saxon  ;  his  general  in- 
formation ;  establishes  a  school  for  his 
son;  foreign  kings  educated  in  England; 
sends  an  embassy  to  the  Syrian  Indians. 

12.  Odo  and  Dunstan.  The  Danes  incorpo- 
rated with  the  English.  Wealth  of  the 
church. 

13.  Imperfection  of  this  sketch  ;  materials  de- 
fective; the  subject  one  of  curiosity  rather 
than  utility.  Errors  of  the  church  of 
Rome  generally  those  of  human  nature. 

14.  Debt  due  to  Rome;  probable  date  of  the 
perversions  of  doctrine,  and  their  intro- 
duction into  England. 

15.  Prayers  for  the  dead ;  in  early  use ;  his- 
tory of  the  doctrine  of  purgatory;  com- 
mon to  many  religions;  prayers  for  the 
dead  not  necessarily  connected  with  it. 
Traces  of  the  doctrine  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons.  Popular  notions  of  it  in  the  time 
of  Bede  and  Alcuin. 

,  .  6.  Transubstantiation.  Waterland's  account 


of  the  history  of  it;  probably  not  received 
by  the  Anglo-Saxons.  Elfric's  homily. 
Bertram. 

17.  Mass;  believed  to  be  a  sacrifice  for  the 
living  and  dead. 

18.  Pictures  and  images.  The  decrees  of  the 
second  council  of  Nice  rejected  by  the 
British  church.  Image  worship  esta- 
blished in  England  before  Alfred's  time. 
Prayers  addressed  to  saints  about  the 
same  period.  The  doctrine  of  the  Saxon 
church. 

19.  Relics;  natural  respect  for  them;  sent  by 
Gregory  to  Augustin.  The  devotions  paid 
at  the  tombs  of  the  archbishops  of  Can- 
terbury produce  disputes  about  the  bodies 
of  the  primates. 

20.  Pilgrimages  ;  early  made  by  the  English 
to  Jerusalem  and  Rome.  Many  Saxon 
kings  visit  Rome.  Abuses  arising  from 
pilgrimages;  the  Penitential  Canons  en- 
join them. 

21.  Confession;  penance.  Difference  between 
the  churches  of  Rome  and  England  with 
regard  to  auricular  confession.  Penances 
ordinarily  imposed.  Commutation  of  pe- 
nance. 

22.  Celibacy  of  the  clergy.  The  council  of 
Nice  endeavoured  to  impose  it.  Custom 
of  the  Greek  church.  Early  established 
in  England;  but  generally  evaded.  Evils 
arising  from  it. 

23.  Early  ecclesiastical  establishments.  Mo- 
nastic establishments  useful  at  first;  fa- 
vourable to  civilization  ;  attacked  by  the 
Danes.  Most  of  the  clergy  married  dur- 
ing these  times  of  disturbance;  depend- 
ence on  the  apostolic  see  arising  from 
celibacy.  Holy  water.  Service  in  Latin. 
Lights  in  churches.  Lord's  Prayer,  Creed, 
and  Gospel,  explained  to  the  people. 

24.  Progress  of  errors  in  the  church  of  Eng- 
land. Purgatory  and  transubstantiation 
first  believed,  and  then  made  profitable  to 
the  priesthood.  Errors  introduced  into 
the  Anglo-Saxon  church  by  degrees  from 
Rome. 

25.  How  far  the  errors  of  the  church  destroyed 
Christianity.  When  errors  in  doctrine 
destroy  the  hopes  of  salvation.  Evil  ten- 
dency of  errors  in  faith. 

26.  Inadequate  view  of  the  atonement.  Cor- 
rect faith  in  the  Trinity.  Expressions 
marking  false  notions  of  good  works. 
The  Anglo-Saxon  church  much  corrupted 
in  doctrines,  and  the  way  prepared  for 
greater  errors. 

6  2  ix 


CONTENTS. 


■  CHAPTER  II.   p.  17. 

61.  There  existed  a  continual  struggle  be- 
tween the  church  and  state.  We  must 
regard  churchmen  as  advocating  the 
rights  of  their  order. 

52.  William  I.  was  possessed  of  full  power 
over  the  church.  Ecclesiastical  property 
subjected  to  civil  service.  Most  of  the 
English  clergy  ejected.  Papal  legates 
introduced  into  England.  The  ecclesi- 
astical courts  separated  from  the  civil. 

53.  The  influence  of  Rome  arose  from  the 
vices  of  our  kings.  The  clergy  a  balance 
between  the  crown  and  aristocracy,  and 
beneficial  lo  the  lower  orders.  Rome  in- 
terfered to  support  the  just  rights  of  the 
church,  and  so  gained  power.  Anselm 
and  William  II. 

54.  Anselm  appeals  to  Rome  illegally.  Wil- 
liam admits  the  authority  of  the  pope,  and 
the  legate  confirms  Anselm,  who  never- 
theless flies  from  England.  Investitures. 

55.  Henry  recalls  Anselm;  the  dispute  be- 
tween them  compromised.  Celibacy  of 
the  clergy  insisted  on  in  vain. 

56.  Stephen  increases  the  power  of  the  pope 
by  his  injustice.  The  bishop  of  Win- 
chester summons  the  king  before  him. 
Perjury  promoted  by  dispensations.  The 
miseries  of  England. 

57.  Henry  II.  accepts  a  grant  of  Ireland  from 
the  pope.  Becket.  Exemption  of  eccle- 
siastics from  civil  jurisdiction.  Constitu- 
tions of  Clarendon.  Becket  is  persecuted, 
and  flies. 

58.  He  is  received  by  the  court  of  France  and 
the  pope;  Henry  very  violent;  Becket 
equally  so;  an  outward  reconciliation  is 
made  in  vain. 

59.  Becket  murdered;  miracles  at  his  tomb. 
Henry  submissive  lo  the  church.  Beck- 
et's  character. 

60.  Heresy  first  punishe  l,  1 160.  Gerhard  and 
his  followers,  their  opinions  uncertain. 

61.  Interference  of  Rome.  Convent  at  Hack- 
ington;  at  Lambeth.  Tax  imposed  on 
the  clergy  by  the  pope. 

62.  John.  Dispute  about  the  election  of  an 
archbishopof Canterbury;  Stephen  Lang- 
ton  appointed  by  the  pope.  England  laid 
under  an  interdict,  and  John  excommuni- 
cated. 

63.  Philip  of  France  proceeds  to  depose  John  ; 
the  barons  discontented;  John  submits  to 
the  pope.  The  pope  adverse  to  Magna 
Charta.  The  council  of  the  Lateran  de- 
clares transubslantiation  to  be  a  tenet  of 
the  church. 

64.  Papal  power.  Further  exactions  from  the 
clergy  refused. 

65.  Greathead  opposes  the  papal  usurpations  ; 
esteems  the  pope  antichrist. 

66.  Edward  I.  Increased  power  of  the  clergy. 
Statutes  for  trying  clerks  by  a  jury,  and 
of  mortmain.  Heavy  taxes  imposed  on 
the  clergy.  The  bull  lo  free  ecclesiastical 
property  from  taxation  was  inefiicacious. 


67.  Growth  of  the  papal  power. 

68.  Disputes  between  the  crown  and  the 
church  on  temporal  rights  drove  the 
church  into  the  arms  of  Rome,  and  then 
induced  the  crown  to  submit  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  pope. 

69.  The  church  taxes  itself;  the  oppr,ession 
of  the  crown  induces  churchmen  to  ac- 
quire temporal  power,  which  could  alone 
defend  their  property. 

70.  Source  of  the  power  of  Rome;  a  centre 
of  combination  for  churchmen,  and  of' 
defence  against  the  oppression  of  the 
crown.  The  vices  of  Rome  its  only 
weakness. 

CHAPTER  m.   p.  26. 

101.  Abuses  must  become  galling  to  the  peo- 
ple before  they  create  any  great  anxiety 
to  remove  them. 

102.  Political  abuses  connected  with  the 
church  of  Rome;  attempts  to  limit  the 
papal  power,  not  to  destroy  it;  injustice 
of  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the 
clergy. 

103.  Wealth  taken  out  of  the  kingdom  ;  papal 
provisions.  Foreigners  holding  prefer- 
ments. Annates;  clergy  taxed  by  the 
pope.  Peter's  pence;  bribes  for  aiding 
suitors;  papal  officers  spies.  The  right 
of  sanctuary  injurious  to  the  country. 

104.  Statutes  to  restrain  the  papal  power. 
Mortmain  ;  impolicy  of  the  enactment; 
Provisors.  Praemunire. 

105.  Moral  abuses;  corruptions  of  the  court 
of  Rome.  Pride  and  luxury  of  theclergy; 
celibacy  ;  worldly  employments  ;  igno- 
rance ;  mendicant  orders. 

106.  Doctrinal  errors  of  the  church  of  Rome. 
Idolatry  ;  pilgrimages  ;  pardons  ;  tran- 
snbstantiation. 

107.  Small  hopes  of  reformation  from  Rome 
itself;  inadequacy  of  canons;  dispensa- 
tions profitable  to  Rome. 

108.  Wiclif  distinguished  at  Oxford;  writes 
against  the  covetousness  of  the  court  of 
Rome. 

109.  Expelled  from  the  wardenship  of  Can- 
terbury Hall;  an  enemy  to  the  friars; 
disputes  on  the  arrears  claimed  by  the 
pope ;  takes  the  degree  of  D.  D. ;  reads 
lectures. 

110.  Compromise  with  the  pope  about  provi- 
sions. Peter's  pence  redemanded;  Wic- 
lif declares  them  not  to  be  due ;  offends 
the  pope  and  clergy. 

111.  Wiclif  brought  before  S.  Sudbury,  in  St 
Paul's ;  his  doctrines  approved  in  Ox- 
ford ;  Wiclif  brought  before  the  archbi- 
shop at  Lambeth  ;  sends  in  a  declaration 
of  faith  on  certain  points. 

112.  He  labours  under  a  severe  fever^  the 
friars  visit  him ;  translates  the  Scrip- 
tures ;  opposes  transubslantiation  ;  sum- 
moned before  commissioners  in  Oxford; 
leaves  the  university ;  reported  to  have 
recanted. 


CONTENTS. 


113.  Prepares  his  mind  for  martyrdom.  Sta- 
tute against  heretics;  dies  of  the  palsy. 

114.  His  grreat  learning  and  good  qualities; 
opposes  the  temporal  power  and  the  doc- 
trines of  Rome;  both  these  are  endan- 
gered by  his  preaching. 

115.  Opinions  of  Wiciif  adverse  to  the  papal 
supremacy. 

116.  He  asserts  the  duty  of  the  laity  to  take 
away  church  property  which  is  misused. 
Celibacy ;  vows  taken  early  in  life  a 
great  snare.  The  Scriptures  his  ultimate 
standard. 

117.  He  differs  from  the  church  of  England 
with  regard  to  purgatory;  and  deems 
episcopacy  not  a  distinct  order. 

118.  Seven  Sacraments.  Baptism.  Confirma- 
tion not  confined  to  bishops.  Absolution 
and  confession.  Matrimony.  Pilgrim- 
ages. Images. 

119.  Transubstantialion.  The  first  formal  de- 
termination on  it  in  England.  He  held 
sound  doctrines  with  regard  to  the  atone- 
ment and  sanctification. 

120.  The  Lollards  numerous.  Poor  priests. 
His  doctrines  promote  disturbances.  Ox- 
ford friendly  to  his  doctrines,  gives  him 
letters  testimonial. 

121.  Proclamation  against  the  Lollards;  their 
petition.  Henry  IV.  grants  power  to  the 
church.    Siatute  De  hteretico  comburendo. 

122.  William  Sawirey  burnt ;  succession  of 
martyrs;  their  examinations,  chiefly  on 
transubstantiation,  and  submission  to  the 
church. 

123.  Lord  Cobham  had  joined  Henry  IV.  In 
the  reign  of  Henry  V.  he  diffuses  the  doc- 
trines of  Wiciif.  Henry  tries  to  convince 
him  of  his  error. 

124.  He  fs  brought  to  trial ;  his  examination 
resembles  that  of  Thorpe;  their  answers 
correspond  with  the  opinions  of  Wiciif. 
Lord  Cobham  escapes;  he  denies  a  ficti- 
tious recantation  which  had  been  pub- 
lished ;  he  is  hung  in  St.  Giles's  field. 

125.  A  previous  disturbance  had  taken  place 
there ;  with  which  Lord  Cobham  had 
probably  no  connection. 

126.  Pecock  promotes  the  Reformation  by  ex- 
cusing Romish  errors,  and  analyzing 
what  was  innocent  in  them  ;  he  is  made 
bishop  of  St.  Asaph  and  Chichester;  and 
deprived  of  his  preferments. 

127.  Heoffended  by  supporting  the  papal  power 
on  sound  principles,  and  thus  actually  be- 
traying its  weakness.  Images.  Pilgrim- 
ages. 

128.  Defends  the  supremacy,  and  a  variety 
of  religious  orders,  but  blames  the  abuses 
into  which  ihey  had  run. 

129.  The  Bible  the  standard  of  his  faith;  his 
opinions  not  far  from  those  of  Wiciif; 
possessed  of  no  great  talents. 

130  A  continued  succession  of  martyrs.  De- 
pravity of  the  religious  orders. 

131.  Summary  of  the  history.  Reasons  why 
power  is  given  to  the  ministers  of  the 
gospel.    Misused  by  the  church  of  Rome. 


132.  The  establishment  still  useful  as  a  poli- 
tical engine.  The  papacy  a  check  to  the 
crown.  Importance  of  ecciesiasiical  ap- 
pointments ;  the  right  to  them  is  disputed 
between  the  lower  clergy,  the  pope,  and 
the  king. 

133.  This  competition  arose  from  the  value 
of  preferments.  Bi»;hoprics  at  first  elec- 
tive ;  when  they  became  valuable,  they 
were  sought  by  the  king,  and  tne  court 
of  Rome  stepped  in  to  defend  the  clergy, 
and  to  take  the  appointment  into  her  own 
hands. 

134.  'I'he  wrong  appointments  of  each  party 
destroyed  the  benefit  of  tne  establish- 
ment; and  as  this  arose  from  the  wealth 
of  the  preferment,  the  reformers  inveighed 
against  this. 

135.  Real  difficulty  of  the  question  :  consider- 
able power  then  necessary  to  defend  the 
property  of  the  church,  which  was  useful 
in  promoting  peace  and  civilization  ;  this 
power  abused,  and  a  reformation  abso- 
lutely necessary.  Bishoprics  appointed 
to  by  the  crown.  Wiciif  and  his  followers 
inveigh  against  any  temporal  power  in 
the  hands  of  churchmen. 

130.  Offices  of  state  in  the  hands  of  church- 
men. Exclusive  jurisdiction.  Papal 
power  dependent  on  false  doctrines,  and 
these  attacked  by  Wiciif.  His  transla- 
tion of  the  Bible  showed  the  people  the 
truth,  and  persecution  directed  their  at- 
tention to  it. 

137.  Steps  towards  a  reformation.  Wealth 
of  the  clergy  observed  and  reprobated. 
The  existence  of  an  English  translation, 
of  tracts,  and  preachers  who  were  ready 
to  suffer.  Many  persons  of  rank  con- 
vinced. Wiciif  foresaw  the  final  effect 
of  truth.  We  must  look  up  through  the 
instruments  to  the  great  Artificer. 

CHAPTER  IV.    p.  42. 

151.  Causes  of  the  Reformation:  discussion, 
extension  of  knowledge.  Bill  subjecting 
all  robbers  to  the  civil  power.  A  preacher 
inveighs  against  it. 

152.  Hunne  dies  in  prison.  Coroner's  ver- 
dict of  murder  against  the  chancellor. 
Hunne's  body  burnt.  The  king  supports 
the  civil  power. 

153.  Compromise  about  Horsey,  the  chancel- 
lor. Irritation  of  the  people.  Imprudence 
of  the  clergy. 

154.  Vices  of  the  clergy.  Wolsey. 

155.  Wolsey,  history  of.  Fox  introduces  him 
to  Henry  VIII.  His  rise.  Influence  over 
Henry.  His  honesty  unnecessarily  ques- 
tioned. 

156.  Wolsey  spoils  Henry ;  his  good  qualities 
and  faults. 

157.  Henry's  book  against  Luther.  Greek 
literature  ;  patronized  by  Henry  and  M'ol- 
sey.  The  study  cf  the  Scriptures.  The 
cardinal's  college.  Colet  leads  lectures 
in  St.  Paul's ;  accused  of  heresy.  Igno- 


zii 


CONTENTS. 


ranee  of  ihe  clergy.  Gospel  of  Nicode- 
miis  sei  up  at  Canterbury.  Prinlino;. 

!58.  The  divorce;  causes  of  ii.  Henry  VIII. 
protests  against  the  marriage.  He  fears 
the  curse  of  dying  childless.  Wolsey  ac- 
cused of  insinuating  scruples  inio  the 
king's  mind  by  means  of  Longland. 
Henry  probably  entertained  them  before 
his  love  for  Anne  Boleyn. 

!59.  Proposals  made  to  Clement  VII.  Cam- 
pegio  sent  to  England  ;  he  brings  a  bull 
with  hira,  which  he  afterwards  burns  ;  he 
causes  delays,  and  at  last  postpones  the 
decision. 

160.  The  cause  transferred  to  Rome.  Wol- 
sey's  fall;  he  is  unjustly  treated. 

161.  Wolsey  submits,  goes  to  Yorlf,  and  dies  ; 
his  character;  a  good  minister;  weak 
after  his  fall. 

}62.  The  decision  of  the  question  of  the  di- 
vorce referred  to  the  Universities;  those 
of  England  and  France  declare  the  mar- 
riage illegal. 

163.  Decisions  against  the  marriage.  Cle- 
ment still  deceitful.  The  clergy  in  Eng- 
land comply  with  the  wishes  of  the  king, 
through  fear,  and  with  difficulty  acknow- 
ledge his  supremacy. 

164.  The  parliament  object  to  the  power  of 
the  clergy.  First-fruils  taken  from  the 
pope.  Cranmer,  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury; his  objection  to  the  oaths  to  the 
pope. 

165.  Divorce  declared.  The  king  had  refused 
lo  appear  by  proxy.  Difficulty  of  arguing 
against  the  papal  dispensaiion  before  the 
pope.  The  delay  of  a  messenger  hastens 
the  decision. 

166.  Laws  against  the  pope.  Supremacy  of 
the  king.  The  power  of  bishops'  courts 
curtailed.  Succession.  Oath  of  supre- 
macy. 

167.  More  and  Fisher  sent  to  the  Tower.  The 
Maid  of  Kent. 

168.  Character  of  Sir  Thomas  More  ;  and  his 
death. 

169.  Character  of  Fisher  ;  his  death.  Marga- 
ret professorships. 

170.  The  clergy  are  hated  ;  the  causes  of  this. 
Persecutions  :  Bilney,  Byfield,  Tewksbu- 
ry,  Bainham,  Tracy,  Harding,  Hewett, 
P'rith.    Purgatory  attacked. 

171.  Supplication  of  Beggars.  Practice  of 
prelates. 

172.  'I'he  papal  supremacy  not  more  arbitrary 
than  thatof  Henry.  The  Scriptures,  and 
the  discussion  of  religious  questions. 

173.  The  effects  of  persecution  ;  of  burning 
the  Scriptures.    Story  of  Tonstal. 

174.  Review  of  the  Reformation,  ("haracter 
of  those  who  were  chief]  v  instrumental  in 
producing  it;  Henry,  Wolsey,  Sir  Tho- 
mas More,  Clement. 

GH.APTER  V.   p.  54. 

201.  The  church  of  Ensland  must  be  dated 
from  the  divorce.   The  clergy  irritate  the 


king.  Franciscans  executed.  Visitation 
of  the  chuich.  Inhibition  sent  to  the 
bishops;  iheir  ecclesiastical  authority 
restored  to  ihem  by  a  commission  from 
ihe  king.  The  bishops  raise  no  opposi- 
tion. 

202.  The  king's  object  in  dissolving  tnonaste- 
ries.  Cranmer's  instructions  given  to  the 
visitors.  Voluntary  surrenders.  All  mo- 
nasteries under  200/.  per  annum  given  to 
the  king.  Number  of  these  fcutidaiions  ; 
ihey  bring  little  profit  to  the  crown. 

203.  Execution  of  Anne  Boleyn  ;  her  inno- 
cence. Divorce.  Cranmer.  Henry  re- 
conciled to  Mary. 

204.  Henry  marries  Jane  Se3'mour.  Act  of 
Succession.  Acts  of  parliament  against 
the  pope's  authority. 

205.  Convocation.  Alesse  argues  against  the 
five  sacraments.  Parties  now  formed  in 
the  church.    Articles  put  forth. 

20C>.  Abstract  of  the  Articles. 

207.  Proclamation  of  the  clergy  in  favour  of 
real  reform. 

208.  General  council  assembled  at  Mantua. 
Henry  is  summoned  to  appear.  I'he 
convocation  and  king  reject  the  sum- 
mons. Cardinal  Pole  writes  against  the 
king. 

209.  Surrender  of  monasteries  ;  distress  occa- 
sioned thereby.  Some  religious  houses 
re-founded.  Pilgrimage  of  grace.  King's 
letter  to  the  bishops. 

210.  Northern  rebellion  suppressed.  Many 
executed. 

211.  The  suppression  of  monasteries  hastened 
by  this  ;  a  new  visitation  appointed  ;  dis- 
orders discovered  in  many  of  them  ;  ex- 
ceptions. 

212.  Surrenders;  small  benefit  derived  to  the 
crown.    Shrines,  &c.,  destroyed. 

213.  Bishops'  book  and  king's  book. 

214.  New  line  of  policy  adopted  by  Gardiner. 
Corporal  presence  in  the  sacrament.  Dif- 
ficulty with  regard  to  the  Lutheran  states 
The  sacramentaries. 

215.  Lambert;  brought  before  Cranmer;  ap- 
peals to  the  king;  his  trial;  the  event  of 
it;  he  is  burnt,  with  very  great  suffering. 

216.  Proclamation  against  the  marriage  of  the 
clergy.    Cranmer  screened. 

217.  The  king  angry  with  the  Protestants 
because  they  refused  to  grant  him  all 
the  church  property.  The  Six  Articles ; 
Cranmer  argues  against  them;  the  penal- 
ties imposed  by  them  severe. 

218.  Act  for  the  suppression  of  monasteries; 
for  the  erection  of  new  bishoprics  ;  to 
sanction  the  king's  proclamations.  Cran- 
mer little  affected  by  the  law  of  the  Six 
Articles.  Latimer  and  Shaxton  resign 
their  sees.  Proclamation  for  printing 
the  Bible. 

219.  Henry  marries  Anne  of  Cleves.  Fall  of 
Cromwell;  Cranmer  speaks  for  him  ;  he 
i^  condemned  by  an  act  of  attainder. 

220.  Cromwell's  character. 

221.  Henrydivorcedfrom  Anne  of  Cleves;  she 


CONTENTS. 


resides  in  England.  He  marries  Catha- 
rine Howard.  Poweroflhe  Roman  Catho- 
lics. Martyrdom  of  Barnes.  Observation 
of  Lord  Herbert  on  persecution. 
232.  Proclamation  in  favour  of  the  Bible.  Ex- 
ecution of  the  queen;  an  attempt  to  sup- 
press the  Bible;  the  examination  of  the 
translation  referred  lo  the  universities. 

223.  Injunctions  put  forth  by  Bishop  Bonner; 
preaching  forbidden.  Homilies  published. 
Writing  sermons.  An  act  of  parliament 
for  antl  against  the  reformers  as  to  burn- 
ing heretics  and  reading  the  Bible  ;  great 
power  granted  by  it  to  the  king.  "The 
Necessary  Doctrine"  published. 

224.  Catharine  Parr.  Persecution  at  Wind- 
sor. Plot  against  Cranmer;  his  forgiving 
temper.  Litany  put  forth  in  English; 
with  other  prayers. 

225.  Reformers  advanced  to  the  bench.  Cha- 
pels and  chantries  given  to  the  king; 
alarm  of  the  universities.  The  king's 
judicious  speech  about  religion  ;  his  per- 
secuting conduct.  Shaxton.  Anne  As- 
kew burnt;  her  supposed  connection  with 
the  court. 

226.  Cranmer's  danger;  the  ill  conduct  of  the 
council  towards  him.  Danger  of  the 
queen  ;  she  becomes  acquainted  with  it, 
and  parries  the  blow. 

227.  Lord  Surrey's  execution.  Danger  of 
attainders.  Number  of  persons  executed 
during  the  reign.  Henry's  character;  he 
was  ungrateful  to  his  servants,  but  well 
served  ;  he  was  selfish. 

228.  He  was  possessed  of  considerable  natu- 
ral talents  and  virtues,  but  these  were  all 
spoilt  by  want  of  restraint  over  himself; 
cruel ;  liberal-minded  when  not  irritated  ; 
with  all  his  vices  a  great  instrument  in 
the  hands  of  Providence,  which  worked 
good  out  of  evil. 

229.  'I'he  papal  power  thrown  down  by  opi- 
nion as  well  as  law.  The  people  taught 
to  think  for  themselves.  The  clergy 
plundered,  and  deprived  of  the  means  of 
acquiring  wealth  by  the  attack  which 
had  been  made  on  the  doctrine  of  purga- 
tory. The  Bible  dispersed,  and  children 
instructed. 

230.  Corporal  presence  still  held.  Celibacy. 
The  service  in  Latin.  Ecclesiastical 
courts.  Auricular  confession  ;  evils  of  it. 

231.  The  influence  of  the  Reformation  in  Ger- 
many not  considerable  during;  this  reign. 

232.  'I'he  Protestants  write  -to  England  ami 
France.  Henr}' answers  them.  He  sends 

^  ambassadors  to  Smalcalde  and  Bruns- 
wick. Agents  sent  to  London.  The 
points  to  which  they  object.  The  act  of 
the  Six  Articles  puts  an  end  to  the  whole 
discussion. 

APPENDIX  A.  TO  CHAPTER  V.    p.  70. 

OS  THE  DISSOLUTION  OF  MONASTF.HIF.S. 

241.  The  question  to  be  examined.  Whether 
the  transfer  of  property  aided  the  Refor- 
mation, and  whether  it  was  beneficial. 
(3) 


242.  Monasteries  originally  rich,  and  useful 
as  places  where  the  arts  of  peace  wer? 
securely  exercised. 

243.  The  Danes  restore  monasteries.  Benefit 
of  the  right  of  asylum. 

244.  Lay  fiefs  a  premium  on  war;  ecclesias- 
tical foundations  on  peace,  and  therefore 
practically  beneficial. 

245.  Architecture,  literature,  and  trade  pro- 
moted by  them. 

246.  By  degrees  they  become  less  useful. 

247.  Monasteries  favoured  by  the  people, 
because  they  supported  the  younger 
branches  of  the  nobility  and  gentry;  and 
were  good  landlords  and  charitable  to 
the  poor.  Celib^y  directed  the  exer- 
tions of  every  churchman  to  the  exten- 
sion of  his  order. 

24S.  The  monastic  establishments  would  hard- 
ly have  been  thrown  down  without  some 
external  force;  this  was  provided  in  the 
rapacity  of  Henry.  The  doctrine  of  pur- 
gatory examined.  Many  plans  for  the 
application  of  the  wealth  of  the  dissolved 
foundations. 

249.  Henry's  plans  ;  construction  of  harbours. 
Bacon's  ;  a  seminary  for  diplomacy. 

250.  Impropriations  continued,  a  great  evil. 

251.  Question  as  to  the  application  of  the 
church  revenues.  Education  promoted 
by  assisting  those  who  are  already  pos- 
sessed of  the  means  of  instruction.  Uni- 
versity wanted  in  the  north  of  England. 

252.  Lands  of  corporate  bodies  are  compara- 
tively unproductive.  Activity  in  educa- 
tion promoted  by  competition. 

253.  Evils  and  hardships  immediately  arising 
from  the  dissolution  of  monasteries. 

254.  It  is  wonderful  how  easily  the  propertv 
was  taken  away  from  the  monasteries  • 
it  ultimately  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
industrious. 

255.  At  the  lime  the  transfer  was  most  inju- 
rious. 

256.  Destruction  of  property  and  libraries 
loss  to  history. 

257.  Many  persons  thrown  out  of  emploj-- 
raent;  there  were  then  too  many  agricul- 
tural labourers. 

258.  Amount  of  the  transfer  of  property;  the 
efl^ects  of  it  injurious  at  the  time. 

259.  The  ultimate  results  beneficial.  Benefi*'^ 
of  a  church  establishment.  The  laitv 
chiefly  instrumental  in  bad  appointmenli. 

APPENDIX  B.  TO  CHAPTER  V.  p.  79. 

nOCTIlINES    PnKVALKNT    AT    THF.    KND    OF  TKi! 
nKICS   OF  HENKY-VIII. 

271.  Three  treatises  put  forth  by  authority. 
The  doctrines  contained  in  these  retro- 
grade. 

272.  The  articles  inserted  in  the  Institution. 
Points  in  which' the  Erudition  had  ad- 
vanced towards  the  doctrines  of  our 
church.  The  order  of  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles  convenient  for  examining  these 
doctrines.  Arrangement  of  the  tracts 
themselves. 


CONTENTS. 


273.  Witn  regard  to  the  Trinitj%  the  church 
of  England  agrees  with  that  of  Rome. 

274.  With  regard  to  the  standard  of  faith,  the 
difference  is  greater  in  appearance  tiian 
in  reality.  'I'he  DecaUigue  admitted ;  ex- 
ception of  the  fourth  commandment. 

275.  Original  .--in.  Freewill.  Justification  by 
faith.  Good  works.  Worlcs  done  before 
jusiiticaiion  ;  and  of  supererogation. 

276.  (."hrist  alone  without  sin.  Repentance. 
Predestination.  Universality  of  redemp- 
tion. Salvation  through  Christ  alone. 
These  doctrines  not  so  distinctly  laid 
down  as  in  the  Thirty-nine  Articles. 

277.  .Articles  relating  to  the  church.  Errors 
of  Rome  not  stated.  Diversity  of  rites 
does  not  destroy  unity.  Purgatory,  mass- 
es, and  exequies.  Images.  Invocation 
of  saints. 

278.  Seven  sacraments;  difference  with  re- 
gard to  different  sacraments.  Baptism  ; 
penance;  and  the  Lord's  supper.  The 
other  four  not  equally  necessary.  The 
difference  as  to  the  manner  in  which  the 
church  of  England  holds  these  is  merely 
concerning  the  name.  In  baptism  ihe 
chrism  retained. 

279.  Penance  or  repentance  ;  the  sacramental 
partof  it  consists  in  absolution.  Doctrines 
of  the  churches  of  England  and  Rome; 
that  01  the  Erudition  nearer  the  church  of 
Rome;  danger  of  this  doctrine.  Orders; 
two  only  mentioned  in  Scripture, different 
from  either  Ihe  church  of  England  or 
Rome.   Confirmation.   Extreme  unction. 

280.  Transubsiantiation.  Matrimony.  Celi- 
bacy of  the  clergy. 

281.  Traditions  and  ceremonies.  The  king's 
siipremac}'. 

282.  In  doctrinal  points  the  Erudition  made 
small  progress.  Differences  between  ihe 
two  churches.  Papal  infallibility  the 
curse  of  Rome. 

283.  Points  of  difference  between  the  Institu- 
tion and  Erudition.  Transubsiantiation; 
ceremonies;  justification  b}'  faith;  in 
•vhich  ihe  latter  had  gone  back  as  to  its 
doctrines.  ^ 

CHAPTER  VI.    p.  85. 

301.  Lord  Hartford  made  Protector.  Cranmer 
retiring  in  his  disposition.  Wriolhesley 
injudicious ;  this  circumstance  favour- 
able to  the  Reformation. 

303.  The  common  people  hasty  in  reforming; 
some  persons  reprimanded  for  it.  Cran- 
mer anxious  to  destroy  images.  Gardi- 
ner writes  in  favour  of  them. 

303.  Henry  VIII.  left  money  for  masses  and 
obits;  the  progress  of  opinion  not  rapid; 
delayed  by  giving  preferments  to  monks 
who  had  been  turned  out  from  monaste- 
ries. Poverty  of  benefices  a  hinderance 
to  ihe  gospel. 

304.  Opponents  to  reformation  strong.  Cran- 
mer uses  civil  authority  against  them. 
VisitatioD    for    ecclesiastical  matters. 


[  Images  which  had  been  abused  lo  false 
devotion,  to  be  taken  down. 

305.  First  book  of  Homilies  published.  Eras- 
mus' Paraphrase  to  be  set  up  in  every 
church.  Petition  for  the  dead  altered. 
Injunctions  sent  forth. 

30G.  The  reformers  strengthened  by  the  suc- 
cess in  Scotland.  Severity  used  towards 
opponents.  Bonner  and  Gardiner  sent  to 
prison.  Mary  remonstrates,  and  objects 
to  any  alterations  during  her  broilier's 
minority. 

307.  'J'he  parliament  repeal  the  severe  laws, 
('ommunion  in  both  kinds  granted  the 
lait}'.  Private  masses  forliidden.  Laws 
about  bishops  and  their  courts.  Chan- 
tries given  to  the  crown ;  alarm  about 
colleges. 

308.  Images  removed.  Proclamation  against 
innovating.  Communion  examined;  ques- 
tions proposed;  many  superstitious  no- 
tions still  retained. 

309.  Comnauuion  Service  published.  Auri- 
cular confession  left  optional  ;  the  evils 
arising  from  confession  have  made  Pro- 
testants neglect  it.  These  arose  from  the 
corruption  of  the  early  customs  of  the 
church.  The  church  of  England  recom- 
mends it,  but  neglects  it. 

310.  Gardiner  imprisoned  for  refusing  to 
preach  according  to  notes  given  him 
from  court.    Cranmer's  Caiechism.  ^ 

311.  Bill  for  the  marriage  of  the  clergy.  The 
law  of  God  does  not  enjoin  celibacy,  and 
the  imposing  it  is  injurious  to  morals. 
The  secular  clergv  boun  1  by  no  oath. 

312.  Psalm  singing.  Fish  enjoined  to  be  eaten 
on  fast  days,  to  support  the  fisheries.  Sir 
Thomas  Seymour,  the  admiral,  executed. 

313.  Ecclesiastical  visitation.  Examination  of 
points  of  faith.  Transubsiantiation.  Con- 
substantiation.  Doctrine  of  the  church  of 
England. 

314.  Disputations  in  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
on  transubstantiation. 

315.  .Anabaptists,  confusicm  about  them  ;  a 
commission  appointed  against  them. 
Joan  Bocher  burnt.  Edward  unwilling 
to  sign  the  warrant ;  Cranmer  ui  i;es  him. 
George  Van  Pare  burnt. 

316.  'J'he  new  Liturgy  drawn  up  with  great 
moderation.  Wisdom  of  having  the  old 
prayers  in  Latin;  an  odd  argument  in  its 
favo  u  r. 

317.  Infant  baptism  and  predestination  the 
causes  of  differences  in  the  church.  Dis- 
solute morals  prevalent.  Labourers  out 
of  employment.  Risings  in  Norfolk  and 
Devonshire.    The  demands  of  the  rebels. 

318.  Bonner  deprived  of  his  bishopric  for  not 
preaching  as  he  was  direcied. 

319.  The  fall  of  Protector  Somerset.  Tht  earl 
of  Warwick  (duke  of  Norihumbeiland) 
joins  the  reformers.  Old  service  books 
destroyed.  Ordination  service  prepared. 
Heath  sent  lo  prison. 

320.  Gardiner  detained  in  prison,  and  deprived 
of  his  bishopric. 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


821.  Hooper  entertains  scruples  about  the 
dresses ;  Cranmer,  Ridley,  and  Biicer 
argue  against  him.  The  question  ol'con- 
formiij'. 

322.  Common  prayer  reviewed.  Prayers  for 
(he  dead,  exorcisms,  &c.,  objected  to  by 
Bucer;  his  book  given  to  Edward  VI. 
Edward's  own  book. 

323.  Ridley  made  bishop  of  London  ;  his  visit- 
ation. Altars  changed  into  communion 
tables.    Preaching  on  week-days  stopped. 

324.  Many  foreign  Protestants  fly  into  Eng- 
land. John  a  Lasco  the  siiperiiiteiideut 
of  the  churches  in  London.  Many  learned 
men  received  by  Cranmer;  his  plan  of  a 
Protestant  uiiinn. 

325.  The  Forty-two  Articles  prepared ;  no 
grounds  for  deeming  them  a  compromise 
of  opinions. 

326.  Common  Prayer  altered.  Six  king's 
preachers  appointed  and  sent  through 
the  country. 

327.  Mary's  chaplain  imprisoned  for  saying 
mass  ;  she  will  listen  to  no  arguments  on 
the  subject. 

328.  Execution  of  the  Protector.  His  death 
attributed  to  the  duke  of  Northumberland. 
Means  taken  to  injure  him  in  the  opinion 
of  his  nephew. 

329.  Acts  of  parliament.  Liturgy;  holidays; 
fasting;  eating  fish;  marriage  of  the 
clergy.    The  parliament  dissolved. 

330.  Commission  for  reforming  ecclesiastical 
courts.  Poverty  of  the  church.  Degrad- 
ing employments  of  the  clergy.  See 
of  Gloucester  suppressed  from  poverty. 
Spoliation  still  carried  on. 

331.  See  of  Durham  divided  by  act  of  parlia- 
ment. The  palatinate  given  to  the  duke 
of  IVorthumberland,  and  Tonstal  deprived 
for  misprision  ol'  treason.  The  larger 
Catechism  (Ponet's)  authorized, 

332.  Edward's  foundation  :  Si.  Bartholomew's 
hospital,  Christ's  hospital,  and  Bridewell. 

333.  The  duke  of  Northumberland  persuades 
Edward  VL  to  leave  the  crown  to  hndy 
Jane  Grey;  the  crown  lawyers  unwilling 
to  draw  the  deed;  Cranmer  unwilling  to 
sign  it ;  Judge  Hales  refuses. 

334.  Ed  ward  near  his  death  ;  his  character,  by 
Cardan.  Cranmer's  and  Ridley's  speecli 
to  Cheke. 

335.  State  of  the  church  of  England.  The 
lower  orders  not  generally  fond  of  the 
Reformation  ;  the  upper  orders  bribed  to 
approve  of  it;  the  clergy  adverse  to  ii. 
Morals  depraved  by  thf  transfer  of  pro- 
perty, and  the  destruction  of  the  power 
of  the  ecclesiastical  courts. 

336.  Erastiani^m  of  the  church  of  England. 
The  question  discussed,  whether  the  re- 
ligion of  our  church  be  a  parliamentary 
one.  Too  great  temporal  power  of  the 
church  of  Rome  produced  a  readion. 

337.  The  power  opposed  to  reformation  con- 
siderable; danger  of  delay  from  the  state 
of  the  king.  Opinions  of  Cranmer  very 
Erastian. 


338.  Churchmen  drew  up  the  reforms;  the 
parliament  or  king  sanctioned  them.  The 
alterations  must  depend  on  their  own 
merits. 

3?)'.).  'I'he  commissions  granted  to  the  bishops 
destroyed  the  nature  of  a  ministry.  The 
bishops  generally  entertained  opinions  al 
variance  with  them,  and  their  acts  must 
be  valid.  This  does  not  decide  whether 
Cranmer  were  wise  in  his  proe.eeding.s. 

.340.  There  was  not  only  need  of  reformation, 
but  of  restraining  innovators;  and  the 
exertion  of  the  temporal  power  was  pro- 
bably alone  adequate  to  both  these  ends. 
It  cast  out  superstition  and  preserved 
episcopacy,  and  the  decent  ceremonies 
of  religion. 

341.  Our  standards  drawn  from  Lutheran 
sources.  Melanclhon  invited  to  Eng- 
land, and  consulted  with  regard  to  the 
Articles  of  153G;  many  of  ihe  Fotiy-two 
Articles  borrowed  from  him  ;  article  on 
consubstaniiation.  Services  formed  from 
Lutheran  sources. 

312.  The  documents  of  our  church  not  origi- 
nal ;  wisely  borrowed  from  other  sources. 
She  altered  as  little  as  she  could;  and 
where  she  was  forced  to  alter,  borrowed 
from  previous  reformers.  This  the  wisest 
plan  of  proceeding. 

CHAPTER  Vn.    p.  106. 

351.  The  religious  opinions  ofMary  unfavour- 
able to  her  cause.  Some  persons  doubt 
as  to  Edward's  power  of  leaving  the 
crown  by  will.    Lady  Jane  Grey. 

352.  Mary  proclaimed  queen;  her  error  in 
promising  more  than  she  could  perform, 
or  perhaps  meant  to  do. 

353.  Gardiner  chancellor;  his  prudence  in 
wishing  to  bring  matters  connected  with 
religion  to  the  state  in  which  Henry  VIII. 
left  them;  afraid  of  Pole.  Precipitancy 
of  the  Roman  Catholics.  Bonner  rein- 
stated in  his  see. 

354.  Proliibition  of  preaching.  Restoration 
of  the  deprived  bishops.  Marv  hostile  to 
her  Protestant  friends;  many  Protestants 
fly  beyond  sea.  The  bishops  prepare  for 
persecution. 

355.  The  parliament  repeals  the  acts  of  Ed- 
ward. Lady  Jane  Grey  attainted  ;  Cran 
mer  compiehended  in  the  bill. 

356.  Cardinal  Pole  legate  ;  his  arrival  delayed 
by  the  advice  of  Gardiner.  The  idea  of 
any  personal  attachment  on  tlie  part  of 
Mary  unfounded.  Ttie  parliament  unfa- 
vourable to  the  Spanish  alliance  and  to 
the  papal  supremacy. 

357.  The  convocation  attacks  the  Common 
Prayer  and  Catechism.  Six  Protestants 
advocate  the  cause  of  the  Reformation; 
their  arguments  borne  down  by  clamour. 

358.  Public  disputations  useless;  a  remark 
of  Weston.  The  supposed  infallibility 
of  Rome  incompatible  with  free  discus- 


CONTENTS. 


.vri 

359.  Dislike  to  the  Spanish  match.  Wyat's 
rebellion.  Mary  strengthened  by  it.  Lady 
.lane  Grey  executed.  Severity  in  the  other 
e.xecutions. 

;J60.  Anti-reformation.  The  married  clergy 
are  ejected.  Bishoprics  void.  Haste  in 
these  proceedings. 

:361.  Abrogation  of  oaths.  Disputation  at  Ox- 
ford.   Patience  of  the  sufferers. 

n()2.  The  prisoners  at  Oxford  appeal  to  hea- 
ven;  those  in  London  decline  a  disputa- 
tion ;  declaration  of  faith  published  by 
them. 

3fi3.  The  marriage  of  the  queen  produced  no 
respite  to  the  reformers.  Revenge  mixed 
with  persecution.  The  evil  temper  on 
both  sides. 

Sf>4.  Reconciliation  with  Rome.  Attainder  of 
cardinal  Pole  reversed ;  his  arrival  in 
England;  he  inveighs  against  those  who 
detained  church  property ;  bull  of  Paul 
IV.  against  them.    Gardiner's  policy. 

3fio.  Discussion  with  regard  to  persecution. 
Gardiner's  sufferings;  his  boolc  on  the 
divorce  republished.  A  sort  of  inquisi- 
tion established. 

:iC6.  Persecution  ;  little  effect  produced  by  it; 
general  feeling  against  it.  Philip  and 
Alphonsus  oppose  it.  Mary  soured  by 
Philip's  neglect. 

3fi7.  Steps  for  delecting  heretics  ;  torture  em- 
ployed. Thanks  given  to  those  who 
sanctioned  persecution.  Many  fly  or 
apostatize.  Disputes  in  Germany.  Trou- 
bles at  Frankfort. 

:5C8.  Pole  adverse  to  persecution;  overruled 
by  Gardiner.  Gardiner's  death  and  cha- 
racter. 

:if<9.  Foundations  of  Mary;  her  sincerity  in 
this.  Reforms  passed  in  convocation. 
Pole  intends  to  publish  the  remodelled 
Institution  of  a  Christian  Man,  and  a  New 
Testament. 

370.  Cranmer  burnt ;  his  degradation  by  Bon- 
ner andThirlby;  his  fall ;  reflections  on 
It;  his  condemnation  after  recanting  for- 
tunate for  him  ;  his  character;  what  our 
church  owes  to  him. 
More  persecu  lions.  Ministers  every- 
where found  to  carry  on  their  task. 
Housekeepers  ordered  to  keep  their  ap- 
prentices from  burnings.  Books  brought 
from  abroad  ;  dissensions  there. 

372.  Cardinal  Pole  consecrated  archbishop 
of  Canterbury.  Mary  establishes  reli- 
gious houses;  destroys  documents  unfa- 
vourable 10  her  friends. 

373.  Visitation  of  the  universities;  they  dis- 
turb the  bones  of  reformers.  Commis- 
sion granted  to  Bonner.  Pole  unable  to 
restrain  persecution. 

374.  Paul  IV.  enraged  at  Pole;  takes  away 
his  legatine  powers.  Peto  refused  ad- 
mission into  England.  Loss  of  Calais. 
Money  granted  by  parliament.  More  per- 
secutions ;  numbers  who  suffered  during 
the  reign  ;  people  forbidden  to  pray  for 
the  suflferers. 


375.  Death  of  Mary;  her  character;  sincere; 
morose.    Death  of  Pole ;  his  character. 

CHAPTER  Vin.    p.  118. 

401.  The  varied  prospects  of  Elizabeth  on 
ascending  the  throne.  Fears  from  the 
Roman  Catholics.  Errors  of  the  late 
reign. 

402.  Prudence  of  her  conduct.  She  sends  to 
Philip,  to  Rome.  Paul  IV.  refuses  to  ac- 
knowledge her  as  queen;  a  step  injurious 
to  the  Roman  Catholics  of  England.  She 
strives  to  unite  all  her  subjects.  A  com- 
mittee appointed  to  examine  the  church 
services ;  some  prayers  allowed  in  Eng- 
lish. Preaching  forbidden.  Her  personal 
deportment  conciliating. 

403.  Coronation  performed  by  Oglethorp  ;  the 
other  bishops  refuse  to  assist.  Parlia- 
ment. The  supremacy  is  restored  to  the 
queen  without  the  name.  Oath  of  supre- 
macy imposed,  with  severe  penalties  in 
case  of  refusal. 

404.  Tenths  and  first-fruits  restored  to  the 
crown.  Power  of  exchanging  property 
between  vacant  bishoprics  and  the  crown : 
the  evil  of  this. 

405.  Act  of  Uniformity.  Disputation  held  in 
Westminster  Abbey ;  the  confusion  which 
ended  it  is  due  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
bishops;  points  disputed.  Objections  of 
the  bishops  to  any  discussion  before  the 
laity. 

406.  The  convocation  is  adverse  to  reform.  In- 
junctions set  forth.  Declaration  concern- 
ing the  supremacy.  High  commission 
established. 

407.  Ejection  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy. 
Appearance  of  combination  among  the 
bishops  ;  they  were  treated  generally  with 
moderation.  Heath.  Bonner  dies  in 
prison.  One  hundred  and  eighty-nine 
clergymen  ejected,  many  of  them  holding 
high  preferments  ;  the  conciliatory  mea- 
sures of  the  queen. 

408.  Abuse  of  images  inquired  into;  opinions 
of  the  queen  on  this  point.  She  retains 
a  crucifix  in  her  chapel.  AVrong  in  her 
temporizing. 

409.  Bishoprics  filled  up.  Difficulty  of  con- 
secrating the  new  bishops.  Parker,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  consecrated.  The 
story  of  the  Nag's  Head  consecration. 

410.  Defective  state  of  the  clergy.  Inade- 
quate persons  ordained.  Poverty  of  the 
church.    Its  eauses. 

411.  The  bishops  employed  in  their  dioceses, 
and  in  preparing  reforms.  Jewel's  apo- 
logy published. 

413.  Act  concerning  the  oath  of  supremacy; 
injurious  tendency  of  it.  The  Thirty- 
eight  articles  published.  Noel's  Cate- 
chism.   Second  book  of  Homilies. 

413.  Review  of  the  Reformation.  Fundament 
als  of  Christianity  more  clearly  esta 
blished.  The  rejection  of  transubstan 
tiation  enforces  the  personal  responsi 


CONTENTS. 


XTll 


bility  of  each  individual  Christian.  The 
clergy  the  guides,  not  the  judges  of  their 
brethren.  Fallibility  of  the  church.  Po- 
litical state  of  the  clergy  altered  by  their 
marriages,  and  their  diminished  wealth. 
Poverty  of  the  bishops.  Evils  arising 
from  the  Reformation.  Spoliation  ;  sub- 
jection of  the  church  to  the  state;  want 
of  ecclesiastical  discipline;  neglect  of 
the  means  of  religious  improvement;  con- 
fession; fasting;  want  of  restraint  over 
the  flock  in  the  clergy. 

CHAPTER  IX.    p.  128. 

4)4.  The  peace  of  the  church  disturbed  by 
disputes  about  trifles.  The  church  of 
Rome  used  too  many  ceremonies ;  the 
foreign  reformers  too  few;  their  opinions 
adopted  by  the  exiled  English. 

415.  The  question  of  dresses.  When  may 
the  subject  refuse  to  obey  1  When  should 
the  government  press  uniformity  1  What 
is  the  duty  of  an  ecclesiastical  oflicer  ! 
May  it  not  be  his  duty  to  obey  himself, 
without  pressing  others? 

416.  The  act  of  uniformity  enjoined  the  dresses 
of  the  first  Prayer  Book  of  Edward  VI. 
Elizabeth  presses  uniformity;  objections 
to  the  cap  and  surplice;  most  of  the  cler- 
gy comply  ;  Sampson  and  Humphrey  re- 
fuse ;  they  are  deprived. 

H7.  Difficulty  of  judging  on  such  questions. 
Greater  indulgence  might  probably  have 
been  used  with  advantage. 

418.  Opinion  of  Jewel,  who  disliked  the 
dresses,  yet  conformed.  Sandys  averse 
to  them.  Grindal  complied  against  his 
good-will.  Parker  had  entertained  doubts. 
Whitgift  had  petitioned  against  them. 

419.  Foreigners  advise  submission.  The 
Scotch  church  wrote  in  favour  of  the 
nonconformists. 

•J30.  Elizabeth  very  peremptory.  Parker  irri- 
tated, and  not  well  supported  by  the  court; 
the  difficulties  of  his  situation. 

421.  The  puritans  resisted  the  civil  power 
vested  in  the  hands  of  the  bishops  :  and 
the  struggle  by  degrees  became  partly  po- 
litical. 

422.  Both  parties  in  the  wrong.  Parker  not 
suited  to  concession,  which  was  at  first 
easy.  He  was  harsh  in  comparison  with 
Grindal,  and  unconciliating  towards  the 
London  clergy. 

42.3.  Objections  of  the  puritans.  Book  of 
Common  Prayer.  Church  music.  Disci- 
pline of  the  church.  Bishops,  and  the 
non-election  of  ministers.  Scarcity  of 
ministers.  Non-residence. 

424.  Baptismal  service;  sign  of  the  cross; 
answers  made  by  the  sponsors.  Lay  bap- 
tism. Churching  of  women.  Cathedral 
service. 

425.  Discipline.  Episcopacy,  either  totally 
objected  to,  or  disliked,  from  the  wealth 
and  power  of  the  bishops.  The  presby- 
tery possessed  of  no  spiritual  power. 


Civil  liberty  connected  with  the  ques 
lion. 

426.  Ordination  without  election.  Want  of 
parochial  discipline.  The  church  had 
neither  the  power  possessed  by  the  church 
of  Rome,  nor  the  influence  which  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  presbytery.  Principles 
of  spiritual  jurisdiction.  The  want  of 
power  in  the  inferior  clergy  the  real  cause 
of  complaint. 

427.  Prophesy ings  ;  manner  of  carrying  them 
on;  the  queen  adverse  to  them;  useful 
in  themselves,  but  liable  to  abuse.  She 
pillaged  the  church  by  means  of  an  act 
which  enabled  her  to  exchange  lands 
with  bishops. 

428.  Ecclesiastical  commission;  its  power 
indefinite  and  oppressive.  Commission- 
ers of  concealments.  The  church  of 
Norwich  in  danger. 

429.  Impolicy  of  Elizabeth  in  this.  Insecu- 
rity of  property.  The  queen  wasteful  of 
the  property  of  the  church  and  crown. 
The  clergy  improvident.  She  paid  her 
courtiers  by  this  means,  because  she 
would  not  apply  to  parliament 

430.  Poverty  of  the  church.  The  crown  pil- 
laged the  higher  clergy,  and  they  the 
lower.  Lay  patrons  were  often  guilty  of 
simoniacal  contracts.  Loss  of  fees  and 
personal  tithes.  (")  Question  of  church 
property. 

431.  The  church  in  need  of  quiet.  The  peo- 
ple ignorant.  The  low  church  wished  to 
innovate;  the  high  church  were  negligent 
and  covetous. 

432.  Open  rupture  caused  by  a  proclamation 
sanctioning  the  advertisements.  Thirty- 
seven  London  clergy  ejected  ;  they  form 
separate  congregations,  and  adopt  the 
serviceof  Geneva.  Many  conform,  though 
they  dislike  the  English  service. 

433.  Many  nonconformists  at  Cambridge. 
Cartwright  opposed  by  Whitgiil;  he  is 
silenced  and  vacates  his  fellowship.  The 
admonition  to  parliament. 

434.  Convocation.  Ecclesiastical  law  dis- 
cussed.   Canons  made,  but  not  ratified. 

435.  This  question  before  the  commons.  Re- 
fnrmatto  Legum  Ecclcsiaslirarum  printed; 
the  discussion  concerning  church  mat- 
ters suppressed  by  the  queen  ;  her  skill 
in  restraining  the  growing  power  of  the 
House;  a  second  attempt  of  ihe  House. 
Liw  requiring  subscription  to  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles.  Concerning  the  age  of 
priests  and  deacons.  That  no  lease  of 
church  property  be  good  for  more  than 
twenty-one  years,  and  about  letting  tithes. 

436.  The  universities  incorporated.  Poor 
laws  established. 

437.  Roman  Catholics ;  they  generally  con- 
formed till  the  bull  of  Pius  V.  Felton 
aifixes  it  to  the  palace  of  the  bishop  of 
London.  Severe  acts  against  the  Roman 
Catholics. 

438.  Maine  executed.  Foreign  seminaries. 
Persons  and  Campian. 

C 


COXTKNTS. 


xviii 

439.  'i'iie  nnjiisiifiablo  treatment  of  Rdiiian 
(^'alliolics  arose  Ironi  the  iiijiulicious  zeal 
ol"  themselves  and  llieir  leaders.  Asso- 
ciation formed  to  revenge  the  queen's 
death.  Elixabetli  to  blame  in  nut  mar- 
ry in  <;. 

440.  I'realment  of  thf  Roman  Catholics  ;  the 
abstract  justice  oi'  »^  discussed.  The 
principles  on  which  Pius  excemimuni- 
caied  Elizabeth  incompatible  with  civil 
si'ciety. 

441.  How  far  a  missionary  priest  was  impli- 
cateil  in  this.  Persons  and  Campian. 
'J'he  modification  of  the  bull  a  fallacy. 

442.  Fr.rei^n  Roman  Catholic  courts  rendered 
C(mciliaiion  almost  impossible;  the  case 
a  pitiable  one  on  both  sides  ;  causes  of  it. 
Political  character  of  the  Reformation. 

443.  The  political  tyranny  of  Rome  aided  the 
Reformation.  The  infallibility  of  the 
church  leads  to  persecution. 

444.  Comparisim  of  the  executions  under 
Mary  and  Elizabeth. 

445.  Injustice  of  legal  proceedings  during  this 
reign.  All  parties  were  ready  to  perse- 
cute.   Sampson.    Bacon.  Puritans. 

446.  Presbytery  established  at  Wandsworth. 
Mutual  animosity.  Birchet.  Prophesy- 
ings  put  down  in  the  diocese  of  Norwich. 
The  queen  the  real  cause  of  severe  mea- 
sures.   Death  and  character  of  Parker. 

447.  Grindi.l  ofiends  the  queen  by  patronizing 
prophesyings  ;  writes  to  her.  'I"he  bish- 
ops ordered  to  suppress  prophcs3'iiigs. 
Grindal  is  confined  to  his  palace,  and  ten- 
ders his  resignation  ;  the  convocation  pe- 
tition in  his  favour. 

448.  Character  of  Grindal;  he  conformed, 
though  opposed  to  the  dresses,  but  would 
not  compel  others  to  conform.  Eliza- 
beth's conduct  unwise.  Discipline  over- 
turned. The  puritans  are  increased.  Pe- 
tition of  the  parliament  to  diminish  the 
power  of  the  bishops. 

449.  What  the  treatment  of  the  puritans  should 
have  been.  Dissent  w-as  then  totally  pro- 
hibited. If  they  had  been  borne  with  for 
a  time,  many  would  have  come  over, 
and  the  feeling  of  opposition  to  the  civil 
government  \iould  have  been  avoided. 
Elizabeth  tried  to  suppress  sermons. 
Conformity  should  have  been  required 
of  those  who  were  entering  into  orders, 
and  education  promoted;  the  growth  of 
civil  liberty  would  not  then  have  endan- 
gered the  church. 

CHAPTER  X.    p.  151. 

450.  Whitgift,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  strict 
in  enforcing  uniformity  and  requiring 
subscription  to  the  three  .Articles;  the 
ministers  of  Kent  and  Suffolk  apply  to 
the  council ;  the  archbishop  proceeds 
with  vigour. 

451.  Inquisitorial  Articles,  ca- o^cio  mpro  .-  dis- 
pute as  to  their  legality;  Lord  Burleigh 
dislikes  them.   Discussions  carried  on 


in  presence  of  some  of  the  court.  Many 
considerable  persons  hostile  to  the  pro- 
ceedings cif  the  church.  Lord  Leicester, 
Beal,  and  Sir  F.  Knowles.  ^rimili  pro 
thrn. 

452.  Objects  of  the  puritans  ;  a  preaching  mi- 
nistr)'  ;  they  would  attack  choirs  and 
impropriations.  The  introduction  of  the 
presbytery ;  of  new  ecclesiastical  laws. 
The  whole  stopped  by  the  queen. 

453.  Parliament.  Actsforsecuringthequeen's 
person,  and  against  Jesuits  and  seminary 
priests;  the  first  levelled  against  Mary- 
queen  of  Scots.  Forces  sent  into  Hol- 
land. 

454.  Travers  and  Hooker,  dispute  between 
them.  Hooker  writes  his  Ecclesiastical 
Polity.  Travers  silenced.  (')  Presbyte- 
rian orders. 

455.  Babington's  conspiracy.  Mary  q  'en  of 
Scots  tried  and  executed.  The  inj  slice 
of  this  proceeding. 

45G.  A  bill  brought  in  to  alter  the  whole  ec- 
clesiastical laws.  Some  members  sent 
to  the  Tower.  Firmness  of  the  queen. 
Judicious  acts  of  convocation. 

457.  Spanish  Armada.  The  good  conduct  of 
the  Roman  Catholics.  Much  blame  due 
to  Allen  and  Persons.  Wryght  and  others 
maintain  loyal  opinions. 

458.  Martin  Marprelate.  The  press  taken. 
Many  puritans  in  trouble;  they  refuse  to 
take  the  oath  fx,  nffino  mcro.  A  party 
formed  to  change  the  constitution  of  the 
church.  Cartwright  hardly  dealt  with. 
(■)  The  nature  of  the  oath  e.v  offirio  mcro. 

459.  No  government  could  safelv  allow  the 
proceedings  of  the  puritans;  but  unne- 
cessary severity  was  used  towards  them. 
Eusebius  Pagit.  Bishops  much  hated; 
mismanagement  on  their  part. 

460.  Argument  in  favour  of  episcopac)'.  The 
question  of  episcopacy  not  settled  in  the 
New  'I'estanient ;  settled  early  in  eccle- 
siastical history.  A  very  strong  moral 
proof  in  favour  of  it. 

461.  Treatment  of  the  libellers.  The  outrages 
of  enthusiasts  not  properly  chargeable  on 
the  puritans.  The  sa.ires  of  Tom  Nash 
useful. 

462.  Severe  laws  against  puritans  and  Roman 
Catholics;  some  executions  of  priests; 
the  Roman  Catholics  themselves  the 
cause  of  these  persecutions.  Dispute 
between  the  Jesuits  and  seculars.  De- 
claration of  loyalty  from  the  secular.s. 
(  )  The  number  of  Roman  Catholics  who 
suffered. 

4G3.  Disputes  at  Cambridge  on  Predestina- 
tion. Barret  recants.  The  question  dis- 
cussed at  Lambeth. 

464.  The  Lambeth  Articles;  the  dogmatical 
language  of  them  failed  to  produce  peace 
or  conviction  in  Cambridge  or  elsewhere. 
Baro  opposes  them.  (')  Whether  they 
were  forbidden  by  authority. 

465.  Greater  peace  in  the  church  caused  by 
the  growing  age  of  the  queen  and  arch- 


CONTENTS. 


xix 


bishop.  The  moderation  of  the  House  of 
Commons. 

•66.  The  puritans  became  more  moderate. 
Browro  Cartwright  repents  of  his  vio- 
...  The  writinfjs  of  Hooker  ami  Ban- 
croft. Character  of  Cartwright.  Good 
effects  of  moderation. 

i67.  Character  of  Ehzabeth  ;  her  selfishness; 
love  of  money  and  of  power;  treatment 
of  Roman  Catholics  and  puritans. 

468.  In  herself  she  was  disposed  to  favour  the 
Roman  Catholics  ;  their  conduct  olfended 
and  alarmed  Protestants;  she  hated  the 
puritans;  was  friendly  to  educatiem  ;  but 
very  peremptory  about  church  matters, 
in  consequence  of  which  Grindal  remon- 
strated with  her.  Her  own  disinclination 
to  marriage  made  her  dislike  it  in  others, 
and  particularly  in  the  clergy.  (')  Mar- 
riage of  the  clergy. 

169.  Elizabeth  was  very  religious,  but  an  ene- 
my to  free  and  impartial  discussion;  she 
proved  herself  a  great  monarch. 

t70.  Death  ol' Elizabeth  ;  the  earliest  account 
of  it;  her  melancholy;  partakes  of  the 
offices  of  religion  ;  dies  quietly. 

<71.  Little  progress  had  been  made  in  essen- 
tials in  the  church  ;  the  puritans  most  to 
blame,  though  they  had  not  been  treated 
wisely.  Difficulties  against  which  the 
bishops  had  to  strive.  Many  of  the 
bishops  very  unfit  men.  Sad  state  of  the 
universities. 

APPENDIX  C.  TO  CHAPTER  X.    p.  167. 

HISTOIIY  OF  THE  TIIIllTY-XINE  AHTICLES. 

481.  The  Forty-two  first  published  in  1543; 
their  title;  appended  to  a  short  cate- 
chism; the  history  of  their  composition 
uncertain. 

482.  The  cunimittee  for  reforming  ecclesiasti- 
cal laws  appointed,  l.'i49.  Cranmer  di- 
rected to  frame  the -Articles ;  they  were 
subniitted  to  Cecil  and  Chelie,  as  well  as 
to  others;  Ridley  is  supposed  to  have  as- 
sisted him. 

483.  Whence  did  Cranmer  draw  the  Articles] 
The  Augsburg  Confession;  papers  of 
the  committee  of  doctrines,  1540;  from 
his  own  researches ;  and  from  Luther 
and  Melancthon. 

484.  The  Forty-two  Articles  not  sanctioned 
by  convocation;  few  of  the  clergy  sub- 
scribed them. 

485.  Articles  e.vamined  in  15C2.  Parker  pre- 
pares them  for  the  convocation:  they 
alter  them;  the  Thirty-eight  printed.  A 
bill  Concerning  subscription  to  the  .Arti- 
cles brought  into  the  commons;  stopped 
by  the  queen  in  the  lords;  in  1571  Eli- 
zabeth allows  the  bill  to  pass.  The  sub- 
scription limited  to  the  articles  of  faith 
and  the  sacraments.  The  Thirty-nine 
reviewed  by  the  convocation;  subscribed, 
and  printed. 

486.  Controverted  clause  in  the  twentieth  arti- 
cle ;  testimonies  concerning  it ;  the  ques- 


tion agitated  in  the  examination  of  Laud, 
1637. 

487.  Idea  of  the  author  with  regard  to  the  con- 
troverted clause.  Jewel  publishes  the 
Articles. 

488.  Laud  not  to  blame  about  the  twentieth 
article.  The  subscription  at  present  dates 
from  the  canonsof  1604.  Parkerandthe 
bishops  did  not  authorize  Ihis  clause. 

CHAPTER  XI.    p.  172. 

INTJlOIlUCTOaT  OBSKRVATIOXS. 

491.  Necessity  of  examining  the  Reformation 
in  Scotland.  Benefit  of  gradual  reform- 
The  Reformation  had  been  long  preparing 
in  England,  and  advanced  very  slowly. 

492.  A  combination  of  circumstances  contri- 
buted to  the  Reformation  in  England,  and 
tended  to  moderate  its  proceedings. 

493.  The  light  of  the  Reformation  was  much 
later  before  it  broke  in  on  Scotland. 
Deaths  of  Hamilton  and  Campbell.  Fur- 
ther persecutions.  Avarice  of  the  nobi- 
lity. Combination  between  the  crown 
and  the  clergy.  Cardinal  Beaton.  Po- 
litical circumstances  of  England  and 
Scotland.    Wishart  burnt. 

494.  Murder  of  Beaton.  The  castle  of  St. 
Andrew's  reduced  by  the  French.  The 
English  interest  connected  with  the  re- 
formers ;  interests  of  these  two  countries. 
Hostilily  of  the  reformers  to  the  govern- 
ment. The  Congregation  formed.  Use 
of  the  Common  Prayer. 

495.  Mill  burnt.  Ariival  of  Knox;  his  natu- 
ral impetuosity.  Destruction  of  monas- 
teries. The  Reformation  established. 
Political  difference  between  the  churches 
of  England  and  Scotland. 

496.  Faults  of  Knox;  his  sternness  did  not 
convince  those  whom  he  reproved,  and 
was  dangerous  to  the  minister  himself. 
.Advantages  of  mildness. 

497.  Political  tendencies  of  the  Reformation 
in  Scotland;  founded  on  resistance  ;  dan- 
ger of  this  ground;  moderation  might 
have  produced  the  same  effect. 

498.  Its  moderatiim  an  argument  in  favour 
of  the  church  of  England.  The  prefer- 
ence to  be  given  to  this  church  over  that 
of  Scotland.  The  feelings  which  arose 
from  the  dilference  in  the  constitution  of 
the  two  churches,  productive  of  consider- 
able effect  in  the  subsequent  history. 

CHAPTER  XII.    p.  173. 

501.  Tranquil  succession  of  .lames.  Dr.  Ne- 
ville congratulates  the  king  from  the 
church  of  England.  A  favourable  im- 
pressicm  produced  by  .lames. 

502.  The  puritans  eager  for  reform.  Tlie 
Millenary  petition  ;  the  contents  of  it. 
The  difficulties  in  reform.  The  bishops 
directed  to  make  inquiries.  James  anx- 
ious for  information. 

503.  The  sumnion.s  to  the  conference  held  out 


XX 


CONTENTS. 


no  prospect  of  a  free  discussion.  Alarms 
of  the  hierarchy.    Divines  consulted. 

504.  Conference  at  Hampton-court.  Confirm- 
ation.   Absolution.  Baptism. 

505.  Objections  of  the  puritans  to  the  Thirtj'- 
nine  Articles;  IGth,  17th;  it  is  desired 
that  the  Lambeth  articles  maj'  be  intro- 
duced. 

506.  Confirmation  ;  always  performed  by  bish- 
ops. More  objections  to  uome  of  the  Ar- 
ticles. 

507.  Catechism.  Sabbath.  New  translation 
of  the  Bible.  Popish  Liooks.  Petition  for 
a  preaching  and  praying  ministry.  Les- 
sons from  the  Apocrypha. 

508.  Cross  in  baptism.  Questions  proposed 
to  the  children.  Surplice.  Marriage  ser- 
vice. Churching  of  women.  Ecclesias- 
tical censures.  Prophesyings. 

509.  The  bishops  return  their  answers.  The 
king  speaks  in  favour  of  oaths  cx  officio. 
Adulation  offered  to  his  foolish  vanity. 
The  scruples  of  the  nonconformists  those 
of  weak  men.  They  request  indulgence 
for  certain  ministers,  and  offend  the  king. 
The  superior  wisdom  of  the  king  himself. 

510.  Barlow's  account  of  the  conference;  so 
favourable  to  the  episcopal  party,  that  it 
has  been  attacked  without  reason. 

511.  Galloway's  account  in  reality  confirma- 
tory of  Barlow's.  (')  Bancroft's  and 
Galloway's  accounts. 

512.  Convocation.  Canons  ;  they  are  binding 
on  the  clergy.  Translation  of  the  Bible. 
Prayer  Book. 

513.  James  deprives  himself  of  the  power  of 
alienating  church  lands.  The  puritans 
and  Roman  Catholics  ofl^nded  at  the  fa- 
vour shown  to  the  church. 

514.  The  powder-plot;  discovered  by  means 
of  a  letter;  Roman  Catholics  implicated; 
Oldcorn  and  Garnett  executed  ;  the  mira- 
cle of  the  straw;  the  church  of  Rome  by 
its  unwise  conduct  implicated  its  own 
members. 

515.  Penal  laws.  Penalties  for  not  receiving 
the  sacrament;  for  refusing  the  oath  of 
allegiance  ;  for  reconciling  persons  to  the 
church  of  Rome.  Disqualifications  im- 
posed on  the  Roman  Catholics ;  obliged 
to  conform  to  the  services  of  the  church 
of  England. 

516.  The  oath  of  allegiance,  not  wisely  drawn 
up;  Paul  V.  forbids  Roman  Catholics  to 
take  it;  Blackwell  takes  it,  and  is  excom- 
municated for  so  doing.  Laws  put  in 
force  against  papists;  impolicy  of  so 
doing. 

517.  James's  plan  of  a  college  at  Chelsea  for 
controversial  divinity ;  not  much  required, 
and  soon  dissolved. 

518.  James  interferes  about  theological  ques- 
tions ;  about  Conradus  Vorsiius  at  Ley- 
den.  Burns  Legate  and  Wightman.  It 
was  determined  that  there  should  be  no 
more  public  executions.  The  wisdom  of 
concealing  intolerance. 

519.  Growing  respect  for  the  Sabbath  ;  the 


point  made  a  party  question.  James  pub 

lishes  the  Book  of  Sports  ;  many  clergy- 
men offended  at  it. 

520.  Synod  of  Dort;  delegates  sent  from  Eng- 
land; injustice  towards  the  remonstrants; 
the  five  points.  Moderation  of  the  church 
of  England. 

521.  The  king  favours  the  Roman  Catholics, 
on  account  of  the  Spanish  match.  Recu- 
sants released.  Abbot  inveighs  against 
toleration.  Violent  sermons.  James  pub- 
lishes a  letter  concerning  preaching,  re- 
straining the  subjects  of  discourses,  and 
limiting  the  licenses  ;  it  produced  no  good 
effect. 

522.  Necessity  of  discussing  politics,  from 
their  connection  with  the  church;  this 
will  be  done  by  examining  the  character 
of  James. 

523.  James  too  weak  a  man  to  make  a  good 
king;  he  possessed  intellect,  but  no  firm- 
ness, and  was  not  true  to  his  word. 

524.  His  ideas  in  church  and  state  govern- 
ment were  very  extravagant,  and  his 
want  of  wisdom  in  talking  about  thera 
created  suspicions  in  his  subjects.  The 
puritan  party  was  esteemed  hostile  to  the 
government  in  both. 

525.  The  Reformation  made  men  think  for 
themselves,  and  they  began  to  do  so  in 
state  as  well  as  church  matters. 

526.  Elizabeth  was  arbitrary  but  powerful, 
and  consulted  the  good  of  the  country. 
James,  who  was  a  weak  man,  and  knew 
not  how  to  govern,  was  guided  by  favour- 
ites ;  he  hated  the  presbytery;  but  had 
abused  the  church  of  England  till  he 
came  to  this  country. 

527.  He  disliked  the  temporal  supremacy  of 
Rome,  but  was  otherwise  favourable  to 
the  Roman  Catholics,  and  yet  he  perse- 
cuted them;  indistinctness  on  the  ques- 
tion of  the  Roman  Catholics;  ill  treat- 
ment of  them;  their  own  ill  conduct. 
Impolicy  of  the  court  in  combining  under 
the  name  of  puritans  all  who  in  any  way 
opposed  the  court.  James  a  bad  and 
weak  man. 

APPENDIX  D.  TO  CHAPTER  XIL  p.  1941  ' 

UISTOnT  OF  THE  TnANSLATION  OF  THE  BIBLE. 

531.  Four  periods  to  be  examined.  The  va- 
riety of  readings  and  alterations  in  the 
same  version. 

533.  All  the  English  versions  are  taken  from 
each  other. 

533.  Early  Saxon  versions;  Hampole's;  Wic- 
lif's  ;  his  method  of  translating  ;  (*)  the 
idea  of  a  previous  translation  incorrect. 

534.  Tyndale's  translation  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, Pentateuch,  and  Jonas.  Joye  makes 
alterations  in  the  text. 

535.  Coverdale's  Bible  dedicated  to  Henry 
VIII.;  he  was  not  well  suited  to  the  task. 
Matthew's  Bible  formed  from  the  two 
former. 

-536.  Cranmer's  Bible  the  same  as  Matthew's. 


CONTENTS. 


Taverner  s.  An  attempt  at  correcting 
the  translation,  which  failed. 

537.  Geneva  Bible;  persons  engaged  in  it; 
notes  objected  to  by  James  I. 

538.  Bishops'  Bible,  or  Parker's  Bible  ;  tables 
affixed  to  it ;  marriage  table. 

539.  Rhemcb  and  Douay  Bible  taken  from  the 
Vulgate. 

540.  Authorized  version;  undertaken  in  con- 
sequence of  some  observations  at  Hamp- 
ton-court; the  persons  engaged;  rules 
laid  down  for  them ;  great  cajre  used. 
Question  about  a  new  translation.  Arch- 
bishop Newcome. 

CHAPTER  Xni.    p.  199. 

a.M.  The  government  of  the  state  influenced 
the  affairs  of  the  church,  from  the  sta- 
tions which  many  churchmen  held  in  the 
administration. 

552.  Montague  attacked  by  the  commons. 
Mainwairing  fined  by  them.  Both  of 
them  made  bishops. 

553.  Laud  urges  the  clergy  to  promote  forced 
loans;  the  clergy  thus  invested  with  an 
oflice  little  suited  to  their  character,  and 
made  parties  to  arbitrary  proceedings,  in 
the  ideas  of  the  people. 

554.  Churchmen  admitted  into  the  privy-coun- 
cil, Star  Chamber,  and  High  Commission 
Courts.  The  foundation  and  proceedings 
of  the  Star  Chamber;  its  illegal  extension  ; 
severity  of  its  punishments. 

555.  Court  of  High  Commission.  The  people 
angry  at  the  dissolution  of  so  many  par- 
liaments. Williams  and  Abbot  treated 
severely  ;  Abbot's  real  fault. 

556.  Feoffees  of  impropriations;  they  act 
without  any  legal  authority;  accused  of 
perverting  the  charity  to  wrong  purposes  ; 
exchequered,  and  the  property  forfeited 
to  the  crown.  Laud  ought  to  have  ma- 
naged the  charity  himself. 

557.  Arminianism  generally  prevails;  parti- 
cularly among  those  in  authority  in  the 
church.  Declaration  prefixed  to  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles.  Bishop  Davenant 
censured.  Preachers  at  Oxford  expelled. 
These  acts  create  a  hostility  against  the 
court  and  church. 

558.  The  Sabbatarian  controversy.  The  laxity 
prevalent  in  Roman  Catholic  countries 
had  been  continued  in  the  reigns  of  James 
and  Elizabeth.  Disputes  as  to  the  name, 
the  time  of  its  continuance,  the  day  of 
celebrating  it,  and  the  manner  of  observ- 
ing it ;  faults  on  both  sides.  ('^)  Austeri- 
ties of  some  preachers. 

559.  Richardson  suppresses  wakes,  &c.,  in 
Somersetshire  ;  he  is  brought  before  the 
privy  council.  The  Book  of  Sports  re- 
published ;  enjoined  to  be  read.  The 
conduct  of  different  clergymen. 

560.  Sabbatarian  question  discussed;  diffi- 
culty of  the  .  question ;  folly  of  the 
court;  and  the  ill  effect  of  this  on  the 
church. 

(4) 


561.  The  proclamation  might  have  done  much 
good,  if  judiciously  drawn  up. 

562.  Severity  against  Prynne,  Bastwick,  and 
Burton:  irritation  produced  by  it;  they 
are  brought  back  in  triumph.  Odium 
thrown  on  the  bishops. 

563.  Severity  used  towards  Williams.  Injus- 
tice towards  Osbolston  ;  his  libel  against 
Laud.  These  circumstances  prove  the 
insecurity  of  the  government. 

564.  Scotch  Liturgy.  Hostility  to  bishops  in 
Scotland.  Alienation  of  church  property; 
Elizabeth  fostered  this.  James  had  gra- 
dually obtained  some  power  for  the  bish- 
ops, and  when  he  came  to  England  en- 
deavoured to  unite  the  two  churches. 

565.  The  steps  by  which  James  endeavoured 
to  establish  episcopacy.  Assembly  of 
St.  Andrew's,  and  of  Perth ;  articles  of 
Perth. 

566.  The  presbyterians  petition  Charles  L 
Lord  Balmiranoch  condemned  to  death. 
The  causes  which  contributed  to  render 
episcopacy  unpopular.  Imprudence  of 
Charles.    Bad  state  of  the  government. 

567.  Charles  prepares  to  send  down  the  Scotch 
Liturgy  ;  drawn  up  by  Weederburn.  Ca- 
nons sent  down  under  a  proclamation ; 
the  impolicy  of  this.  The  advisers  of 
these  measures  quite  inadequate  to  the 
task. 

568.  Tumults  arising  from  the  use  of  the  Li- 
turgy; no  one  was  anxious  to  suppress 
them.  Hamilton  the  king's  commissioner 
at  Glasgow.  The  general  assembly  re- 
scind all  that  had  been  done.  The  cove- 
nant signed  in  Edinburgh,  and  a  civil 
war  begun,  in  which  the  king  was  unsuc- 
cessful. 

569.  The  same  process  was  going  on  in  Eng- 
land. Laud  and  the  bishops  were  alien- 
ating the  minds  of  the  people  by  severity, 
and  by  enforcing  ceremonies ;  the  ab- 
surdity of  this  conduct. 

570.  Canons  framed  ;  the  questic  nable  nature 
of  their  authority;  the  absutaity  of  them 
at  such  a  moment ;  their  enactments  ;  the 
et  calera  oath  ;  the  clergy  directed  to  en- 
force them ;  their  injurious  effects  with 
regard  to  the  clergy.  They  would  have 
made  the  clergy  promoters  of  the  illegal 
acts  of  the  crown. 

671.  An  outline  of  the  state  of  the  country; 
necessity  of  reform.  The  power  of  the 
king  ill  defined.  The  court  of  ecclesias 
tical  commission  prejudiced  the  natior, 
against  bishops.  Laud  attempted  to  de- 
fend corruptions,  and  his  opponents  were 
forced  to  attack  the  whole  of  the  existing 
state  of  things.  The  impolicy  of  Laud 
consisted  in  alienating  the  moderate  party. 
The  struggle  was  in  the  state,  and  epis- 
copacy was  disliked  as  an  engine  of  state. 

572.  Long  Parliament.  Committees  on  church 
matters.  The  crimes  objected  to  clergy- 
men. The  injustice  of  these  proceedings. 

573.  Attacks  on  the  civil  power  of  the  church. 
Property  cannot  be  retained  without pow- 

c2 


xxii 


CONTENTS. 


er.  Attacks  made  against  the  votes  of 
the  bishops.  They  sign  a  protest,  and 
are  unjustly  sent  to  the  Tower.  Bishop 
Hail's  Hard  Measure.  The  Star  Cham- 
ber and  Ecclesiastical  Commission  sup- 
pressed. 

574.  The  first  steps  tended  to  curtail  the  power 
of  the  bishops.  When  the  war  broke  out, 
the  loyalty  of  the  clergy  forced  the  par- 
liament to  destroy  them  as  individuals; 
but  it  was  on  account  of  the  aid  from 
Scotland  that  the  House  favoured  the 
presbytery. 

575.  Causes  of  the  war;  the  existence  of  real 
abuses,  and  the  unwillingness  of  the 
court  to  refoi-m  them  till  it  was  too  late. 

576.  Outline  of  the.  war.  Edgehill.  The 
king  gains  possession  of  0.xford.  Battle 
of  Brentford. 

577.  'J"he  parliament  take  Reading.  Sir  R. 
Hopton  takes  Bristol.  The  king  loses 
time  in  besieging  Gloucester.  The  siege 
raised,  and  the  first  battle  of  Newbury 
fought. 

578.  Advance  of  the  Scotch  army.  The  co- 
venant forced  upon  England.  Battle  of 
Marston  Moor;  York  surrenders.  The 
army  of  Essex  surrenders  at  Fowey.  Se- 
cond battle  of  Newbury. 

579.  Faults  and  advantages  of  either  party. 
The  royalists  were  gallant  and  vicious. 
The  puritans  were  outwardly  religious, 
regular,  and  covetous  of  plunder. 

580.  Essex  anxious  to  become  the  arbitrator 
of  the  war.  The  self-denying  ordinance. 
Cromwell  continued  in  his  command. 
Fairfax,  general ;  his  merits.  Cromwell 
the  secret  contriver  of  these  plans  ;  his 
talents  in  forming  his  army.  (')  The 
classes  of  persons  who  composed  the  two 
armies. 

581.  Campaign  of  Fairfax.  Battle  of  Naseby. 
Reduction  of  the  west.  Charles  surren- 
ders to  the  Scotch.  Oxford  surrenders. 
The  royalists  destroyed  by  their  own  dis- 
sensions, arising  from  want  of  firmness 
in  the  king. 

582.  Misery  of  England.  The  injustice  of 
the  parliament  towards  Laud  and  Lord 
Strafford.  Charles  much  to  blame  in  giv- 
ing up  the  latter.  Difficulty  of  drawing 
Land's  character. 

583.  Character  of  Laud.  His  objects  good  ; 
his  method  of  pursuing  them  unsound; 
difl[iculty  of  the  times.  Laud  advanced 
churchmen  to  defend  the  church  ;  and  in- 
creased the  hatred  of  the  people  towards 
him;  he  so  favoured  Arminianism  as  to 
make  the  Calvinists  his  enemies  ;  he  en- 
forced ceremonies,  and  engaged  the  reli- 
gious feelings  of  the  country  against  him. 
As  a  minister  he  made  the  law  bend  to 
his  wishes. 

684.  Many  charges  brought  against  him  were 
groundless ;  he  was  guilty,  but  not  of 
treason  ;  he  was  not  a  hero  ;  his  defence 
pusillanimous;  his  greatness  ia  his  afflic- 
tions. 


585.  The  church  and  state  were  now  thrown 
down,  and  it  was  necessary  to  reconstruct 
some  form  of  government.  Archbishop 
Usher's  plan  of  combining  episcopacy 
■with  the  presbytery.  The  assembly  of 
divines  called.  Their  constitution,  and 
numbers. 

586.  Episcopalians,  presbyterians,  and  inde- 
pendents. The  presbyterians  soon  be- 
came the  predominating  faction,  chiefly 
through  the  introduction  of  the  covenant. 

587.  Principles  of  the  presbyterians.  Repub- 
lican tendency  of  this  form  of  govern- 
ment. Much  more  tyrannical  over  the 
laity  than  the  episcopal. 

588.  Independents.  Their  principles  subver 
sive  of  all  church  government.  Friends 
of  religious  liberty,  supported  by  the  po- 
litics of  Cromwell.  Erastians  ;  they  made 
the  church  entirely  political. 

589.  Alteration  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles. 
The  principles  of  church  government 
discussed.  The  divine  right  of  presby- 
tery not  established.  Erastianism  pre- 
vails. Ordination  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  assembly. 

590.  Works  of  the  assembly.  Directory; 
points  in  which  it  essentially  differs  from 
the  church  of  England.  Indefinite  rules 
about  ordination.  The  doctrine  of  pre- 
destination brought  forward  prominently. 

591.  Constitution  of  the  prcsbyterian  church. 
The  ministers  and  elders  have  the  judi- 
cial power  vested  in  them.  The  differ- 
ence in  this  respect  in  the  episcopal 
church.  Deacons.  (')  Cause  of  the 
power  in  the  presbytery. 

592.  The  presbytery  established  in  London 
and  Lancashire  only,  and  always  unde- 
control  of  parliament;  objections  raised 
to  this  restraint.  The  claim  of  the  jus 
divinmn  for  the  presbytery ;  it  was  super- 
seded by  independency. 

593.  Independency  destroys  all  church  disci- 
pline ;  the  army  friendly  to  it.  The  chief 
officers,  who  were  also  preachers,  dis- 
dained spiritual  control;  and  the  politics 
of  the  army  disliked  the  republican  ten- 
dency of  the  presbyteiy.  Independency 
established  in  Wales. 

594.  The  object  of  the  independents  was 
liberty  of  conscience;  the  army  joined 
them,  and  the  presbyterians  joined  the 
republicans.  Escape  of  the  king;  the 
object  of  allowing  this.  All  tended  to 
destroy  the  king. 

595.  The  presbyterians  might  have  saved 
Charles,  if  he  would  have  joined  them. 
His  disputation  with  Henderson,  and  firm 
adherence  to  episcopacy.  The  soundness 
of  his  arguments.  At  Newport  the  king 
was  assisted  by  several  divines ;  but 
his  reasoning  at  Newcastle  was  safer. 
(')  Episcopal  power. 

596.  Character  of  Charles.  The  people  of 
England  had  determined  to  pay  no  taxes 
save  those  which  they  had  imposed  on 
themselves,  and   the  court  would  not 


CONTENTS. 


xxiii 


concede  this.  Laud  tried  to  induce  the 
church  to  maintain  the  government,  but 
he  had  oflended  many  of  the  lower 
clersy. 

697.  Great  want  of  confidence  in  the  court. 
The  concessions,  when  granted  to  force, 
were  to  be  supported  by  further  demands  : 
and  these  were  necessarily  grounded  on 
the  insincerity  of  Charles.  Evidence 
against  him  as  to  this  point.  The  real 
difTiculty  consisted  in  his  weakness  of 
mind;  when  he  had  lost  his  crown,  he 
became  dignified  in  his  misfortunes;  his 
virtues. 

598.  Sufl^erings  of  the  clergy.  Many  puritans 
driven  to  join  the  parliament.  The  royal- 
ists ejected  on  very  small  grounds,  and 
without  any  formal  proceedings.  Accu- 
sations made  against  them;  ejected  for 
refusing  to  take  the  covenant.  The  par- 
liament most  unjust  in  this  proceeding. 
One-fifth  of  the  value  of  their  prefer- 
ments granted  to  their  families.  Number 
ejected. 

599.  Cambridge.  An  order  for  respecting  the 
property  of  the  university  disregarded. 
The  earl  of  Manchester  reforms  it,  and 
ejects  many  members. 

600.  Oxford  ;  of  great  assistance  to  the  king 
during  the  war.  Commissioners  sent 
there  to  reform  it.  Their  authority  de- 
spised till  supported  by  soldiers.  "Rea- 
sons why  the  university  could  not  assent 
to  the  covenant."  'J'he  suffering  royal- 
ists aided  the  Restoration.  The  uni- 
versity filled  up.  The  value  of  such  es- 
tablishments. 

CHAPTER  XIV.    p.  23. 

001.  The  history  of  all  popular  revolutions  the 
same.  Reform  only  safe  in  the  hands  of 
the  upper  orders.  The  power  at  the  end 
of  the  war  was  in  the  hands  of  the  army, 
and  they  chose  to  retain  it. 

002.  Cromwell  conquers  Ireland;  goes  to 
Scotland,  gains  the  battle  of  Dunbar. 
Charles  crowned  at  Scone.  Battle  of 
Worcester. 

603.  Cromwell,  by  threatening  the  country 
with  the  prospect  of  anarchy,  from  the 
insufficiency  of  his  parliaments,  assumes 
the  protectorship.  (')  Instrument  of  go- 
verninent. 

604.  The  principle  of  his  government;  he 
attaches  eminent  persons  to  him  ;  seeks 
for  fit  men  for  all  situations.  Justice. 
The  protector  of  Protestants. 

605.  Character  of  Cromwell ;  honest  and 
patriotic  at  first.  His  own  interest  led 
him  to  wish  for  the  death  of  the  king  ;  he 
became  entangled  in  political  plans,  and 
lost  his  honesty ;  he  was  severe,  but 
never  bloodthirsty ;  his  treatment  of  the 
royalists. 

606.  The  presbyterians  had  generally  estab- 
lished themselves  in  livings ;  but  they 
could  not  control  the  power  which  they 


had  raised.  The  government  found  them 
ill  suited  to  its  views,  and  ejected  themi 
by  means  of  the  Engagement.  The 
presbyterian  ministry  fond  of  temporal 
power. 

007.  The  independents  raised  the  standard  of 
religious  liberty  against  the  presbyte- 
rians ;  and  when  some  of  the  presby- 
terians communicated  with  the  Scotch, 
Mr.  Love  was  executed;  their  power  as 
a  church  was  never  established. 

608.  Propagation  of  the  gospel  in  Wales,  the 
work  of  the  independents;  the  ministers 
were  here  invested  with  no  ministerial 
authority,  and  were  mere  licensed  and 
paid  teachers. 

609.  The  assembly  formed  the  first  bond  of 
church  government,  and  afterwards  the 
Triers;  they  were  vested  with  great 
power,  and  used  it  very  arbitrarily,  and 
as  a  political  engine.  ()liver  Cromwell's 
declaration  against  the  royalist  clergy. 

610.  Cromwell  was  a  friend  to  toleration, 
which  was  granted  to  those  who  held 
"  the  fundamentals  of  Christianity ;"  ques- 
tion as  to  the  meaning  of  this  expression. 
He  would  have  tolerated  Roman  Catho- 
lics and  Jews,  but  objections  arose  from 
different  quarters. 

611.  The  effects  of  the  usurpation  on  morals; 
the  accounts  are  very  various. 

612.  Baxter's  ministry  at  Kidderminster;  he 
was  elected  lecturer,  and  afterwards  took 
the  seque>tration  of  the  living;  he  gather- 
ed a  church  in  his  own  parish,  and  ex- 
ercised discipline  there.  Associations 
formed  among  ministers,  and  not  con- 
fined to  any  party. 

613.  Objections  to  Baxter's  plans.  Separation 
between  the  godly  and  ungodly.  Meetings 
of  the  clergy  ;  then  more  wanted  perhaps 
than  at  present. 

614.  Strictness  of  the  independents  as  to  ad- 
mission intochurch  union  ;  they  composed 
a  confession  of  faith  nearly  resembling 
that  of  the  Assembly;  their  internal 
government  democratic.  The  presby- 
terians publish  directions  about  cate- 
chising. 

615.  Walton  and  Clarendon  give  a  sad  ac- 
count of  the  state  of  morality.  Some 
ministers  of  the  church  of  England  con- 
tinued their  ministry.  Sanderson  and 
Bull.  Skinner,  bishop  of  Oxford,  ordained 
many. 

616.  The  episcopalians  spent  their  time  in 
sufferings  and  patient  study,  and  thus  as- 
sisted the  Restoration.  Cromwell  was 
practically  not  cruel.  Many  resided  with 
their  friends.  Oriental  literature  flou- 
rished. 

617.  The  features  of  religious  fanaticism  are 
generally  the  same  everywhere.  Forms 
had  been  regarded  too  much,  and  they 
were  now  laid  aaide  altogether. 

618.  Fox.  The  conilcct  of  the  quakers  ex- 
posed them  to  pajishment,  which  was 
often  cruelly  inflicted,  but  the  fault  was 


xxiv 


CONTENTS. 


chiefly  their  own:  these  quakers  unlike 
those  of  the  present  day. 

619.  Anabaptists.  Antinomians.  Familists. 
Fifth-monarchy  men.  Confusion  pro- 
duced by  these  differences  and  a  want  of 
toleration.    Morality  injured  by  it. 

620.  Laws  against  immorality  very  severe; 
concerning  the  Sabbath,  uncleanness,  and 
plays. 

621.  Laws  against  heretics.  James  Naylor 
punished.  Fry  expelled  the  House.  I3id- 
dle  tried  for  Socinianism.  Corruptions 
produced  by  the  war. 

022.  Marriage  made  a  civil  contract;  the 
wisdom  of  this. 

623.  Difficulty  about  the  succession  of  bish- 
ops ;  many  methods  of  obviating  it  con- 
trived, but  rendered  unnecessary  by  the 
Restoration. 

624.  Causes  of  the  Restoration. 

CHAPTER  XV.    p.  24-6, 

650.  The  presbyterians  instrumental  in  re- 
storing the  king;  they  provided  no  safe- 
guards for  their  own  form  of  govern- 
ment, thinking  themselves  too  strong  to 
be  in  danger. 

651.  The  terra  presbyterian  explained;  they 
were  not  anti-episcopalians,  but  wished 
to  confine  the  power  of  the  bishop  within 
narrow  limits. 

652.  Charles  II.  was  very  civil  to  the  presby- 
terians. He  refuses  to  omit  the  cere- 
monies of  the  church.  There  was  no 
real  coalition  between  the  puritans  and 
the  court. 

653.  The  convention  parliament  contained 
many  presbyterians;  its  acts  prudent, 
which,  however,  were  liable  to  be  ques- 
tioned, and  several  of  the  members  were 
not  chosen  according  to  the  writs ;  it  is 
dissolved. 

554.  Difficulties  attending  the  Restoration ; 
the  army  is  unwilling  to  be  disbanded; 
some  officers  suspect  that  they  had  been 
made  the  tools  of  Monk;  little  money. 

655.  The  old  and  new  royalists,  each  de- 
spising the  other,  and  each  importunate 
to  obtain  preferment  from  the  king. 

656.  State  of  the  church.  The  presbyterians 
were  unfriendly  to  the  government  of  the 
bishops,  who  were  now  restored.  The 
reversion  of  all  church  lands  and  livings 
created  a  vast  transfer  of  property.  Fel- 
lowships restored;  some  innocent  per- 
sons ejected. 

657.  Episcopacy  objected  to.  The  presby- 
tery sought  the  jurisdiction  over  their 
parishes;  this  the  real  point  at  issue. 

658.  The  bishops  feared  that  their  power 
would  be  taken  away,  and  they  tried  to 
show  that  no  alterations  were  necessary, 
and  would  make  no  concessions  to  the 
presbytery. 

659.  The  presbyterians  wanted  to  show  the 
necessity  of  changes,  but  were  afraid  to 
ask  to.  .nuch,  for  fear  of  oflTending  their 


own  party,  and  dividing  among  them- 
selves; and  equally  unwilling  to  ask  too 
little,  lest  the  bishops  should  say,  thai 
there  was  no  cause  for  separation  from 
the  church. 

660.  Origin  of  the  Savoy  conference.  The 
king's  declaration  from  Breda  had  raised 
the  hopes  of  the  presbyterians,  who  pre 
sented  a  petition  objecting  to 

661.  The  discipline  of  the  church,  the  Liturgy, 
and  ceremonies;  and  prayed  for  altera- 
tions. 

662.  The  bishops  answered,  that  many  of  the 
evils  complained  of  with  regard  to  dis- 
cipline were  remedied  by  law.  That  ob- 
jectionable points  in  the  Liturgy  might 
be  altered,  and  that  the  ceremonies  were 
innocent. 

663.  The  nonconformists  were  induced  to 
proceed,  by  a  promise  from  the  king  that 
he  would  put  forth  a  declaration  to  mo- 
derate between  the  contending  parties. 
When  this  was  shown  to  the  noncon- 
formists, Baxter  drew  up  a  violent  paper, 
which  was  never  presented. 

664.  Many  alterations  are  introduced  into  the 
declaration  by  the  nonconformists.  A 
discussion  at  Worcester  House.  The 
Presbyterians  unwilling  to  tolerate  others. 

665.  The  king's  declaration ;  it  contains 
ample  concessions  as  to  the  power  of 
presbyters,  the  Liturgy,  and  ceremonies; 
and  prays  all  to  conform  as  far  as  they 
can. 

666.  Sir  Matthew  Hale  attempts  to  convert 
the  declaration  into  a  law,  which  is 
thrown  out.  Bishoprics  offered  to  some 
of  the  nonconformists ;  Baxter  refuses 
one ;  his  reasons. 

667.  The  commission  for  the  Savoy  confer- 
ence; they  were  to  review  the  Liturgy, 
and  draw  up  additional  forms. 

668.  The  bishops  demanded  at  once  all  the 
objections  of  the  nonconformists.  A  com- 
mittee formed  for  all  the  alterations. 
Baxter  undertakes  the  additional  forms. 

669.  Baxter's  liturgy.  The  imprudence  of 
drawing  it  up  ;  his  object  and  plan.  The 
faults  of  the  work. 

670.  The  objections  to  the  Liturgy  presented. 
Baxter's  petition  for  peace  ;  the  want  of 
moderation  in  it. 

671.  They  object  to  the  Common  Prayer  ge- 
nerally, to  the  ceremonies,  and  discipline; 
particulars  in  which  they  requested  altera- 
tion. 

672.  The  answer  of  the  bishops  was  moderate 
and  sound  ;  but  not  conciliatory.  Three 
of  the  promised  concessions  were  never 
really  made. 

673.  Answer  of  the  nonconformists.  They 
agree  to  carry  on  a  disputation.  Bishop 
Cosins  desires  the  nonconformists  to  dis- 
tinguish between  what  was  sinful  and 
what  was  inexpedient  in  the  Common 
Prayer.    Baxter's  answer. 

674.  Inutility  of  the  disputation.  The  time  of 
the  commission  elapses  through  delays 


CONTENTS. 


XXT 


created  perhaps  on  purpose.    No  good 
results  from  the  conference. 
P75.  The  nonconformists  present  an  address 
to  the  kint;.    Baxter  was  much  to  blame 
in  the  whole  transaction. 

676.  The  concessions  might  have  been  more 
numerous,  but  the  great  question  turned 
on  discipline. 

677.  The  question  of  discipline  is  one  of  great 
dilFicully.  'I'he  diflference  between  dis- 
cipline and  government.  Church  govern- 
ment a  mixture  of  the  two. 

678.  Discipline  over  the  laity.  A  conscien- 
tious minister  may  now  admonish;  it  is 
doubtful  whether  further  power  would 
increase  his  spiritual  utility. 

679.  The  nonconformists  present  a  petition, 
and  state  their  readiness  to  suffer  pa- 
tiently the  penalties  affixed  to  noncon- 
formity. 


CH.\PTER  XVI.   p.  261. 


701. 


702 


703. 


Little  good  to  be  expected  from  confer- 
ences. The  best  method  of  attempting 
alterations.  Convocation.  Review  of  the 
Liturgy.  Alteration  of  thecanons.  Articles 
of  visitation.  Consecration  of  churches. 
Grammar.  Subsidy,  the  last  raised  by 
the  clergy;  how  this  change  was  effected, 
and  its  consequences. 
Act  of  uniformity.  Its  object  different 
from  that  of  Elizabeth.  The  practical 
tendency  of  the  latter  was,  to  make  all 
conform  ;  of  the  act  now  made,  to  eject 
as  many  nonconformists  as  possible. 
A  church  must  exclude  from  the  mi- 
nistry those  who  will  not  conform  to  its 
rules;  but  on  this  occasion  moderation 
might  have  been  used,  for  so  great  a 
change  of  property  was  an  evil;  and 
much  good  might  have  been  done  by 
augmenting  small  livings.  (')  Augmenta- 
tion of  small  livings. 
Ejection  of  the  nonconforming  clergy 
discussed.  The  country  generally  un- 
favourable to  them,  which  gave  a  full 
power  to  the  church  of  treating  them  as 
they  pleased. 

Moderate  measures  would  probably  have 
retained  n;any  nonconformists  in  the 
church  ;  but  this  was  not  the  object  of  the 
superior  clergy.    A  saying  of  Sheldon. 

706.  The  injustice  of  ejecting  those  who  had 
obeyed  a  government  dc  facto,  and  of 
making  no  provision  for  them. 

707.  If  they  had  proceeded  on  the  act  of  Eli- 
zabeth, they  would  have  divided  the 
party.  The  Prayer  Book  published  very 
near  St.  Bartholomew's  day ;  and  that 
day  selected  in  order  to  deprive  the 
ejected  clergy  of  the  tithes  of  the  year. 

708.  Political  feelings  mixed  up  with  these 
measures.  The  governing  party  were 
uncertain  as  to  the  continuance  of  their 
power.  The  papists  promoted  these  dis- 
sension? 


704. 


705. 


709.  Charles  not  unfriendly  to  toleration  ;  he 
tries  to  soften  matters  ;  his  declaration. 

710.  Two  thousand  ministers  ejected;  who 
thus  evinced  their  sincerity.  Reordina- 
tion  the  chief  difficulty.  The  delicacy  of 
the  question.  Bramhall's  and  Overall's 
conduct  about  this:  it  is  unlbrtunate  that 
nothing  of  this  sort  was  adopted.  (')  On 
reordination. 

711.  Severities  exercised  on  the  nonconform- 
ists. The  Church  of  England  tries  to 
defend  herself  by  exclusive  laws. 

712.  Corporation  act.    Select  vestry  act. 

713.  First  conventicle  act.  Second. 

714.  Five-mile  act;  passed  while  the  noncon- 
formists were  particularly  exerting  them- 
selves during  the  plague. 

715.  Attempts  at  a  comprehension.  Ijord 
Keeper  Bridgman.  The  king's  declara- 
tion for  toleration.  Repeal  of  a  law 
against  nonconformists;  omitted  by  the 
clerk  of  the  crown.  Unconstitutional 
vote  of  the  commons. 

716.  The  severity  against  dissenters  prepared 
the  minds  of  the  people  Ibr  toleration. 

717.  The  conduct  of  the  nonconformists  un- 
jusiifiable  ;  they  destroyed  the  unity  of  the 
church  for  their  own  prejudices  ;  the  laws 
were  impolitic  in  comprehending  them 
all  under  one  class. 

718.  Letters  of  foreign  reformers.  The  non- 
conformists wished  for  certain  alterations, 
and  because  these  were  not  granted,  they 
caused  a  schism  in  the  church.  Both 
parties  became  guilty,  and  taught  other 
people  moderation. 

719.  Latitudinarians.  The  name  first  given 
at  Cambridge.  Men  whose  moderation 
displeased  everybody.  The  term  applied 
indistinctly. 

720.  Laws  against  Roman  Catholics.  They 
are  excluded  from  all  offices,  and  from 
sitting  in  Parliament.  The  duke  of  York 
excepted.  The  inutility  of  all  enactments 
with  regard  to  Charles  11. 

721.  Plots;  Gates'.  The  evidence  question- 
able. There  was  probably  a  general 
attempt  to  bring  in  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion,  but  no  design  to  murder  the 
king.  The  severity  against  Gates  in  the 
next  reign  proves  nothing. 

722.  Dangerfield's  plot.  There  was  no  safety 
from  the  law,  which  was  converted  into 
a  means  of  oppressing  the  subject. 

723.  The  danger  which  threatened  the  church 
was  that  to  which  the  state  was  likewise 
exposed:  viz.,  the  introduction  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion  by  means  of 
arbitrary  power.  The  high  and  low 
church  party  joinerl  in  repelling  this. 
The  court  regarded  the  question  as  one 
of  politics.  The  country  looked  upon  it 
generally  as  a  religious  one. 

724.  Attempts  of  Charles  to  establish  the  di.<;- 
pensing  power.  The  country  adverse  to 
toleration  ;  and  justly  alarmed  at  the  con- 
duct of  the  crown. 

725.  The  nonconformists  not  worthy  of  praise 


CONTENTS. 


for  refusing  toleration,  which  must  have 
been  extended  to  Roman  Catholics.  The 
exclusion  of  the  Roman  Catholics  from 
civil  otFices  not  inconsistent  with  tolera- 
tion, but  can  only  be  defended  on  the  plea 
of  necessity. 

726.  The  civil  history  of  the  reign  disgraceful. 

727.  The  plague.  Many  of  the  clergy  fly  ; 
their  places  were  quickly  filled  by  the 
nonconforming  divines.  Reformation  of 
morals  promoted  by  it.  Athens  and 
London. 

728.  Fire  of  London.  The  nonconforming 
miinisters  deprived  of  the  charily  which 
Ihey  had  obtained  froiii  the  city.  The 
mutual  criminations.  The  nonconform- 
ists establish  meetings.  Several  influen- 
tial members  of  the  establishment  parti- 
cularly useful.  Violence  of  the  noncon- 
f  )rinists. 

729.  Dissent  and  hostility  to  the  government 
creates  a  reaction  am(mg  churchmen, 
who  adopt  extravagant  notions  of  govern- 
ment, 'i'he  Oxford  decree  framed  by  Dr. 
Jane. 

730.  Lord  Clarendon  friendly  to  the  republi- 
cans ;  hostile  to  the  church.  Wny  ]  Bur- 
net's reason.  In  reality  the  presbyterians 
were  unfit  to  govern.  The  chancellor 
trusted  to  severity,  and  the  adoptiim  of  it 
convinced  men  of  the  necessity  of  tolera- 
tion. 

731.  Lord  Clarendon  supported  measures  of 
which  he  did  not  approve;  his  own  opi- 
nions therefore  are  uncertain.  The  feel- 
ings of  the  country  fostered  persecution. 
'J'he  nonc(mformists  would  have  perse- 
cuted in  their  turn.  The  church  certainly 
to  blame. 

732.  Profligacy  of  Charles  IL ;  he  sought 
ease  ;  and  arbitrary  power  was  no  further 
dear  to  him  than  as  it  procured  him  free- 
dom. His  talents  considerable  ;  infamous 
fir  being  willing  to  enslave  England  to 
France. 

733.  Profligacy  fostered  by  religious  dissen- 
sions. Fanaticism  was  followed  by  hy- 
pocris3^  by  profligacy,  by  religious  dis- 
cord ;  but  God  raised  up  deliverance  from 
our  very  misfortunes. 

APPENDIX  E.  p.  273. 

inSTOUY    OF    TUB    COMPILATION    OF    THE  COM- 
mON'    pn.VYEIl  BOOK. 

741.  The  Common  Prayer  Book  was  compiled 
from  the  services  of  the  Roman  church. 
The  King's  Primer  published  con- 
taining the  litany  and  prayers;  republish- 
ed by  E  hvard,  and  Elizabeth. 

742.  The  service  for  the  communion  after  the 
mass;  the  first  part  in  Latin,  the  second 
in  English,  1548.  Great  moderation  with 
regard  to  auricular  ccmfession. 

743.  The  wh(de  service  in  English,  1.549; 
this  differs  much  from  the  present  Lilursry, 
and  may  be  deemed  a  connecting  link 


between  the  missal  and  the  Prayer  Book. 
(■')  Difl"erences  from  the  present  Liturgy. 

744.  The  prudence  with  which  it  was  drawn 
Up.  An  ordinati(jn  service  composed  and 
published,  1.550. 

745.  Review  of  the  Liturgy,  1552.  Second  of 
Edward  VI.  Bucer  and  Peter  Martyr 
consulted.  It  differs  little  from  the  pre- 
sent. (  )  Alterations  between  ihe  Li- 
turgy of  1549—1552. 

746.  Liturgy  of  Elizabeth,  1560;  a  few  altera- 
tions from  that  of  the  second  of  Edward 
VI.    (  )  Alterations,  1552—1560. 

747.  .iterations  introduced  bv  proclamation, 
1604.    (I)  Alterations,  1560—1604. 

748.  Changes  made  while  Laud  w.is  arch- 
bishop. (')(Jhanges  then  made.  (  )Scotch 
Liturgy. 

749.  Alterations  made  by  the  convocation, 
1661.  The  work  had  been  pre|):ireil,  and 
was  quickly  carried  through  the  house. 
'I'his  is  the  present  Liturgy.  (  )  .\ltera- 
tions  now  made. 

750.  Service  for  the  consecration  of  churches; 
often  attempted,  but  never  authorized; 
drawn  up  by  Bishop  .\ndrews.  Four 
political  services,  for  Nov.  5,  Jan.  30, 
May  29,  and  the  .\ccession. 

CHAPTER  XVIL   p.  285. 

751.  The  contest  decided  in  1688  was  a  poli- 
tical one.  James's  arbitrary  noti'ins  ;  his 
very  conversion  to  Romanism,  polilica.. 

752.  He  aimed  at  arbitrary  power,  and  pre- 
ferred the  principles  of  Romanism,  be- 
cause ihey  are  better  suited  to  it  than 
those  of  the  church  of  England.  His 
sentiments  about  the  bill  ol' exclusicm. 

753.  The  Protestants  had  driven  the  Roman 
Catholics  into  his  arms  ;  at  his  accession 
he  promised  to  support  the  church  of 
England  ;  and  he  fancied  that  a  parly  in 
the  church  would  support  his  plans. 

754.  The  first  acts  of  James  were  arbitrary. 
A  large  revenue  was  settled  upon  him  ; 
he  was  blinded  as  to  the  real  slate  of 
things,  partly  by  the  success  with  which 
his  arms  were  crowned.    His  cruelty. 

755.  James's  cruelty  was  his  own.  No  one 
can  entertain  any  great  respect  for  the 
religious  principles  of  so  vicious  a  man. 

756.  In  order  tocheck  the  opposition  of  rhiirch- 
men,  James  forbade  preaching  on  contro- 
versial subjects,  and  threatened  to  make 
a  new  valor  for  tenths  and  first-fruits. 
The  church  active  in  the  popish  contro- 
versy. James  appoints  an  ecclesiastical 
commission. 

757.  The  commission  furnished  wiih  ample 
powers  for  reforming  ecclesiastical  bo- 
dies, schools,  and  universities,  (.'ompton 
suspended  f  )r  not  suspending  Sharp. 

758.  James,  wishing  to  curb  the  church,  issues 
a  declaration  fir  liberty  of  conscience, 
which  totally  repealed  all  the  penal  laws. 
In  this  he  invaded  private pniperly, though 
he  disclaimed  the  right  of  doing  so. 


CONTENTS. 


xxvii 


769.  He  attempts  to  form  a  parliament  favour- 
able to  his  views,  by  unwise  means.  He 
attenipls  to  influence  the  judges  most  ille- 
gally. 'J'lie  dispensing  power  tried  in  the 
case  of  Sir  Edward  Hales. 

760.  The  sufferings  of  the  dissenters;  the 
court  tried  to  divide  them  from  the 
church,  but  their  moderation  prevented 
this. 

761.  James  begins  by  attacking  the  universi- 
ties. Stale  of  Oxlbrd.  Roman  Catholic 
heads  of  houses.  He  commands  Magda- 
len college  to  elect  Farmer  for  their  pre- 
sident; and  upon  iheir  continued  refusal, 
Hough  and  twenty-five  fellows  were  eject- 
ed. S.  Parker  and  B.  Gitfard  successive 
presidents. 

762.  James's  view  of  the  question.  The  uni- 
versity of  Cambridge  refuses  a  degree  to 
a  Roman  Catholic.  The  vice-chancellor 
ejected.  A  similarly  illegal  attempt  is 
made  at  the  Charter-house. 

763.  James  makes  Petre  a  privy-counsellor, 
and  sends  Lord  ('astlemain  to  Rome. 
These  acts  attributed  to  Lord  Sunder- 
land.   (')  Vicars  apostolic. 

764.  James  not  friendly  to  the  power  of  Rome. 
The  pope  and  his  other  frietids  recom- 
men  I  cautiim.  The  pope's  nuncio  re- 
ceived at  Windsor,  and  consecrated  at 
St.  James's. 

76.5.  James  sees  the  growing  spirit  of  opposi- 
ti(m,and  tries  lo  gain  a  parliament  favour- 
able to  his  views,  and  to  abolish  the  test; 
he  converses  with  many  persons  on  his 
progress,  and  uses  violent  methods  to- 
wards corporations;  but  became  more 
and  more  mistrusted. 

766.  He  relies  on  his  army,  and  introduces 
Roman  Catholics  into  it.  Mr.  Johnson 
punished  severely  fur  an  address  to  the 
army. 

767.  \\  hen  every  one  was  offended  at  him, 
James  republishes  his  declaration  for 
liberty  of  C(mscience.  The  clergy  are 
directed  to  read  it  in  their  churches. 

768.  The  difficulty  in  which  the  clergy  were 
placed.  The  bishops  come  forward  and 
present  a  petition.  Few  clergymen  read 
the  declaration.    Four  bishops  enjoin  it. 

769.  The  bishops  sent  to  the  Tower.  The  c.\- 
ciiement  among  the  people. 

770.  Trial  of  the  bishops.  Question  of  the  dis- 
pensing power.  Opinion  of  the  judges. 
They  are  acquitted.  Joy  of  the  people 
and  army. 

771.  James  hopes  to  remedy  his  folly  by  firm- 
ness. Dismisses  the  two  judges  who  had 
fav(uired  the  bishops.  The  ecclesiastical 
commission  exerted.  The  good  conduct 
of  the  dissenters.  Sancroft  attempts  a 
comprehension.    His  (ilan. 

772.  Prdgress  of  the  revolution.  The  alarm 
of  James  made  him  retrace  his  steps 
when  it  was  loo  late. 

773.  He  c(msults  the  bishops, and  follows  their 
advice  to  no  purpose. 

774.  The  bishops  refused  to  sign  a  declaration 


of  abhorrence  with  regard  to  the  conduct 
of  the  prince  of  Orange.  This  refusal 
probably  saved  episcopacy  in  England. 

775.  'l"he  bishops  advise  him  to  call  a  free 
parliament.  He  tielermines  to  iry  the 
army ;  discovers  his  mistake,  and  at- 
tempts a  flight  into  France;  he  is  de- 
tained, returns  to  London,  and  again  flies. 

776.  Character  of  James  ;  his  talents;  want- 
ing in  honesty  ;  an  excellent  man  of  busi- 
ness ;  his  views  with  regard  lo  trade  and 
liberty  of  conscience ;  his  false  notions 
of  government. 

777.  His  great  object  was  to  establish  arbi- 
trary power,  and  for  this  purpose  he 
wished  to  introduce  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion  ;  he  always  esteemed  all  persons 
who  differed  from  his  opinions  as  hostile 
to  him,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  foolish 
and  dishonest  advisers. 

77S.  He  possessed  no  real  religion  while  lie  was 
king,  and  opposed  the  church  of  Home ; 
received  the  banished  Protestants.  He 
was  very  deceitful  in  his  promi>es  about 
the  church  of  England.  Dishonest  and 
unwise. 

779.  The  birth  of  the  prince  made  the  country 
look  to  itself  for  deliverance.  No  ground 
for  the  supposed  illegitimacy  of  the  c-hild. 

780.  The  present  struggle  of  a  mixed  nature. 
It  was  mostly  political,  but  the  people  re- 
garded it  as  a  relisrious  one. 

781.  Conduct  of  the  clergv.  Accifsed  by  the 
Roman  CJatholics  and  nonconformists  of 
preaching  passive  obedience,  till  they 
liad  deceived  the  king.  This  might  have 
been  the  case  with  some,  but  many  of 
them  exhibited  their  opinions  openly. 
Glorious  conduct  of  the  distinguished 
churchmen. 

CHAPTER  XVHL    p.  300. 

801.  The  oaths  of  supremacy  and  allegiance 
altered  and  imposed.  The  nonjiiring 
bishops.  The  impolicy  of  imposing  the 
oath. 

802.  Inutility  of  many  oaths.  General  oaths 
sometimes  useful.  Frequency  of  oaths 
disgraceful  to  us. 

803.  The  friends  and  supporters  of  the  Revo- 
lution suffered  by  il.  Power  given  to 
William  to  grant  incomes  to  some  of 
the  clergy;  never  used.  The  deprived 
bishops  continue  the  succession  of  bish- 
ops among  themselves. 

804.  The  principles  upon  which  they  did  this. 
They  possessed  a  power  which  the  civil 
authority  could  not  takeaway,  and  which 
therefore  they  continued  to  exercise.  Dif- 
ference between  their  case  and  that  of  the 
Scotch  bishops.  Difficulty  of  praying  for 
William  and  Mary. 

805.  The  question  of  the  propriety  of  the  con- 
duct of  these  bi'-hops.  'J'he  Revolution 
is  not  to  be  justified  on  permanent  prin- 
ciples, but  is  one  of  those  cases  which 
are  not  provided  for  in  the  Bible.  The  non- 


CONTENTS. 


XXV  iii 

juring bishops  are  not  to  be  blamed;  their  I 
subsequent  conduct  created  a  schism,  and 
is  unjustifiable. 

806.  Toleration  act  passes.  A  commission 
granted  for  preparing  alterations  in  the 
I.itnrgy,  and  reforming  the  discipline  of 
the  church  ;  some  of  the  members  refuse 
to  act.  (•')  The  names  of  the  commis- 
sioners. 

807.  Intended  alterations  in  the  Liturgy. 

808.  Piideaux's  expectations  from  this  con- 
vocation. DcsiV/emfa  in  the  Liturgy.  Form 
of  Aimily  prayer;  disuse  of  it  arising 
from  the  circumstances  of  the  times. 
(^)  The  American  Prayer  Book,  1790. 

809.  The  temper  of  the  lower  house  of  Con- 
vocation. Dr.  Jane  elected  prolocutor; 
the  causes  of  this;  his  speech.  The  dis- 
pute about  the  address.  The  session  dis- 
continued.   The  clergy  blamed. 

810.  If  alterations  had  been  made,  the  non- 
jurors would  have  had  more  apparent 
reason  for  calling  themselves  the  old 
church,  and  of  charging  the  others  with 
creating  divisions.  No  good  to  be  ex- 
pected from  a  comprehension ;  yet  all 
reasonable  objections  might  as  well  be 
obviated. 

811.  The  church  of  England  was  now  esta- 
blished by  law,  as  it  stands  at  present;  a 
summary  of  its  history;  it  ceased  to  be 
Roman  Catholic  under  Henry  VIII. ;  it 
became  Protestant  by  law  under  Ed- 
ward VI.;  but  hardly  fixed  in  the  hearts 
of  the  people. 

812.  Under  Mary  Romanism  was  restored, 
but  by  no  means  with  full  power;  she 
persecuted  from  principle,  and  her  per- 
secutions convinced  the  people  of  the 
evils  of  popery. 

813.  Elizabeth  loved  ceremonies,  and  hated 
Puritanism  ;  and  by  her  severities  united  i 
those  who  opposed  either  the  government  j 
of  the  church  or  state. 

814.  These  evils  were  augmented  under  James, 


and  his  weakness  and  impolicy  strength- 
ened his  enemies. 

815.  Laud  increased  the  tyranny  of,  and  the 
opposition  to,  the  Star  Chamber  and  Ec- 
clesiastical Commission.  The  canons 
contributed  to  make  the  ruling  part  of  the 
clergy  disliked,  and  the  exclusive  con- 
duct of  Laud  drove  many  more  into  the 
ranks  of  the  enemies  of  the  church. 

816.  At  the  Restoration  some  power  was  given 
back  to  the  bishops'  courts;  but  the  per- 
secution which  was  exercised  arose  from 
the  House  of  Commons,  and  at  last  cjn- 
vinced  the  country  of  the  necessity  of 
toleration. 

817.  The  church  of  England  is  an  authorized 
and  paid  establishment,  but  not  an  exclu- 
sive one ;  and  is  bound  to  endeavour  to 
benefit  the  country.  Such  an  ecclesias- 
tical society  was  instituted  by  Christiani- 
ty, but  has  been  modified  by  the  law  of 
the  land. 

818.  Evils  arising  from  the  connection  be- 
tween the  church  and  state.  Wrong 
appointments  in  the  church.  Worldly- 
mindedness  in  the  clergy.  Destruction 
of  spiritual  government;  and  of  ecclesi- 
astical discipline. 

819.  The  blessings  of  the  church  as  amoral 
police,  and  a  teacher  of  Christianity. 

APPENDIX  F.    p.  310. 

Bainham's  conference  with  Latimer.  The 
death  of  Cranmer.  L.  Saunders,  his 
conduct  with  regard  to  his  child  and 
wife;  his  letter  about  his  shirt.  Tyn 
dale's  letter  to  Frith,  relating  the  firmness 
of  his  wile. 

CiinovoLOKicAi  Tables,  p.  317. 

I 

j  Genealogical  Tables,  p.  329. 
'  IsnKX,  p.  333. 


SKETCH  or  THE  HISTOIIY 


OF 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLiVND. 


CHAPTER  I. 

TO  THE  NORMAN  CONQUEST. 

1,  Outline  of  the  history  of  the  British  cliurcli.  2.  Evidence  in  favour  of  St.  Paul's  having  preached 
in  Britain.  Other  traditions  without  foundation.  3.  King  Lucius.  St.  Alban.  Constantine  puta 
an  end  to  persecuiion.  4.  British  bishops  at  various  councils.  5.  Pelagianism.  Sciioois.  Galil- 
ean liturgy.  G.  Conversion  of  the  Saxons.  7.  Augustin;  his  proceedings.  R.  Progress  of  the 
conversion  of  the  Saxons.  Willrid.  9.  Roman  supremacy.  10.  Danes.  Tillies.  11.  Alfred. 
12.  Udo.  Dunstan.  Wealth  of  ilie  church.  IH.  Imperfection  of  this  sketch.  11.  Origin  of  the 
errors  of  the  church  of  Rome.  15.  Prayer  for  the  dead.  Purgatory.  IG.  Traiisubsiantiation. 
17.  iVIass.  18.  Image  worship.  19.  Relics.  20.  Pilgrimages.  21.  Confession  and  penance. 
22.  Celibacy  of  the  Clergy.  23.  History  of  ecclesiaslical  establishments.  24.  Progress  of  error. 
25.  Real  danger  of  erroneous  opinions.    2G.  Inadequate  views  of  Chrisiianiiy  among  the  Saxons. 


The  early  history  of  the  British 
church,  if  it  he  regarded  as  a  question 
of  curiosity,  may  well  claim  the  atten- 
tion of  those  who  delight  in  such  re- 
searches; but  to  him  who  seeks  only 
for  truths  which  may  prove  useful  in 
the  formation  of  his  own  opinions,  any 
considerable  investigation  into  the  re- 
cords which  are  left  us,  can  offer  little 
beyond  labour,  accompanied  with  very 
trifling  hopes  of  reward.  The  particu- 
lars which  are  to  be  gleaned  from  our 
uncertain  and  unsupported  histories, 
may  be  briefly  comprehended  under 
the  following  heads.  The  island  was 
early  blessed  by  the  dissemination 
of  Christianity,  possibly  through  the 
preaching  of  St.  Paul ;  and  before  the 
end  of  the  second  century  the  country 
had  generally  received  the  gospel. 
Episcopacy  was  from  the  first  esta- 
blished among  us,  and  the  British 
church  partook  in  the  persecutions  and 
•heresies  which  agitated  tlie  rest  of  the 
Christian  community,  and  appears  to 
have  had  much  connection  with  Gaul; 
but  neither  of  these  churches  paid  any 
1 


further  deference  to  Rotne  than  that 
which  the  younger  sister  ought  to  con- 
cede to  her  elder.  The  flourishing 
condition  of  this  church  was  first  de- 
stroyed by  heresy  and  vice,  and  then 
oppressed  and  overvvhelmed  by  the 
arrival  of  the  heathen  Saxon,  who  in 
his  turn  became  the  civilized  convert  of 
the  faith  which  he  had  once  persecuted. 

§  2.  With  regard  to  the  details  of 
these  events,  it  will  perhaps  be  deemed 
sufficient  if  the  reader  be  referred  to 
those  authorities  where  he  will  find  all 
the  satisfaction  which  can  be  obtained, 
while  only  such  particulars  are  men- 
tioned as  seem  from  their  importance 
to  merit  our  further  attention.  Euse- 
bius  asserts,'  that  some  of  the  apostles 
preached  the  gospel  in  the  British  isles.'* 
Theodoret  confirms  this  ;■'  and  else- 
where, after  having  mentioned  Spain, 

'  Stillingneet's  Orig.  Brit.  3C>. 

^  ■  Tifu;  oi  )')^,r\  KoX       aura  t/}$  QiKO^'fthqi  cXOetv  ra 

aKpa^  iiri  rf  t-V  I^'^-'ji'  (ftl  iaaix'-fiay,  koi  Irtpovi  vjrip  rdj/ 

&c.  &c.  Euseb.  Dem.  Evang.  lib.  ill.  c.  7,  p.  112. 
Paris,  1C28. 

3  Oi  a  ripiinpn  aXuXf  kol\  oi  rsXaiydi,  «o!  i  crKvroiifiDs 

A  1 


2 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  L 


says  that  St.  Paul  brought  salvation  to 
the  isles  which  lie  in  the  ocean.*  These 
testimonies  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  cen- 
turies are  supported  by  an  expression 
of  Clement  of  Rome,  who  wrote  before 
the  end  of  the  first,  and  who  relates 
that  St.  Paul  preached  righteousness 
through  the  whole  world, and  in  so 
doing  went  to  the  utmost  bounds  of  the 
West."*  If  these  words  are  to  be  taken 
in  their  literal  sense,  little  doubt  can 
remain  that  this  kingdom  was  converted 
to  Christianity  bj'  the  apostle  to  the 
(Icntiles  ;  yet  such  deductions  must  al- 
ways be  regarded  with  suspicion  :  and, 
though  we  may  not  hesitate  in  believ- 
ing that  our  holy  faith  was  planted  in 
these  islands  at  a  period  not  far  distant 
from  the  first  preaching  of  Christianity,* 
we  shall  hardl)"  assign  to  this  event  a 
date  so  early  as  the  reign  of  Tiberius, 
as  some  authors  have  dene,''  from  mis- 
understanding a  passage  in  Gildas. 

The  several  traditions  about  St. 
James,  Sirnon  Zelotes,"  and  Philip,'  are 

Tiwaffijt  th-dp-'^'-s  TOuj  evayyeKtKOv;  Tpojsvr\v6xa^i  vofto 

KM  ra  Sic  •Siini,  &c. — foi  Uptra^yoi;  Kai  aTralanXd:  ~a 

i-y>  ■Ifmiaaf.  Theodoreti  Serm.  ix.  De  Lcgibus, 
\>.  filO,  torn.  iv.  Paris,  1G42. 

*  "Xaripov  ftcvTOi  rui  Tiji  'IraXiaj  £77^.7,  koi  £if  ra; 
Xrjfi'a;  dfiKtro,  rat  rais  iv  rt->  TrXayct  SiaKei^haig  vriro:^ 
Ti";!/  iV^tVriav  rpaait^cyKt,  &.C.  In  Psalm.  CXvi.  lom 
i.  |).  671. 

'A~oXoyiff  J/irpo^  oj;  rt9(u3y   wptiOij^  Kat   TUf  Y~avta^ 
Kar^Xn/h,  koi  ctf  trcpa  £9^jj  ^pawi3v  Trjf  ttj;  ^liaTKoXta^ 
monfiycYK!.    In  'I'im.  iv.  17,  torn.  iii.  p.  50G. 
'2  Cave's  Life  of  St.  Paul,  £0. 
5  rijuXo; — Jc^pi'^  ytvojizyo;  iv  re  rg  di-aroX^  koi  _ij  rrj 

-r  pjia  -q;  iv7€!i>;  fXO.jj'.  &,c.  Clemens  Rom.  ad  Cor. 
[).  8.    Oxf..  1633. 

*  Terlullian.  who  wrote  about  a.  b.  200,  and 
Origen,  2-10.  both  speak  of  Chris;iar.ity  as  lully 
csialilislied  in  Briiain. 

In  q»em  enim  alium  universa;  pentes  creoide- 
r;int,  r.isi  in  Christum  qui  jnm  venit  ?    Cui  enim 

ct  alia?  frenies  credideruni  ;  Fanhi.  &c.  His- 

jintiia.Mim  omnes  termini  et  Gallinrum  diversae 
raiioiies,  el  Britannorum  iiiacccssa  Romanis  loca. 
Cbristo  vero  subdiia,  &c.  TerluUianus  adv. 
Jud<Fof.  p  212.    Paris,  1634. 

Virlns  Domini  Salvaloris  et  cum  his  est  qui  ab 
orbe  r.osiro  in  Brilaiinia  dividuntur,  &c.  Ori<:e- 
nis  Ilom.  vi.  in  Lucam.  p.  939.  iii.    Paris.  1740. 

Quando  enim  terra  Britannias  ante  adventuni 
Chris'i  in  unius  Dei  consensit  religionem  ?  Quan- 
do terra  ?,lauroruni  ?  Quando  loius  semel  orbis  ? 
Nune  vero  prop:er  ecclesias,  qui  niundi  limited 
teneni,  universa  irrra  cum  !a:ti(ia  claniat  ad  Domi- 
num  Isratd.  et  capax  est  bonorum  secundum  fines 
snos.    P.  370.    H.  in  Ezech.  iv. 

5  Stillinsfleet,  4. 

*  Accordir's  'o  the  Greek  menologies,  Simon 
Zeloles  suffered  martyrdom  in  Britain.  See 
Cave's  Apost.  p.  151. 

'  SlilUngfleet,  45. 


destitute  of  any  ancient  testimony  ;  and 
that  in  favour  of  St.  Peter  is  of  a  very 
late  date.  The  fable  about  Joseph  of  Ari- 
mathea,"  and  his  having  founded  Glas- 
tonbury Abbey, ^  would  have  been  un- 
worthy of  notice,  had  not  Q.ueen  Eliza- 
beth and  Archbishop  Parker'"  ventured 
to  claitn  him  as  the  first  preacher  of 
Christianity  in  England  ;  but  the  ab- 
surdity of  the  whole  story  is  fully  esta- 
blished by  Stillingfleet." 

§  3.  Many  English  writers  refer  the 
conversion  of  this  country  to  the  reign 
of  King  Lucius,'^  of  whom  the  old 
book  of  Llandaff  says,  that  he  sent 
Eluanus  and  Medwinus  to  Eleutherius, 
the  twelfth  bishop  of  Rome,  requesting 
that  he  might  be  made  a  Christian 
through  his  instruction ;  and  that,  on 
the  return  of  these  messengers,  Lucius 
and  the  chief  of  the  Britons  were  bap- 
tized, and  bishops  consecrated  for  the 
dissemination  of  Christianity.  So  many 
improbabilities  have  been  engrafted  on 
this  relation,  that  the  very  existence  of 
such  a  king,  and  the  whole  tale,  has, 
without  much  reason,  been  questioned. 
The  circumstance  of  his  sending  am- 
bassadors to  request  instruction  corre- 
sponds with  the  supposition  already 
made,  that  the  country  had  before  re- 
ceived the  truths  of  Christianity ;  and 
the  disagreement  between  the  two  rela- 
tions is  the  less  important,  as  it  amounts 
only  to  this,  whether  we  suppose  that 
the  Christian  religion  was  now  first 
established,  or  that,  having  mane  but 
little  progress,  since  its  first  foundation, 
it  was  now  reformed  and  renewed  ;  and 
the  want  of  any  sufficient  testimony 
must  preclude  the  idea  of  deciding  this 
question.  We  may  neverllieless  as- 
sume, as  an  undoubted  fact,  that  Chris- 
tianity was  established  here  very  gene- 
rally before  the  end  of  the  second  cen- 
tury for  Tertijllian  says.'-*  that  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  xvas  advanced  in 
Gaul  and  Britain,  and  that  Christ  was 
solemnly  worshipped  by  the  inhabitants. 
From  this  time  we  meet  with  little  con- 
cerning the  British  churches  till  we 
learn  that  England  was  not  free  from 

*  It  is  curious  that,  at  the  council  of  Basil,  the 
English  bishops  chimed  precedence  on  the  ground 
of  the  conversion  of  Britain  by  Joseph.  Fuller 
iv.  180. 

9  Strvpe's  An.  i.  218.  '<>  Parker,  i.  139. 
"  Orig.  Brit.  6,  &c.  Orig.  Brit.  66. 
«  Orig.  Brit.  50.         "  Teriull.  c.  Jud.  ch.  7. 


Chap.  I.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


9 


the  trials  to  which  Christianity  was  sub-  j 
jectcd  during  the  third  century,  and  the  ; 
fate  of  Julius,  Aaron,  and  St.  Alban,'  I 
who  has  transferred  his  name  to  Veru- 
lamium,'^  where  he  suffered,  proves  that  I 
the    Diocletian   persecution  extended 
thus  far  into  the  provinces  which  were 
subject  to  the  Roman  power. 

Constantius  Chlorus,  when  he  was 
declared  emperor,  put  an  end  to  these 
persecutions  ;  and  upon  his  death, 
which  took  place  at  York  in  the  year 
following,  his  son  Constantine  the  Great 
began  his  reign,  in  which  it  pleased  God 
that  most  of  the  outward  miseries  of 
his  Christian  servants  should  terminate. 
(a.  d.  ;i07.) 

§  4.  The  British  church  seems  to 
have  flourished  at  this  period  for,  at 
the  council  of  Aries,*  there  were  three 
English  bishops  present ;  and  it  may  be 
observed,  that  the  manner  in  which  that 
council  communicated  its  canons  to  the 
bishop  of  Rome,  proves  that  the  repre- 
sentative's of  the  churches  there  assem- 
bled esteemed  themselves  quite  inde- 
pendent of  his  authority.^ 

It  seems  probable  that  there  were 
English  bishops  at  the  council  of  Nice" 
in  Bithynia,'  but  the  subscriptions  pre- 
served are  so  imperfect,  that  no  names 
of  British  bishops  can  be  distinguished. 
Their  presence,  however,  at  Sardica" 


'  St.  Alban,  the  first  British  marlyr.  had  served 
in  liis  I'oman  army,  and,  on  his  return,  haviii;; 
bce;i  converted  to  Chris  ianiiy,  was  put  to  deaih. 
A  rnonaitery  was  afierwards  raised  to  his  honour 
by  OtFa.  king  oi  iMcrcia. 

2  .Siiliingfleet,  70.  3  Ibid.  74. 

^  The  council  of  Aries  was  assembled  by  Con- 
Btantinc  against  the  Donatists,  who  had  fallen  into 
echisrn  on  account  of  the  election  of  a  bis-hopof 
Car  hage.  The  canons  ol' it  may  be  found  in 
CoUicr.'  i.  2C,. 

*  Stillingfleet,  84. 
I'he  council  of  Nice  was  assembled  by  Con- 
s'anline  against  the  Arian.s,  325.  The  anatheina 
of  It  is,  '■  I  hc  catholic  and  apos'olic  church  ana- 
thematizes all  who  .«ay,  that  there  was  a  lime  when 
the  Son  did  not  exist,  that  he  hi\d  no  existence 
previous  to  his  birth,  and  that  he  was  created  out 
of  nothing;  or  who  say  that  he  was  formed  or 
chinged  from  another  substance  or  essence,  or 
that  lie  is  capable  of  change:"  fee  Pearson  on 
the  Creed,  p.  ]3i.  This  council  did  not  make 
the  Niccne  Creed  as  it  now  stands,  which  was 
imblished  at  the  first  council  of  Constantinople, 
381  ;  it  settled  that  Easter  should  be  held  the  first 
Sunday  atier  the  lounccnih  day  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical new  moon.  'J  he  doctrines  of  Arius  seem  to 
iiavc  made  some  progress  in  England. 

'  Stillingfleet,  89. 

'  This  council  was  assembled  at  Sardica  in 
Thrace,  347,  to  judire  between  the  Arians  and 
Athanasius:  see  Collier,  i.  30,  &c.,  where  more 


and  Ariminum,"  is  more  clearly  esta- 
blished ;"'  and  it  is  related,  with  regard 
to  this  latter  council,  that  the  British 
bishops  generally  refused  to  receive  the 
allowance  made  to  them  from  the  empe- 
ror, while  three  of  them  only  accepted 
it ;  a  proof  at  once  of  the  number  and 
wealth  of  the  British  bishops  who  were 
there. 

§  5.  The  introduction  of  Pelagian- 
ism, which  took  place  about  the  same 
time,'^  filled  the  church  with  tumult  and 
distraction.  The  opinions  connected 
with  this  heresy  were  generally  diffused 
in  England  ;  and  so  strongly  were  its 
advocates  fortified  with  arguments,  or 
so  weakly  were  they  opposed,  that  the 
British  divines,  finding  themselves  un- 
equal to  the  task  of  convincing  their 
heretical  adversaries,  were  twice  forced 
to  call''  in  the  assistance  of  Germauus, 
a  Galilean  bishop."  He  was  accotnpa- 
nied  in  his  first  visit  by  Lupus,  and  in 
his  second  by  Severus,  and  on  each  oc- 
casion successfully  refuted  the  errors 
of  his  opponents.  As  the  best  means 
of  putting  an  effectual  stop  to  these 
heresies,  St.  German  seems  to  have  at- 
tempted to  introduce  into  the  island  the 
study  of  sound  learning  and  theology 
and  his  disciples,  Illutus  and  Dubritius, 
established  schools  famous  in  their  gene- 
ration. The  monastery  of  Banchor,'"' 
near  Chester,  was  probably  a  seminary 


arguments  against  the  right  of  appeals  to  the  pope 
inay  be  found. 

9  Siillingfleet,  135.  i"  Fuller,  24. 

"  The  Pelagian  heresy  had  its  origin  from  Mor- 
gan, who  is  generally  called  a  Welchman,  but 
proliably  was  Scotus,  e.  a  native  Irishman. 
(.Siillingfleet,  p.  181.)  His  name  in  the  old  IJritish 
latiguage  signifies  sea-born,  and  from  hence  is  de- 
rived his  classical  appellation.  He  was  ol'  con- 
siderable rank,  and  possessed  much  learning  and 
natural  genius;  his  life  was  exemplary.  He  tra- 
velled to  Rome,  and  from  thence  to  Africa,  and 
died  somewhere  in  the  East.  (See  Collier,  i.  41.) 
He  denied  the  doctrine  of  original  sin,  and  the 
necessity  of  grace,  and  asserted  that  man  could 
attain  to  perfection.  His  opinions  were  opposed 
by  St.  .Augustin,  bishop  of  Hippo,  and  condemned 
in  the  person  of  Ccelcsiiiis,  his  disciple,  at  co\m- 
cils  held  at  Car'hage  and  l\Iilevum  in  the  year 
41G  :  no  less  than  thirty  councils  are  said  tc  have 
been  held  concerning  them.  As  the  doctrines  of 
Pelagius  are  of  such  a  character  that  every  man's 
own  heart  will  naturally  suggest  them,  unless  he 
be  guided  by  the  grace  of  God,  wc  need  not  won- 
der at  their  g'Micral  recepiion.  Pelagius  taught 
and  gave  a  name  jo  that  to  which  all  of  us  are  of 
ourselves  disposed — "  self-reliance  in  spiritual 
things." 

'2  Siillingfleet,  187. 

"  Ihid.  194.  Ibid.  189. 

'5  Ibid.  204.  16  Ibid.  205. 


4 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  I 


of  this  description,  rather  than  one 
formed  after  the  model  introduced  from 
Egypt,"  in  which  the  monks  were  bred 
up  to  labour,  and  in  ignorance  ;  for  Bedc, 
who  is  not  generally  favourable  to  Bri- 
tish establishments,  confesses  tliat  it  was 
furnished  with  learned  men  at  the  com- 
ing of  Augustin  into  England. 

'I'liese  bishops  are  said  to  have  brought 
with  them  into  the  British  churches- 
the  use  of  the  Galilean  liturgy,'  which 
was  derived  probably  from  St.  John, 
through  Polycarp  and  Irena;us.  The 
principal  difrerences*  between  this  and 
the  Roman  liturgy^  are  stated  to  be  fol- 
lowed in  the  Common  Prayer  Book  of 
our  church ;  so  that  the  reformers,  when 
they  translated  and  made  selections  from 
the  services  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
really  reduced  back  the  form  of  prayers 
to  a  nearer  conformity  to  our  more  an- 
cient liturgies. 

§  ().  The  arrival  of  the  heathen  Sax- 
ons overturned  the  ecclesiastical  as  well 
as  civil  government,  and  their  barbarity 
spread  such  devastation  through  the 
land,  that  Christianity  was  confined  to 
those  mountainous  districts  where  the 
Britons  still  retained  their  liberty.  But 
the  records  of  these  times  furnish  little 
more  than  the  mere  detail  of  uninterest- 
ing events. 

Christianity  Avas  again  introduced  into 
England,  now  become  Saxon,  by  the 
arrival  of  St.  Augustin,  in  590.  The 
comparative  tranquillity  which  had  for 


'  The  first  monks  were  persons  who,  in  solitude, 
and  afierwavds  in  private  houfes  of  iheir  own,  led 
more  pious  and  retired  lives  ihan  their  neiglibours. 
The  wild  fancies  of  certain  visionaries  who  esta- 
blished ihernselvcs  in  Egypt  can  hardly  be  ac- 
counted the  origin  of  the  laler  insiitulions  of  this 
sort.  Such  instances  of  fanaticism  and  iijnorance, 
often  combined  wiih  some  poriion  of  knavery, 
are  common  to  all  periods  and  religions,  and 
among  Christians  might  have  tended  to  pervert 
the  minds  of  those  who  aspired  after  the  highest 
degrees  of  sanctity.  Individuals  first  dedicated 
themselves  lo  the  service  of  (Jod  in  ihis  manner: 
societies  were  afterwards  formed,  who  lived  under 
a  head  or  abbot,  and  conformed  to  certain  rules. 
They  were  originally  mere  laymen,  but  subse- 
quently many  of  them  were  adopted  among  the 
clergy,  and  rose  to  the  highest  offices  in  the  church. 

2  Stillingfleet,  216. 

'  Johnson's  Can..  Pref.  xv.,  who  doubts  of  this. 

*  These  consisted  in  a  confession  of  sins,  where- 
with the  service  began  ;  in  proper  prefaces,  which 
were  introduced  for  certain  days  before  the  conse- 
cration of  the  elements;  in  several  e.xpressions 
which  mark  that  the  doctrine  of  transubstaniiation 
had  not  then  been  received  ;  and  in  the  attention 
to  singring  paid  in  the  Roman  church. 

6  Stillingfleet,  232. 


j  some  time  prevailed  throughout  the 
■|  island,  and  the  marriage  of  Ethelbert, 
king  of  Kent,  with  Britha,  daughter  of 
Charibert,  king  of  Paris,  had  prepared 
i  the  country  for  its  reception.  She  was 
'  allowed  the  free  exercise  of  her  religion ; 
and  her  chaplain,  a  French  bishop,  had 
,  openly  performed  the  ceremonies  of  the 
church,  thus  softening  down  that  ani- 
mosity towards  Christianity,  which  a 
jblood}^  struggle  against  its  professors 
I  had  excited  in  the  minds  of  the  Saxons. 
Nor,  in  speaking  of  their  conversion, 
must  we  neglect  to  take  into  account 
the  growing  dissatisfaction  which  hea- 
thens, as  they  advance  in  civilization, 
must  always  feel  towards  their  former 
superstitions,  even  when  they  continue 
to  observe  them  ;  a  disgust  which  the 
Saxons  seem  frequently  to  have  dis- 
played." Gregory  I.  came  to  the  pa- 
pacy in  590,  and  soon  put  into  execution 
a  determination  which  he  had  formed 
while  in  a  private  station.  He  had  been 
struck  with  the  personal  beauty  of  some 
English  slaves  whom  he  happened  lo 
see  at  Rome,  and  made  the  resolution 
.  of  trying  to  convert  their  felloAV-coun- 
trymen ;  an  attempt  which  he  would 
have  begun  in  his  ov.'n  person,  if  cir 
cumstances  had  not  prevented  him.  h 
was  in  order  to  fulfil  this  benevolcni 
design,  that  he  afterwards  despatched 
St.  Augustin  with  forty  monks,  who, 
having  obtained  interpreters  in  France, 
landed  in  Kent,  and  was  permitted  to 
settle  in  Canterbury,  and  to  undertake 
the  conversion  of  the  inhabitants. 

§  7.  The  success  of  these  mission- 
aries was  so  great  that  Autrustin  was 
consecrated  archbishop  of  England,  by 
the  archbishop  of  Aries,  and  more  ec- 
clesiastics were  sent  to  his  assistance, 
accompanied  with  presents  of  books,' 

6  Turner,  i.  231. 

'  Wanley  has  given  a  catalogue  of  the  books 
sent  by  Gregory.  '1  hese  wen — 1.  A  Bible, 
adorned  with  some  leaves  of  a  purple  and  rose 
colour,  in  two  volumes.  2.  The  Psalter  of  St. 
Augustin,  with  the  Creed,  Paler  Nosier,  and 
several  Latin  hymns.  3  Two  copies  of  the  Gos- 
pels, with  the  'J'en  Canons  of  Eusebius  prefi.xed  ; 
one  of  which  Elstob  believed  to  be  in  the  Bod- 
leian hbrary.  and  the  other  at  Cambridge,  p.  42. 
4.  Another  Psalter,  with  hymns.  5.  A  volume 
I  containing  legends  on  the  sufTerings  of  the  apos- 
tles, with  a  picture  of  our  Saviour  in  silver,  ';)  a 
posture  of  blessing.  (1.  .Another  volume  on  the 
martyrs,  which  had  on  the  outside  a  glory,  silver 
gilt,  set  round  with  crystals  and  beryls.  7.  An 
Exposition  of  the  Epistles  and  Gospels,  which 
had  on  the  cover  a  large  beryl  surrounded  with 


IIAP.  I.] 


CHURCH  OF  KNGLAND. 


•6 


and  other  articles  of  which  they  might 
stand  in  need  ;  and  among  these,  relics 
were  not  forgotten.  Tliey  received  at 
the  same  time  orders  from  Rome,  which 
directed  them  to  accomurodate,  as  much 
as  possible,  the  festivals  of  the  church 
to  the  seasons  of  heathen  amusement 
and  feasting.'  The  scheme  of  an  ec- 
clesiastical establishment,  which  was  to 
consist  of  two  archbishops,  each  having 
under  him  twelve  suffragans,  was  also 
transmitted  to  them,  but  seems  never  to 
have  been  adopted. - 

Augustin  before  his  death, ^  which 
took  place  about  005,  tried  to  bring  the 
churches  of  the  British  into  unity  with 
that  over  which  he  presided,  and  insist- 
ed on  three  concessions  only.*  That 
they  should  keep  Easter  at  the  Roman 
time,  should  use  the  forms  of  that 
church  in  baptizing,  and  preach  to  the 
Saxons.  His  efforts,  however,  were 
unavailirg,  and  he  was  rejected  for  a 
supposed  want  of  apostolical  humility, 
though  he  is  said  to  have  performed  a 
miracle  in  attestation  of  his  ministry. 
The  point  at  issue  seems  really  to  have 
been,  whether  the  British  prolates  should 
submit  to  Augustin  and  Rome.  The 
question  about  the  time  of  observing 
Easter  was  also  discussed  in  the  council 
of  Whitby,^  where  Oswi  decided  it  in 
fiivour  of  the  Roman  method,  because 
both  parties  agreed  that  St.  Peter  kept 
the  keys  of  heaven,  and  that  he  had 

crysials.  Aiis;us!iii  also  broiijjht  Gregory's  Pas- 
toral Care,  which  AliVcd  lr:iiisluled.  See  lilstob, 
p.  39 — J3  ;  and  VVaiilcy,  p.  171.  whose  descripiion 
is  tak(!ii  from  'I'liornas  do  Eliiiharn,  a  monk  of 
Augusiin's  Abbey,  in  the  time  of  Henry  V.  See 
also  Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  p.  431.  Turner's  Ang.-Sax. 
I.  332. 

'  'i'iiis  circumstance  may  account  for  the  retcn- 
Cion  of  many  Sa.xon  narm'S  in  matters  connected 
with  H'ligion.  'I'lms  Yule,  the  old  name  tor 
Christma.s,  is  derived  from  Jule,  a  Saxon  feast  at 
the  winter  solstice;  and  Haster  from  the  goddess 
Eostre,  who  was  worsiiipped  with  f)ecnliar  honours 
in  April.  Lent  signifies  spring.  From  the  deities 
Tiw.  Woden,  Thuiire,  Kriga,  and  Saterne,  are 
derived  the  names  of  the  days  of  the  week.  See 
Turner's  A.-S.  i.  213.  Superstition  has  proljably 
borrowed  from  the  same  source.  Lurk  i)robably 
comes  from  a  Saxon  deity.  Lake;  ('I'urner,  i.  226, 
21(i,  13  ;  Deuce  from  certain  demons  called  Ducii 
by  the  Gauls.  Ochus  Bochus.  a  magician  and  de- 
mon, and  Ncccus,  a  malign  deity  who  frequeniod 
waters,  may  be  the  origin  of  the  names  Hocus 
Pocus  and  Old  Nick.  The  cotnmon  derivation 
of  Hocus  I'ocus,  from  a  rapid  pronouncing  of  hoc 
est  corpus,  is  hardly  admissible. 

^  Lingard,  Ang.-Sax.  Church,  M  ;  Henry,  Hist. 
Eng.  lii.  194. 

^^Collier,  i.  75.  i  Bede,  ii.  2. 

'  Collier,  i.  95. 


used  the  Roman  method  of  computing." 

(a.  d.  mi.) 

§  8.  In  (5(;8,  Theodore,  a  native  of 
Tarsus  in  Cilicia,"  was  consecrated  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  on  the  nomina- 
tion of  Vitalian  the  then  Pope  ;  a  step 
which  he  was  induced  to  take  on  the 
death  of  Wighart,  who,  with  most  of 
his  companions,  was  destroyed  by  the 
plague  at  Rome,  where  he  had  been 
sent  in  order  to  be  consecrated.  Theo- 
dore was  very  serviceable  to  the  British 
church  by  the  learning  which  he,  and 
his  friend  Adrian,  introduced,  and  is 
said  to  have  advanced  the  establishment 
of  parish  churches,  by  allowing  foundei's 
to  become  the  pastors  of  them.  He  di- 
vided also  some  of  the  larger  bishop- 
rics, which,  as  they  were  then  generally 
co-e.xtensive  with  the  kingdoms  to  which 
they  belonged,  were  frequently  enor- 
mous in  point  of  size.  Wilfrid,  arch- 
bishop of  York,  whose  diocese  compre- 

^  The  question  of  the  time  of  keeping  Easter 
long  agitated  the  Chrisiian  cummuiiiiy.  'I'he 
Eastern  church  kept  it  iucovdiiig  to  ilic  .Irui.-,h 
ritual,  on  the  fourieenlh  moun  of  that  luiiaiiotr 
which  occurred  alter  the  vernal  equino.v,  whether 
it  were  Sunday  or  no  :  in  197,  Victor,  bishop  of 
Rome,  cxcommnnicatcd  them  for  so  doing.  '1  hey 
were  in  consequence  called  (jiiurin  dccinwni.  In 
order  to  avoid  any  coincidence  with  the  Jews  as 
to  the  day  ol  keepnig  this  feast,  most  of  the  West- 
ern churches  ran  into  the  opposite  extreme,  and 
m  those  years  in  which  the  passover  occurred  on 
a  Sunday,  ihey  kept  the  Easter-day  on  its  octave. 
The  council  of  Nice  (32:"))  derided  that  it  was  to 
be  kept  on  a  Sunday,  but  as  the  British  clmrch 
which  received  its  canons  kept  Easier  on  ihe  four- 
teenth, when  it  happened  to  be  a  Smiday,  it  seems 
probable  that  the  expression  of  the  Nircne  ciinon 
was  originally  so  general  as  not  to  decide  this 
point,  and  that  the  great  nicety  in  avoiding  the  day 
of  the  Jewish  passover  originated  wiili  i{ome. 
The  Church,  at  the  same  period,  generally  adopted 
the  Melonic  cycle  of  nincicc:n  years,  by  which 
Easter  was  newly  calculated  in  die  Tables  of  Eu- 
sebius  of  Caisarea,  and  rejected  the  cycle  of 
eighty-four  years,  which  vi'ns  very  faulty,  and  de- 
rived from  the  Jews.  'I'he  question  in  England 
was  the  general  one  of  kei^iiiiig  Easier  ;is  ilio 
Roman  church  did.  The  diU'erence  consis:ed  in 
two  points  :  the  British  churches  seem  not  to  have 
used  the  same  cycle,  probably  that  of  eighty-lour 
years,  and  to  have  kept  I'^aster  on  the  lourleenlh, 
if  that  day  happened  to  be  a  Sunday.  (Fuller,  p. 
(i8.)  This  had  arisen  from  the  s(^par;iiion  of  llio 
British  church  irom  the  rest  of  the  world,  during 
the  troubles  in  England,  which  succeedi'd  the, 
council  of  Nice,  of  which  they  had  adopted,  in  all 
probability,  merely  the  general  rules.  'i  he 
churches  of  Northumbria  having  been  converted 
by  Scotch  missionaries,  retained  the  Bri'isli  forms. 
See  a  note  in  Johnson's  Canons,  tJ73,  i.  d.  'I  ho 
Syrians  on  the  coast  of  iVlalribar  have  another 
method  of  (indine  E  isier,  whii-h  is  given  in  Le 
Bns'  Life  of  Middlelon,  i  291,  nolo  1.  See  also 
Newmim's  Ilisimy  of  Arianisra,  p.  14, 
Collier,  100. 

a3 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  I 


hended  all  Northumbria,  or  that  part  of 
England  which  lies  north  of  the  Hum- 
ber,  opposed  the  division  of  his  see,  and 
appealed  to  the  pope.  The  decision  of 
Agatho  was  in  his  favour,  but  it  profited 
him  little,  for  Egfred  imprisoned  him 
upon  his  return,  and  about  a  year  after, 
upon  his  release,  which  was  obtained 
throusfh  the  intercession  of  /Ebbe,  ab- 
bess of  Coldingham,  he  preached  in  the 
kingdom  of  Sussex,  which  had  not  be- 
fore received  Christianity.'  This  so 
restored  him  to  the  favour  of  Theodore, 
and  Alfred,  king  o  Northumberland, 
that  he  recovered  the  sees  of  Hexham 
and  York,  but  was  again  expelled,  and 
again  gained  a  favourable  decision  from 
the  pope  :  Alfred,  however,  would  not 
allow  him  to  enter  his  dominions,  and 
it  was  not  till  after  the  death  of  that 
prince,  and  of  his  immediate  successor, 
that  Wilfrid  was  in  his  old  age  reinstated 
in  a  part  of  his  preferments. 

§  9.  The  history  of  Wilfrid  has  at- 
tracted much  more  notice  than  it  seems 
intrinsically  to  merit,  on  account  of  the 
discussions  which  it  involves  with  re- 
gard to  the  appeal  to  Rome.  But  the 
question  is  one  of  curiosity,  and  really 
of  very  little  importance.'^    That  the 


'  The  ronversion  of  ihe  Heptarchy  was  now 
completed.  The  order  in  which  the  several  king- 
doms had  embraced  Christianity  was  as  follows: 
Kent.  596.  Essex,  004.  Northumbria,  627.  East 
Angles,  (i31.  Wessex.  634.  Mercia,  about  C.")0. 
Sussex,  G78.  The  Isle  of  Wight  was  the  dis- 
trict which  last  received  tlie  doctrines  of  Chris- 
lianity. 

The  svhole  period  occupied  by  these  successive 
conversions  consisted  of  less  than  ninety  years. 
There  is  one  particular  feature  which  has  been 
adduced  as  marking  a  want  of  simplicity  in  the 
individual  missionaries,  to  whom  we  owe  the  bless- 
ings of  Christianity.  It  may  be  observed,  that 
the  conversions  generally  took  place  among  the 
court  before  any  progress  had  been  made  with  the 
people,  a  circumstance  so  contrary  to  the  tenour 
of  the  early  history  of  the  Gospel,  ihat  it  has  been 
presumed  that  the  missionaries  themselves  were 
actuated  by  worldly  rather  than  suiritual  motives. 
The  solution  of  this  apparent  difference  is,  per- 
haps, to  be  sought  rather  in  the  state  oi  civilization 
of  those  to  whom  they  went,  than  in  the  temper 
of  the  teachers.  The  apostles  were  themselves 
imeducated  men,  and  addressed  their  arguments 
(o  more  educated  nations  ;  these  missionaries  had  ; 
probalily  themselves  received  superior  educations,  ' 
and  were  going  into  a  country  of  semi-barbarians  ; 
of  men  possessed  of  little  or  no  education;  and 
they  naiurally  directed  their  instructions  tothe  most 
exalted  and  best  educated  members  of  the  coun- 
try. Would  not  prudence  dictate  this  conduct  ? 
and  is  not  the  wisdom  of  its  adopiion  borne  out  by 
the  conduct  of  recent  nii.ssionaries  ? 

2  The  whole  question  of  the  authority  exercised 
by  Rome  over  Saxon  England  is  one  of  great  dif-  : 


church  of  Rome  did,  at  an  early  period, 
try  to  extend  its  power  where  it  could, 
is  beyond  all  doubt ;  that  it  did  in  aftei 
times  obtain  a  spiritual  supremacy  in 
England  is  equally  unquestionable.  The 
Roman  Catholic,  by  proving  the  early 
date  of  these  encroachments,  touches 
not  the  broad  principles  which  guided 
our  church  in  throwing  off  all  foreign 
authority  ;  and  the  Protestant  can  never 
prove,  by  denying  these  points,  that  the 
pope  did  not  afterwards  possess  the  su- 
'  preme  power  over  the  English  church  : 
while  both  incur  the  danger  of  nefflect- 
mg  the  pursuit  of  truth,  in  endeavour- 
ing to  establish  their  own  opinions. 
I  These  observations'  'ipplj'  '^^'i^h  no 
less  strength  to  the  discussions  about 
j  the  council  of  Cloveshoo,  in  747,  in 
!  which,  though  there  seems  no  direct 
acknowledgment  of  the  papal  supre- 
macy, yet  since  it  was  called  in  conse- 
quence of  the  letters  of  Zachary,  there 
is  every  appearance  of  at  least  a  great 
deference  to  the  bishop  of  Rome.  Inett* 
and  Henry^  try  to  prove  the  indepen- 
dence of  our  church  by  a  comparison 
of  one  of  the  canons  with  that  of  a  sy- 
nod held  at  Mentz,  and  transmitted  to 
Cuthbert  by  Boniface :  but  were  the 
proof  as  good  as  they  esteem  it,  what 
purpose  would  it  answer?  AVe  shall 
not  be  able  to  prove  that  our  forefathers 
were  Protestants,  even  if  they  had  not 
then  fully  admitted  the  authority  of  the 
see  of  Rome.  We  shall  not  allow  of 
the  other  canons  there  established,  or 
suffer  our  prayers  and  psalms  to  be  said 
in  Latin,  though  "a  man  may  devoutly 


ficulty,  and  on  the  different  sides  of  which  con- 
clusions diametrically  opposite  may  be  drawn. 
The  primacy  conceded  from  Saxon  England  to 
Rome,  extended  to  the  admission  of  its  established 
precedency,  and  a  respectful  deference  to  its  au- 
thorities. Theodore  was  made  archbi.'-hop  of  Can- 
terbury, by  Pope  Vitalian,  and  the  Canons  of 
Cealchythe  were  drawn  up  under  the  influence  of 
a  Roman  legate;  (Johnson's  Canons.  785.  prfcf.) 
but  there  is  al)undant  evidence  that  the  judicial 
authority  of  the  see  of  Rome  was  no;  admitted, 
and  that  the  monarchs  of  Britain  exercised  an  eccle- 
siastical power  within  their  dominions.  That  is,  the 
independence  of  Saxon  England  amounted  not  to 
our  present  separation  from  the  church  of  Rome, 
and  the  Roman  influence  was  infinitely  less  than 
what  it  afterwards  became.  A  proposition  which 
might  probably  be  asserted  of  most  other  Chris- 
tian churches  oi  the  same  period.  See  Lingard's 
Anglo-Saxon  Church,  157;  Soames,  Bamptoi 
Lect.,  Serm.  iii.  and  the  illustrations;  Henry'» 
Hist.  England,  iii. 

3  Lingard,  note,  i.  484.  *  Inett,  i.  177. 

*  Henry,  iii.  225. 


e 


Chap.  I.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


7 


apply  the  intentions  of  his  own  heart  to 
the  things  which  are  at  present  to  be 
asked  of'  God,  and  fix  them  there  to  the 
best  of  his  power."' 

§  10.  The  union  of  the  several  king- 
doms of  the  Heptarchy  would  probably 
have  been  beneficial  to  the  interests  of 
Christianity,  had  not  the  succeeding 
inroads  of  the  Danes  more  than  coun- 
terbalanced this  advantage.  These 
heathen  invaders  joined  a  considerable 
portion  of  animosity  against  the  Chris- 
tian clergy  to  their  love  of  plunder;  and, 
as  much  of  the  wealth  of  the  country 
was  generally  contained  in  the  monas- 
teries, their  savage  attacks  were  chiefly 
directed  against  these  establishments, 
which  possessed  most  of  the  learning, 
and  much  of  the  civilization  which  was 
left  in  England. 

(a.d.  855.)  Ethelwulf,^  the  father  of 
Alfred,  before  his  journey  to  Rome,  made 
a  grant  of  a  tenth  of  all  his  possessions,^ 
or  liberated  the  tenth  part  of  his  pos- 
sessions from  every  royal  service  and 
contribution.  It  is  not  at  all  clear  what 
the  nature  of  this  grant  was;  it  has 
generally  been  interpreted  as  relating 
to  tithes,  but  as  tithes'*  are  spoken  of 
Jong  before,  there  must  either  have  now 
been  a  regrmitinrr  of  them,  or  ])erhaps 
they  were  now  liberated  from  burdens 
to  which  they  were  before  exposed. 
One  of  the  supposed  canons  of  King 
Edward  the  Confessor,  which  were  pro- 
bably drawn  up  after  the  days  of  Wil- 
liam Rufus,^  states  that  tithes  were  in- 
troduced with  Christianity,  by  Augustin, 
and  there  is  no  time  in  which  they  are 
mentioned,  without  being  spoken  of  as 
due.  When  the  first  notice  of  them 
occurs  in  the  excerptions  of  Ecgbright 
in  710,  directions  are  given  as  to  the 
disposal  of  them  ;  and  almost  all  the 
collections  of  canons  which  follow  in- 
troduce the  mention  of  them  in  the 
same  manner. 

Some  of  the  early  fathers  of  the  church 
spoke  of  them  as  due  by  divine  right." 
This  point,  however,  must  always  be 
questionable;  and  as  the  right  could  not 
exist  till  th(!  country  was  converted  to 
Christianity,  it  will  be  quite  sufficient 
to  state  that  they  appear  to  have  been 


'  Johnson's  Can.  747,  27.       =  Turner,  i.  480. 
3  Jolinson's  Can.  10fj4,  8.  e. 
*  Ibid.  740,  sect.  4,5.  s  jbid.  1064,  9. 

«  Bingham's  Ant.  ii.  276,  281. 


collected  elsewhere,  before  the  end  of 
the  fourth  century.  And  the  numerous 
laws  with  regard  to  their  payment,  while 
they  establish  the  right,  prove  that  there 
was  even  then  a  ditiiculty  of  collecting 
them. 

§  11.  The  great  benefit  which  Alfred 
conferred  on  his  country,  beyond  the 
military  talent  which  he  displayed  in 
his  wars  with  the  Danes,  consisted  in 
the  introduction  of  literature  and  the 
establishment  of  laws.  The  inroads  of 
these  northern  hordes  had  overturned 
all  institutions  which  might  educate  the 
inhabitants,  and  directed  the  attention 
of  the  English  to  warlike,  rather  than 
peaceful  studies  ;'  and  even  churchmen 
had  become  so  ignorant,  that  few  under- 
stood the  services  which  they  used,  or 
could  translate  a  Latin  letter.  The  diffi- 
culties against  which  Alfred  had  to 
struggle  were  enormous;  he  had  to  dis- 
cover the  advantages  of  literature,  and 
his  own  want  of  it,  and  to  teach  himself 
even  to  read,  and  that  at  a  time  when 
books  were  scarce,  and  when  most  of 
the  libraries  which  had  been  formerly 
collected  were  destroyed.  When  he 
came  to  the  throne,  he  assembled  around 
him,  by  great  munificence,  all  the  lite- 
rary men  Avhom  he  could  find,  and  his 
first  steps  showed  him  how  much  his 
countrymen  had  gone  back  in  know- 
ledge, since  they  were  now  unable  to 
read  those  books  which  their  own  ances- 
tors had  written.  The  Latin  tongue 
was  now  generally  unknown;  and  to 
obviate  this  difficulty,  Alfred  translated 
many  books  into  the  language  of  his 
codntry.  In  presenting  Boethius  to  the 
Saxons,  he  introduced  many  moral  les- 
sons and  sentiments  of  his  own,  for  our 
knowledge  of  which  we  are  indebted  to 
Mr.  Turner ;8  he  published,  too,  in  the 
same  manner.  Orosius  and  Bede;  and 
that  he  might  better  instruct  his  higher 
clergy,  he  put  forth  a  translation  of  the 
Pastoral  of  Gregory.  Besides  these,  he 
appears  to  have  been  employed  on  dif- 
ferent works  and  translations,  and  his 
general  knowledge  seems  to  have  ex- 
tended to  many  other  subjects,  as  archi- 
tecture, ship-building,  and  jewelry." 
For  the  education  of  his  son  Ethelweard, 
he  established  a  public  school,  in  which 
the  young  nobility  were  brought  up, 

7  Turner,  ii.  8,  &c.  «  Ibid.  ii.  22. 

9  Ibid.  ii.  146. 


8 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  I. 


together  with  the  heir  of  the  crown  ;  and 
so  greatly  did  this  and  his  other  institu- 
tions raise  the  character  of  England  for 
civilization,  that  Athelslan  had  the  credit 
of  educating  in  our  island  three  kings  of 
foreign  countries,  Alan  of  Bretagne, 
Louis  of  France,  and  Haco  of  IS  orway- ' 
Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that  Alfred 
sent  an  embassy  to  the  Syrian  Chris- 
tians of  India,''  whose  very  existence 
has  only  been  re-ascertained  by  modern 
communications. 

§  12.  The  darkness  which  followed 
the  reign  of  Athelstan  was  broken  by  two 
men  who  succeeded  each  other  in  the 
see  of  Canterbury.  Odo  and  Dunstan, 
with  their  real  zeal  for  Christianity, 
joined  a  great  desire  of  extending  the 
influence  of  the  church  with  which  their 
own  )}oweF  was  intimately  blended. 
Their  histories,  however,  have  been 
written  by  such  over-zealous  advocates, 
that  they  have  rendered  even  the  good 
they  did  suspected,  through  the  multi- 
tude of  miracles  attributed  to  them. 
Modern  historians  have  taken  an  oppo- 
site direction;  and  the  conduct  of  Dun- 
stan, with  regard  to  Edwi  and  Elgiva, 
has.  without  much  foundation,  been 
worked  up  into  a  pathetic  tale  ;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  monks,  who  were 
the  only  historians,  had  good  reason  for 
praising  one  who  everywhere  ejected 
the  canons,'  and  placed  the  more  newly 
established  orders  in  their  monasteries. 
The  Danes  were,  according  to  the  policy 
of  Alfred,  gradually  incorporated  into 
the  religion  as  well  as  civil  government 
of  the  country;  and  the  kings  of  that 
nation  appear  not  to  have  been  behind- 
hand in  enriching  the  church;  so  that 
at  the  death  of  Edward  the  Confessor, 
one-third  of  the  land  in  England  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  in  the  hands  of 
ecclesiastical  bodies.'* 

§  10.  The  sketch  here  given  will  pro- 
bahly  to  most  readers  appear,  exceed- 
inglj^  defective,^  and  the  only  fair  apo- 
logy which  can  be  offered,  must  be 
sought  for  by  regarding  the  writer,  or 
the  subject-matter  of  his  writings.  With 
respect  to  the  first  of  these  two,  he  is 
fully  aware  of  his- own  inadequacy  to 

>  Turner,  200.       ^  jbij.  148.       3  ^ee  ^  23. 

*  Henry-,  iii.  297 :  Spelman's  Gloss.  39S. 

'  A  much  more  full  one  may  be  found  in  Hen- 
ry's History  of  Ensland  ;  Lingard's  Anglo-Saxon 
Church;  or  Turner's  History  of  the  Anglo-Sax- 
ons. 


enter  on  the  earlier  part  of  the  history 
of  the  English  church,  and  confesses 
most  readily  that  all  his  acquaintance 
with  it  is  derived  from  secondary  sources. 
Should  any  one  think  that  this  poVtion 
of  the  work  ought  rather  to  have  been 
omitted  altogether,  than  to  have  been 
thus  treated,  the  writer,  while  he  per- 
fectly agrees  with  the  better  informed 
reader,  begs  him  to  consider,  that  this 
book  is  intended  for  those  who  do  not 
possess  much  knowledge  of  these  sub- 
jects, and  to  remember,  in  his  excuse, 
that  few  men  are  able  to  cope  with  anti- 
quarian difficulties,  and  to  enter  on  the 
discussion  of  subjects  which  are  inte- 
resting in  the  present  day.  With  regard 
to  the  subject-matter,  it  must  be  acknow- 
ledged that  we  possess  little  or  no  ac- 
quaintance with  British  history,  and  that 
the  true  history  of  our  Saxon  church  is 
still,  in  great  measure,  a  desideratum  in 
the  catalogue  of  English  authors.  No 
Roman  Catholic  writer  can  hope  to  satis- 
fy a  Protestant,  when  the  real  question 
is  as  to  the  introduction  of  those  (errors 
which  the  member  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land imputes  to  the  other ;  and  the  requi- 
sites for  forming  an  author  suited  to  the 
task  are  so  numerous,  that  we  must 
wish,  rather  than  hope,  that  such  an  in- 
dividual may  be  found.  The  whole  of 
the  history  of  the  British  church  has 
been  exhausted  by  Stillingfleet  in  his 
Originos  BritannicEe ;  and  to  any  one 
who  will  examine  that  work,  it  will  be 
apparent  how  little  is  known,  and  how 
unimportant  that  little  is  ;  that  is,  unim- 
portant as  far  as  the  present  state  of  the 
world  is  concerned.  The  man  who  is 
fully  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the 
Reformation  may  see  more  clearly  what 
is  taking  place,  or  may  happen,  among 
Roman  Catholic  nations  of  our  own 
days ;  he  who  has  studied  the  events 
which  occurred  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
I.  will  be  able  to  estimate  more  fully 
the  present  state  of  England  and  of 
those  countries  with  which  she  is  con- 
nected ;  but  he  who  successfully  wades 
through  the  whole  church  historj'  of 
England,  and  its  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
to  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
will  find  little  more  than  a  continued 
chain  of  contrivances,  by  which  man- 
kind have  set  aside  the  law  of  heaven 
j  through  their  own  traditions,  and  sub- 
I  stituted  the  commandments  of  men  for 


Chap.  I.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


9 


those  of  God.  There  are  indeed  some 
bright  exceptions ;  and  the  lesson  to  be 
.  learnt  even  from  such  perversions  is  a 
useful  one ;  for  ihis  fault  is  by  no  naeans 
confined  to  the  church  of  Rome ;  it  ex- 
ists in  human  nature;  and  the  blame 
which  properly  attaches  to  the  church 
of  Rome  is,  that  in  the  dark  periods  she 
fostered  this  evil  propensity;  and  when 
knowlodgi?  had  dispelled  the  mist,  for 
the  sake  of  upholding  her  own  infalli- 
bility, she  refused  to  reject  those  cus- 
toms and  tenets,  which,  however  under- 
stood and  received  by  the  well-informetl 
part  of  society,  can  hardlj''  be  free  from 
evil  among  the  mass  of  the  community. 

§  14.  The  aboriginal  Briton  may 
question  the  amount  of  the  debt  of  gra- 
titude which  he  owes  to  the  church  of 
Rome  for  his  conversion  ;  the  English- 
man, who  derives  his  blood  from  Saxon 
veins,  will  be  ungrateful  if  he  be  not 
ready  to  confess  the  debt  which  Chris- 
tian Europe  owes  to  Rome;  and  to  pro- 
fess, that  whenever  she  shall  cast  off 
those  inventions  of  men,  which  now 
cause  a  separation  between  us,  we  shall 
gladly  pay  her  such  honours  as  are  due 
to  the  country  which  was  instrumental 
in  bringing  us  within  the  pale  of  the 
universal  church  of  Jesus  Christ.  In 
the  mean  season,  it  may  be  instructive 
to  point  out  the  probable  periods  at 
which  each  of  these  differences  were 
introduced  among  the  Saxons,  and  to 
give  some  short  historical  notice  with 
regard  to  the  origin  of  some  of  them,  a 
subject  which  may  be  omitted  by  the 
general  reader  if  he  find  it  uninteresting. 

The  errors  of  the  church  of  Rome 
generally  originated  from  feelings  in 
themselves  innocent,  if  not  laudable, 
but  perverted  by  the  admixture  of  hu- 
man jiassions  and  inventions. 

§  15.  To  pray  for  the  dead  was  the 
dictate  of  human  nature,  and  the  prac- 
tice of  the  early  church ;'  and  no  rea- 
sonable Christian  will  blame  Dr.  John- 
son'-' for  the  cautious  manner  in  which 
he  mentions  his  mother  in  his  prayers; 
but  in  the  hands  of  the  church  of  Rome 
this  feeling  was  soon  directed  to  the 
unscriptural  object  of  delivering  the 
souls  of  departed  friends  from  purga- 
tory, and  the  practice  converted  into  a 
source  of  profit  to  the  priesthood.  The 


Bingham's  Ant.  vi.  671.      =  Works,  xii.  445. 
2 


history  of  this  doctrine  of  purgatory  is 
as  follows:^ — "A  bout  the  middle  of  the 
third  century, Origen,  among  other  Pla- 
tonic conceits,  vented  this :   That  the 
faithful  (the  apostles  themselves  not  ex- 
cepted) would,  at  the  day  of  judgment, 
pass  through  a  purgatorial  fire,"  to  en- 
dure a  longer  or  a  shorter  time,  accord- 
ing to  their  imperfections.  "  In  this  con- 
ceit, directly  contrary  to  many  exj)ress 
texts  of  Scripture,"  he  was  followed  by 
some  great  men  in  the  church ; — and 
"St.  Augu^in  began  to  doubt  whether 
this  imagined  purgation  were  not  to  be 
made  in  the  interval  between  death  and 
the  resurrection,  at  least  as  to  the  souls 
of  the  more  imperfect  Christians.  To- 
wards the  end  of  the  fifth  century  Pope 
Gregory  undertook  to  assert  this  pro- 
blem ; — four  hundred  years  after,  Pope 
John  the  Eighteenth,  or,  as  some  say, 
the  Nineteenth,  instituted  a  holyday, 
wherein  he  required  all  men  to  pray  for 
the  souls  in  purgatory ;  at  length  the 
cabal  at  Florence,  1439,  turned  the 
dream  into  an  article  of  faith."  The 
doctrine  of  a  purgatory,  of  some  sort, 
has  been  entertained  by  heathens,  Mo- 
hammedans, and  Jews,  but  there  is  no 
necessary  connection  between  praying 
for  the  dead,  and  the  belief  in  purga- 
tory.*  The  Greek  church,  for  instance, 
prays  for  the  dead,  without  admitting 
any  idea  of  purgatory.    Prayers  and 
oblations  for  the  dead  were  probably 
established  in  England  from  the  first,* 
and  a  short  form  of  prayer  to  that  effect 
is  inserted  in  the  canons  of  Cioveshoo;* 
with  regard  to  the  latter  doctrine,  the 
Saxon  homilists  generally  refer  to  the 
awards  of  a  final  judgment,^  though 
traditional  notices  exist,  in  which  there 
appears  to  be  at  first  an  indistinct,  but 
afterwards  more  clear  reference  to  pur- 
gatory.*   Bede  seems  to  have  enter- 
tained an  idea  of  the  same  sort:  and 


'Bull's  Serm.  iii.  Works,  i.  76. 

■•Bingham,  vi.  688. 

*  Johnson's  Can.  pref.  xix. 

^  Lord,  according  lo  the  greatness  of  thy  mercy, 
grant  rest  lo  his  soul,  and  for  thine  infinite  pily 
vouchsafe  to  him  the  joys  of  eternal  light  with  thy 
saints.   Johnson'.s  Can.  747,  37. 

'  Soames,  349,  16,  324. 

^  There  are  also  many  places  of  punishment, 
Lingard.  Ang.-Rax.  Church,  2.')5,  (21,)  in  which 
souls  suffer  in  proportion  to  their  guilt,  before  the 
general  judgment,  and  in  which  some  are  so  far 
purified,  as  not  lo  be  hurt  by  the  fire  of  the  last 
day.   See  also  Soames,  Damp.  p.  344.  10,  12. 


10 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  I. 


Alcuin,  in  common  -with  many  others, ! 
supposed  tliat  the  general  conflagration 
of  the  world  would  form  a  purgatorial ! 
fire,  through  which  the  souls  which  i 
escaped  unsinged  would  pass  into  the  | 
abodi's  of  bliss.     But  later  writers,  and  i 
among  the  rest  Alfred,  adopted  the  po- ; 
pular  notions  of  purgatory,"  which  were  I 
still  verj'  diflerent  from  the  opinions  on 
that  subject,  established  as  articles  of 
faith  by  the  councils  of  Florence  and 
Trent. ^    Departed  souls  between  death 
and  their  final  judgment  were  divided 
into  four  distinct  places;  the  perfect 
were  convej'ed  to  heaven  ;  the  less  pure 
to  paradise;  the  impure,  Avho  died  in 
penitence,  were  consigned  to  purgato- 
rial flames;  and  the  impenitent  to  hell." 

§  1(5.  With  regard  to  the  doctrine  of 
transubstantiation,  the  opinions  of  the 
early  fathers  concerning  it  rhay  be  seen 
in  Waterland;^  and  his  account  of  the 
history  of  this  tenet  is  thus  given  in  a 
note      In  the  year  787,  the  second  coun- 
cil of  Nice  began  with  a  rash  determi- 
nation, that  the  sacred  symbols  are  not 
figures  or  images  at  all,  but  the  very  body 
and  blood.  About  8:31,  Paschasius  Rad- 
bertus  carried  it  further,  even  to  transub- 
stantiation, or  somewhat  very  like  to  it. 
The  name  of  transubstantiation  is  sup-  { 
posed  to  have  come  in  about  a.d.  1100,1 
first  mentioned  by  Hildebertus  Ceno-i 
manensis  of  that  time.    (p.  689,  edit.  [ 
Benedict.)  a.d.  1215,  the  doctrine  was  I 
made  an  article  of  faith  by  the  Lateran 
council,  under  Innocent  the  Third." 
How  far  this  doctrine  was  admitted  by 
the  Anirlo-Saxon  church  is  discussed  by 
Lingard,'  who  shows  that  the  canons, 
Bede,    and    Egbert,   use  expressions 
which  a  member  of  the   church  of , 
England  would  not  use  ;  but  these  pro-' 
bably  a  Protestant  might  have  adopted, 
if  the  question  had  never  been  contro- 
verted.    Bede,   how^ever,  introduces 
language  Avhich  no  one  who  believed 
the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation^  could 
have  admitted,  particularly  the  words 
of  St.  Augustin,  quoted  in  our  twentj-- 
ninth  article ;  and  the  testimonies  of 
Rabanus  Maurus,  and  Joannes  Scotus  ! 
Erigena,  whose   tenets  were    proba-  i 
bly  derived  from  the  English  school 

I  Soaines,  325.       ^jbid.  362.      » Ibid.  328. 
*  On  all  these  questions  see  also  Usher's  An- 
swer to  a  Jesuit's  Challenge. 

s  Works,  viii.  235.  ^Ibid.  vii.  182. 

'Note  N,  492.      «Soames,  399,  4,  and  406,  5. 


of  thcologj',  give  us  every  reason  for 
concluding  that  this  doctrine  never 
gained  a  footing  in  England  before  the 
conquest.  Lingard  maintains  that  the 
language  of  Elfric**  is  borrowed  from 
Bertram,'"  to  which  a  Roman  Catholic 
would  not  object,  but  which  Archbishop 
Parker  deemed  so  favourable  to  the 
opinion  entertained  by  Protestants,  that 
he  published  it  as  conveying  a  meaning 
corresponding  nearly  with  the  doctrines 
of  the  church  of  England. 

§  17.  Private  or  solitary  mass'-'  was 
unknown  in  the  early  church,'-  and  for 
the  first  nine  hundred  years  there  is  no 
form  of  ordaining  priests,  to  ofTer  mass 
for  the  living  and  the  dead ;"  but  Bede 
and  Alcuin  appear  to  have  esteemed 
the  sacrifice  beneficial  for  the  living,'* 
Bede  even  for  the  dead.  The  same 
opinion  is  expressed  by  Elfric  in  his 
sermon  ;'^  and  in  the  canons  of  Edgar, 
9G0,  the  practice  of  saying  mass,  as  an 
opus  cperatiim,^^  seems  clearly  to  have 
been  established. '^  As  the  custom  of 
paying  adoration  to  the  host,  and  the 
denial  of  the  cup  to  the  laity, '»  did  not 

'  Elfric  says,  (Johnson's  Canons,  957,  ^  37, j 
"  HouFcl  is  Christ's  body  not  rorporally.  but  spi- 
ritually, not  the  body  in  which  \\c  siifTi  red,  but 
that  body  of  which  he  spake,  when  he  blessed 
bread  and  wine  for  house!,  one  night  before  his 
pa.ssion.  and  said  of  the  bread  blessed,  This  is  my 
body;  and  again  of  the  wine  blessed,  This  is  my 
blood,  that  is  shed  for  many  for  the  forgivene.ss 
of  sins,"  (&:  c.  See  also  a  sermon  of  his  primed  by 
the  order  of  Archbishop  Parker,  under  the  tiile  of  a 
" 'I'cstimony  of  Antiquity;"  (Fox's'Mariyrs,  vii. 
3tO:)  reprinted  in  pan. 

'"Btriram.  or  Ratram.  was  a  monk  of  Corbey 
in  France,  about  the  middle  of  ihe  ninth  ceniury  ; 
he  wrote  a  tract,  De  Corpore  el  Sn?iguhte  Domini, 
published  in  English,  3d  edit.  Lond.  1686,  see 
§  313,  b. 

"  ^  17.  The  word  missa,  or  mass,  was  originally 
a  eeneral  name  for  every  part  of  the  divine  service. 
(Bingham,  Ant.  v.  9.  &c.)  Its  signification  is  the 
same  as  ihe  word  missio,  and  it  was  the  form  used 
in  the  Latin  church.  "  Ite  missa  est,"  at  the  dis- 
mission of  the  catechumens  first,  and  then  of  the 
whole  assembly  afterwards.  Baronius  (sub  anno 
34,  §  59)  derives  it  from  the  Hebrew.  It  now 
denotes  the  consecrating  the  bread  and  wine  into 
the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  and  offering  that  as 
an  e.xpialory  sacrifice  for  the  quick  and  dead. 

12  Bingham,  vi.  721.  "  Ibid.  i.  255. 

"  Lingard.  193,  348.  is  p_  29. 

"^Johnson's  Can.  960,  ^  35. 

"  §  17.  It  is  there  ordered,  "  that  the  priest  never 
celebrate  mass  alone,  (sect.  35.)  without  some  one 
to  make  responses  for  him,"  (sect.  37.)  "  That 
he  never  celebrate  more  than  thrice  in  one  day," 
(sect.  40.)  or  "  without  eating  the  housel,  or  con- 
secrated elements." 

In  Beckham's  Constitutions,  1281,  it  is  order- 
ed that  the  laiiy  (Johnson's  Can.  sect.  1)  be  told 
that  the  wine  which  is  given  to  them  is  not  the 
sacrament,  but  mere  wine,  to  be  drunk  for  the 


ClIAP.  I.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


11 


begin  till  the  twelfth  century,'  it  would 
be  unnecessary  to  search  for  the  usage 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons  with  regard  to 
these  points. 

§  18.  No  pictures  or  images^  were  al- 
lowed in  Christian  churches  for  the  first 
three  hundred  years,  and  there  is  a  posi- 
tive decree  against  them  in  the  council  of 
Elvira,  805.^  Pictures  were  introduced 
during  the  fourth  century,  but  there 
were  no  representations  of  the  Trinity, 
nor  statues. It  is  probable,  however, 
that  the  worship  of  them  began  before 
69'2,  since  at  that  time  it  was  forbidden 
to  exhibit^  the  Saviour  under  the  symbol 
of  a  lamb,  or  in  any  other  form  than  the 
human.  When,  in  opposition  to  the 
council  of  Constantinople,  (754,)  at 
which  338  bishops  were  present,  the 
second  council  of  Nice  (7S7)  sanctioned 
the  worship  of  images,  councils  held  at 
Frankfort,  Paris,"  and  in  Britain,  agreed 
unanimously  in  condemning  the  de- 
cree," though  it  was  received  at  Rome. 
There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that 
image  worship  did  not  prevail  in  Eng- 
land till  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century ; 
but  from  the  omission  of  the  second 
commandment^   in   the  laws   of  Al- 

more  easy  swaliowing  of  the  sacrament.  In  a 
MS.  called  Liber  Rcgalis,  giving  an  account  of 
the  coronaiion  of  Ricliard  IL,  a.  d.  1378,  in  the 
kcepiiif;  of  ihe  Dean  of  Westminster,  there  is  a 
curious  direclioii  wiiii  reference  to  this  point. 
"  Osculo  auicni  pacis  a  repe  et  regina  accepto, 
descendcntcs  rc.\  et  legina  de  sohis  suis  et  acce- 
dentes  huniihier  ad  altare  percipient  corpus  et 
sanguititm  Domini  de  manu  archicpiscopi  vei 
cpiscopi  miFsain  ctlehraniis,  corpore  vero  Domini 
a  rtge  recepto,  niini.sirabit  ei  vinum  ad  ulendum 
(I  prci-ume  llie  wine  in  question,)  post  percep- 
lioiicm  saciamcnii  Abbas  Westnionastericnsis, 
vel  is  qui  viccm  ejus  pro  tempore  gcrit,  prout  dic- 
tum est,  de  calice  lapideo  de  regalibus,"  &c.  &c. 
This  appears  to  have  been  an  intermediate  step 
in  the  piogress  of  withdrawing  the  cup;  the  de- 
nial was  canonically  sanctioned  at  the  council  of 
Constance. 

'  l^iiigham's  Ant.  vi.  813.  772.     ^  jhid.  iii.  249. 

3  Ibid.  2.50.         1  Ibid.  2.')7.         ^  Ibid.  2G0. 

6  Ibid.  2.57.         '  .Iohn.=on's  Can.  pref.  18. 

^Bede  gives  a  copy  of  the  Decalogue,  in  which 
the  h'ecoiid  Commandment  is  lel't  out,  (Soames, 
Bampton  Lectures,  249.)  and  the  Tenth  divided  ; 
so  that  the  Ninth  is,  "'I'hoii  shalt  not  covet  thy 
neighbour's  wife,"  the  Tenth,  "  Nor  his  house," 
&.C.  There  are  other  instances  to  the  same  eflTect. 
Alfred's  version  is  as  follows;  it  stands  prefi-xed 
to  his  laws  : — 

"  I.  The  Lord  was  speaking  these  words  to 
Moyses,  and  thus  saylh  ;  (248)  I  am  the  Lord 
thy  find.  I  led  thee  out  irom  iEgipts'  land,  and 
from  their  slavery.  Love  thou  not  other  strange 
Gods  over  me. 

"  II.  Utter  thou  not  my  name  in  vain  :  for  thou 
lieest  not  guiltless  with  me,  if  thou  in  vain  utter- 
est  my  name. 


fred,"  we  may  presume  that  it  was  esta- 
blished before  that  time,  though  there 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  much  zeal 
for  it  till  after  the  Conquest.  As  the 
figures  of  the  Virgin  Mary and  the  saints 
were  among  the  first  which  were  intro- 
duced, the  history  of  the  intercessional 
worship  paid  to  them  is  probably  closely 
connected  with  the  former,  and  contem- 
poraneous with  it.  In  G78,  Benedict 
I  imported  a  picture  of  the  Virgin  Mary 
'  from  Rome,  and  the  Saxon  services  for 
I  the  dedication  of  churches  imply  a  be- 
i  lief  in  a  local  superintendence  of  the 
saint  over  those  who  applied  to  him, 
while,  by  the  Canons  of  Cealchythe, 
relics  are  ordered  to  be  used  in  the  con- 
secration of  places  of  worship.'^  The 
Canons  of  Theodulf  place  the  doctrine 
of  the  Saxon  church  of  that  time  in  the 
clearest  light."  The  layman  is  there 
directed,  that  "having  worshipped  his 
Creator  only,  let  him  call  upon  the 
saints,  and  pray  that  they  would  in- 
tercede for  him  to  God ;  first  to  Saint 
Mary,  and  afterwards  to  all  God's 
saints."'^ 

"III.  Mind  that  thou  hallow  the  resting  day. 
Work  thou  six  days,  and  on  the  seventh,  rest 
you;  thou,  and  thy  son,  and  thy  daughter,  and 
thy  slave,  and  thy  maidservant,  and  thy  working 
cattle,  and  the  comer  who  is  within  thy  doors: 
for  in  six  days  Christ  wrought  the  heavens  and 
the  earth,  seas,  and  all  creatures  that  in  tliem 
are,  and  rested  himself  on  the  seventh  day  ;  and 
therefore  the  Lord  hallowed  it. 

"  IV.  Honor  thy  father  and  thy  mother  whom 
the  Lord  gave  thee,  that  thou  be  a  long  liver  on 
the  earth. 

"  V.  Slay  not  thou. 
"  VI.  Steal  not  thou. 
"  VII.  Lie  not  thou  secretly. 
"  VIII.  Say  not  thou  false  witness  against  thy 
neighbour. 

"  IX.  Desire  thou  not  thy  neighbour's  inherit- 
ance with  unright. 

"  X.  Work  thou  not  golden  gods,  or  siiveren." 
— Exod.  XX.  23. 

These  are  also  printed  in  Johnson's  Canons, 
877,  and  in  Archbishop  Parker's  Testimony  of 
Antiquity,  in  which  last  the  order  of  the  com- 
mandments against  stealing  and  adultery  is  not 
transposed  as  it  is  here. 
8  Johnson's  Can.  877,  48,  a. 
'"For  the  history  of  the  origin  of  the  worship  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  see  Fr.  Paul's  History  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  p.  170.  • 
"Johnson's  Can.  816,2.         '2  Ibid.  994, 23. 
■3  This  doctrine  of  the  church  of  Rome  is,  I  be- 
lieve, as  much  misunderstood  by  Protestants  as 
perverted  liy  Roman  Catholics.    Roman  Catho- 
lics would  assert  that  they  prayed  before  tiie 
image,  and  not  to  it;  and  that  (hey  requested  the 
prayer  of  the  saint  in  heaven  as  St.  Paul  did  that 
of  the  faithful  on  earth  :  but  the  Protestant,  while 
he  believes  that  to  pay  any  religious  respect  to  an 
image  is  a  breach  of  the  Second  Commandment, 
(E.'wod.  XX.  4 — 6,)  even  if  it  do  not  amount  to  ido- 


13 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  I. 


§  19.  Closely  connected  with  this 
subject  is  the  religious  veneration  which 
was  paid  to  relics.  Respect  for  every 
thing  which  has  belonged  to  those  whom 
we  admire,  is  so  consistent  with  right 
feeling,  that,  from  the  very  earliest  pe- 
riod, great  regard  and  attention  must 
naturally  have  been  paid  by  Christians 
to  the  mortal  remains  of  such  persons 
as  had  gone  before  them  in  the  Lord  ; 
hut  nothing  resembling  worship  was 
used  tOAvards  such  relics,'  till  after  the 
time  of  St.  Augustin.  The  line  be- 
tween religious  veneration  and  worship 
is  so  nice,  that  from  the  earliest  days 
perhaps  some  individuals  offended  in 
this  particular;  and  we  find  that  our 
Saxon  forefathers  were  early  led  to  re- 
gard such  remains  with  more  than  due 
reverence,  through  the  attention  which 
was  paid  to  them  by  their  first  teachers. 
Gregory,  among  the  presents  which  he 
sent  to  Augustin,  soon  after  his  arrival 
in  England,  transmitted  certain  relics. 
And  in  the  eighth  century,  the  number 
of  persons  who  were  anxious  to  pay 
their  devotions'^  near  the  bodies  of  the 
previous  archbishops  of  Canterbury, 
deposited  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul,  induced  Cuthbert,  before  759, 
to  direct  that  his  own  remains  should 
be  buried  in  the  cathedral  church.  This 
question  produced  a  vehement  alterca- 


latry,  may  feel  convinced  in  his  own  mind  that 
many  uneducated  persons  are  guilty  of  the  actual 
sin  in  the  worship  which  is  paid  to  the  brass  image 
of  St.  Peter,  in  St.  Peter's,  Rome.  Nor  is  it  ea>y 
to  comprehend  how  reference  can  be  made  to 
any  thing  but  the  image,  when  a  rivalry  is  sup- 
posed to  exist  between  dificrent  images  of  the 
Virgin  or  of  the  sarnc  saint :  or  how  a  college  can 
be  dedicated  to  St.  Mary  of  Winton,  unless  some 
peculiar  sanctity  be  attached  to  the  image,  which 
can  alone  possess  a  local  existence.  God  must 
judge  of  the  question  ;  but  it  is  a  heavy  charge  to 
have  caused  even  one  weak  brother  to  offend. — It 
may  be  remarked,  too,  that  to  request  the  inter- 
cession of  the  dead,  is  founded  on  no  authority  of 
Scripture,  and  contrary  to  the  custom  of  the  pri- 
mitive church.  Bingham's  Ant.  v.  p.  7.").  'I'he 
first  form  in  which  the  adoration  of  saints  (Soames, 
Bamp.  Lect.  216,  f>)  was  introduced  into  the  An- 
glo-Saxon church  seems  to  have  been  a  prayer  to 
God,*  at  his  servants  on  earth  might  be  benefited 
by  the  intercession  of  his  saints  in  heaven,  (e.  g.) 
"  Da  nobis  Domine  quai^umus,  beati  Stephani 
protomartyris  inlercessione  adjuvari,  ut  qui  pro 
Buis  exoravit  lapidatoribus,  pro  suis  intercedere 
dignetur  veneratorihus,  per  Jes.  Xt.  D.  N."  A 
trace  of  this  is  to  be  found  in  the  subsequent  form 
of"  Oret  pro  nobis,"  but  before  the  Conquest  it 
had  got  to  the  equivocal  "Or,"  and  to  the  dis- 
tinct (220)  "  Ora"  and  "  Orate,"  in  which  the 
prayer  was  addressed  to  the  saint.  (221.) 
»  Bingham's  Ant.  x.  113.      ^  Lingard,  262. 


tion  between  the  monks,  who  claimed 
the  body,  and  the  clergy  of  the  cathe- 
dral who  detained  it. 

§  20.  Under  the  same  head  must  be 
ranked  the  abuse  of  pilgrimages ;  for 
while  kept  within  the  bounds  of  reason, 
and  referred  only  to  the  effect  upon  the 
mind  of  the  person  visiting  the  scenes 
of  Christian  history,  little  objection  can 
be  raised  against  them.  It  appears  that 
pilgrimages  to  Jerusalem  had  become 
common  among  the  English  in  the 
fourth  century,  and,  from  the  objections 
which  St.  Jerom  makes  with  regard  to 
them,^  that  a  superstitious  value  had 
been  attached  to  such  journeys  under- 
taken Avith  a  religious  view ;  but  in 
after-times  Rome  became  an  object  of 
easier  approach,  and  afforded  more  nu- 
merous attractions.  Ethelwulf*  went 
there  in  85.5  with  great  majjnificence 
and  splendid  presents,  and  in  his  jour- 
ney was  accompanied  by  his  son  Alfred, 
then  a  boy.  It  is  not  perhaps  too  much 
to  presume,  that  the  ftiture  greatness 
of  this  monarch  was  promoted  by  this 
early  visit  to  a  more  polished  state  of 
society,  nor  need  we  refer  the  journeys 
of  seven  other  British  kings,  who  each 
sought  the  metropolis  of  Christian  Eu- 
rope, to  mere  blind  superstition,  or  view 
their  conduct  in  a  very  different  light 
from  that  in  which  we  should  regard 
the  coming  to  London  of  some  heathen 
monarch,  who  had  derived  his  know- 
ledge of  Christianity  from  an  English 
missionary.  The  frequency,  however, 
of  these  pilgrimages  Avas  a  great  evil. 
Boniface,  in  his  letter  to  Cuthbert,  747,^ 
speaks  of  English  Avomen,  Avho,  having 
set  out  on  a  religious  errand,  had  dis- 
graced the  character  of  pilgrims  by 
their  licentious  conduct  in  almost  every 
city  in  Europe.  Pilgrimages  are  often 
ordered  in  the  penitential  canons,"  and 
in  extreme  cases  the  penance  is  im- 
posed of  a  perpetual  Avandering  from  one 
place  of  religious  resort  to  another,  in 
Avhich  the  penitent  Avas  never  to  remain 
tAvo  nights  in  the  same  residence." 

§  21.  With  regard  to  confession  and 
penance,  the  tenets  of  the  churches  of 
England  and  Rome  differ  in  these  re 
I  spects.    Both  hold  that,  Avithout  con 
fession  to  God,  and  sincere  repentance, 

»  Usher,  Aht.  Brit.  109,  p.  Lingard,  1.59. 
5  Johnson's  Can.  pref.  747.  «  Ibid.  740,  963. 
'  Ibid.  963,  'J  64. 


ClIAP.  I.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


13 


there  is  no  forgiveness  of  sins  ;  but  they 
differ  as  to  the  necessity  of  confessing- 
to  a  priest,  and  of  obtaining  absohition 
from  him.  The  church  of  England,  in 
cases  of  gross  sins,  where  the  conscience 
is  tioubh^d,  advises  its  members  to  con- 
fess thoir  sins  to  a  priest,  and  has  en- 
joined a  form  of  absohition.  The 
churcli  of  Rome  denies  that  there  is 
any  hope  of  pardon  from  God,  except 
through  confession,  and  the  absolution 
of  a  priest.  The  Protestant  minister  is 
die  adviser  of  his  penitent,  the  Roman 
t'atholic  assumes  too  the  character  of 
his  judge  ;  and  in  this,  the  rule  of  our 
church  corresponds  with  the  practice 
of  the  primitive  Christians  during  the 
four  first  centuries.'  The  directions 
given  in  Theodulf's  capitula'^  resemble 
much  more  the  custom  of  the  church 
of  England  than  that  of  Rome,  enjoin- 
ing confu'ssion  to  God,  and  recommend- 
ing confession  to  a  priest,  on  the  ground 
of  the  advice  to  be  received  from  him; 
nor  would  there  remain  any  doubt  of 
thj  agreement  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
church  with  that  of  England,  were  it 
not  for  the  rules  laid  down  among  the 
directions  given  concerning  discipline, 
in  which  the  penance^  is  spoken  of  as  a 
satisfaction  for  sin.*  The  penances 
generally  imposed  are  fasting,  wander- 
ing, laying  aside  arms  and  external 


'  Bin;?liaiii's  Ant.  vi.  871,  viii.  117,  130;  Bur- 
f     ton,  ii.  and  iii.  cent.  338. 
|l        2  Jolinpon.  !)!)!,  30. 

1  '  Oik?  difTi':nUy  with  regard  to  this  question  be- 
'  twcei)  ihe  Protestant  and  Roman  Cathoii'-  arises 
fnini  ilie  word  pxni'cjilia,  which  a  Roman  Catho- 
iie  would  translate  "  penance,"  in  its  secondary 
or  theological  sense  ;  whereas  the  Greek  is  n-r'i. 
Vina,  or  repentance.  "Repent  ye,  for  the  kin;^- 
dom  ol'  heaven  is  at  hand."  by  being  translated 
lhn)M^h  llie  Latin,  is  rendered  "  Do  penance,  for 
the."  &!'.  'I'he  fruit  of  repentance,  for  which  a 
Protestant  minister  would  look,  is  a  proof  of  the 
sorrow  of  heart  in  ihc  penitent,  expressing  itself  in 
hi-;  outward  conduct.  A  severe  penance,  volnn- 
larily  submitted  to,  fiiay  strongly  testify  surh 
godly  contrition  ;  slill  he  will  never  osiecm  this  a 
8a!islac!ion  for  sin.  But  wherever  a  rcijuiar  sys- 
tem of  penances  is  enjoined,  it  is  difliculi  to  un- 
durstand  iiow  they  can  lie  enforced,  unless  the 
cus'om  of  auricular  cord'ession  be  at  the  same 
time  cs:a'i)lishc,l.  If  ilien  the  Peui  eniial  ol  Theo- 
dore wi're  in  use  in  England,  as  probably  it  was, 
it  seems  fiir  al.so  to  conclude  that  coid'ession  was 
necessarily  joined  with  it.  Those  civil  laws  which 
cmlirm  the  penances  imposed  by  the  church 
prove  nothing  to  the  point  ;  (  lolmson,  877.  1  ; 
9.'.3,  7;j  for  i  i  each  ease  the  ofTcn-e  is  of  su-h  a 
nature  as  might  be  known  without  any  priva'e 
confession,  .See.  on  the  whole  of  this  question, 
Soames,  Bamp.  Led.  V.  and  Ihe  illustraiioiis. 
4  Johnson,  963,  s.  57,  58. 


pomp,  a  change  of  clothes,''  not  allow- 
ing iron  to  come  near  the  nails  or  hair. 
"  Much  of  the  satisfaction  of  sin,"  says 
the  Canon,"  "may  be  redeemed  by 
alms-deeds  ;"  an  observation  which  is 
followed  by  a  long  account  of  the  com- 
mutation of  penance,  whereby  a  rich 
man  may  buy  off  the  penances  imposed 
on  him  by  rinding  other  persons  who 
will  join  with  him  in  his  fasting,  and 
thus  lighten  the  severity  of  the  disci- 
pline by  dividing  it  among  a  greater 
number.  It  should  be  observed,  how- 
ever, that  this  is  strictly  forbidden  in 
747;'  and  Dunstan  imposed,  and  Edgar 
submitted  to,  a  seven  years'  penance, 
of  not  wearing  his  crown,  as  a  punish- 
ment for  deflouring  a  nun. 

§  22.  The  question  of  the  celibacy  of 
the  clergy  is  one  which  involves  this 
difficulty,  that  it  is  not  clear,  even  now, 
whether  the  church  of  Rome  esteem  it 
an  apostolical  tradition  or  an  ecclesias- 
tical law;^  i.  e.  whether  it  cannot,  or 
can,  be  dispensed  with  by  the  authority 
of  the  church.  A  Protestant  would  say, 
that  no  church  can  possess  the  right  of 
depriving  a  priest  of  his  orders,  in  con- 
sequence of  his  marrying,  because  such 
a  step  would  not  be  sanctioned  by  Scrip- 
ture ;  but  the  laws  of  a  lioman  ( 'alho- 
lic  country  must  have  the  same  author- 
ity to  deprive  him  of  his  preferment,  .is 
the  law  of  England  has  to  say  that  a 
married  priest  shall  not  continue  to  hold 
his  fellowship.  The  early  practice  of 
the  Christian  church  was  clearly  in  fa- 
vour of  the  marriage  of  the  clergy. ^ 
IVo  vow  of  celibacy  was  required  of 
them  at  their  ordination,  for  the  three 
first  centuries,  and  many  were  married. 
At  the  council  of  Nice,  82 ),'"  it  was  in 
vain  endeavoured  to  impose  this  re- 
straint upon  churchmen  ;  but  it  seems 
to  have  been  unusual  for  clergymen  to 
marry  after  ordination."  The  custom 
of  the  Greek  church'-  was  settled  at  the 
council  of  Trullo,  (593,  in  which  it  was 
ordained,  that  bishops  only  should  sepa- 
rate themselves  from  their  wives,  while 
all  other  orders  were  allowed  to  dwell 
with  them;  and  the  church  of  Rome 
was  rebuked  for  the  contrary  law.  The 


5  Johnson.  963,  (54.  «  Ibid.  67. 

'  Fbi'J.  747,  27  ;  963,  post,  77. 

8  Jurieu's  Council  of  Trent,  487. 

9  Binrrhain,  ii.  irrZ.  ">  Ibid.  I.'i5. 
"  Ibid.  156.                              '2  Ibid.  158. 

B 


14 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CilAP.  1. 


answers  of  Grcg-ory  to  Augustin  imply, 
that  the  regulations  of  ihelloman  church 
had  been  made  in  England  from  the 
very  Krst."  The  Canons  of  Ecgbright, 
of  Elfric  ;  the  Penitential  Canons  of 
Edgar,  Theodulf's  Capitula;  the  Canons 
of  Eaiiham,  and  the  laws  of  Canute,  all 
imply  that  this  was  the  law  of  the 
church  ;  and  the  only  testimony  which 
seems  to  favour  the  contrary  side  of  the 
argument  appears  to  be  founded  on  a 
misinterpretation."  But  whatever  might 
have  been  the  law,  the  practice  seems 
to  have  been  diametrically  opposite,  at 
least  after  the  Danish  invasion;  and  the 
severity  threatened  in  all  the  later  ca- 
nons proves  the  difficulty  of  enforcing 
this  unscriptural  regulation.  The  tem- 
per of  mind  generated  by  it  is  pretty 
clearly  marked  by  other  canons,  which 
ordain  that  no  woman  should  approach 
the  altar  while  mass  was  saying;^  and 
that  no  woman,  not  even  a  mother, 
should  live  in  the  house  with  a  priest,* 
lest  the  visits  of  other  women  should 
tempt  him  to  sin.  The  struggle  as  to 
this  point  forms  the  chief  feature  in  the 
later  history  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church ; 
but  the  question  is  far  too  extensive  to 
be  fully  discussed  within  our  limits, 
though  a  brief  outline  of  it  may  be 
useful. 

§  23.  The  earliest  ecclesiastical  esta- 
blishments consisted  of  the  bishop  and 
his  clerks,  who  lived  together  on  a  pro- 
perty common  to  them  all,  and  managed 
by  the  bishop.  These  were  governed 
by  a  rule  or  canon,  and  were  called  cu- 
nonici,  or  canons.    As  the  diffusion  of 

'  Johnson's  Can.  601,  1  ;  740,  15,  28,  31.  32. 
159;  957,  1,  5,7,  8;  963,40,  994,  12;  1009.  1,  2; 
1017.  f). 

-  Tiie  words  in  Johnson  are  loosely  translated 
"  any  of  llie  interior  clergy  ;"  rlerici  ix.'ra  sacroa 
ordiiies  constihili.  the  orders  in  il:e  Roman 
church  arc,  o.^liary,  lector,  exorcist,  acolylh.  suh- 
deacon,  deacon,  priest.  (Johnson,  957,  10 — 17.) 
Elfric  allows  of  no  distinction  hetween  a  bishop 
and  a  priest,  Imt  the  power  ol  ordaining,  confirni- 
v.g.  consecrating  churches,  and  taking  care  of 
God's  riijhts.  This,  too,  is  the  law  of  Ecgbright. 
The  four  first  orders  were  not  sacred,  and  those 
in  them  mieht  mnrry.    (740,  159  ) 

3  The  ihirty-fifih  section  of  the  laws  of  the 
Nortliumhrian  priests  ordains:  '"If  a  priest  dis- 
miss one  wife,  and  take  another,  let  him  be  ana- 
thema." (950,  35.)  The  probable  meaning  of 
which  is,  "  If  a  priest,  with  a  view  to  ordination, 
has  given  up  one  wife,  and  then  taken  anoiher 
afterwards;"  which  is  the  very  sin  spoken  of  in 
the  canons  of  Eanham.  and  the  Penitential  Ca 
nons.    (1009.  2  ;  963.  40) 

*  Johnson's  Can.  960,  44. 

5  Ibid.  994,  12. 


Christianity  into  tlie  district  surround- 
ing the  cathedral  church  called  for  the 
erection  of  more  places  of  worship, 
parish  churches  were  gradually  esta- 
blished, the  services  in  which  were  sup- 
plied by  some  member  of  the  general 
society ;  and  when  benefices  distinct 
also  in  their  property  were  founded,  the 
secular  clergy,  under  the  direction  of 
the  bishop,  rose  by  degrees  into  exist- 
'  ence.  But  besides  these,  there  was  a 
class  of  persons,  originally  not  strictly 
speaking  ecclesiastics,  but  who  after  a 
time  generally  became  so,  living  to- 
j  gether  under  more  strict  regulations 
I  than  the  canons,  and  guided  by  some 
;  peculiar  rule,  in  England  generally  that 
of  St.  Benedict.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that,  in  the  earlier  stages  of  soci- 
ety, monastic  institutions  were  of  very 
gret  t  utility.  They  formed  an  inde- 
pendent landlord,  anxious  for  peace, 
and  able  and  willing  to  introduce  im- 
provements. They  contained  and  fos- 
terc  d  the  little  learning  u  hich  existed 
in  the  country.  They  encouraged  the 
arts  of  architecture  and  its  adjuncts,'^ 
and  established  manufactures  ;  thus 
forming  a  middle  class  of  men,  whose 
combination  might  afford  a  salutary 
check  to  the  power  of  the  crown  or  the 
aristocracy.  No  person  suffered'  so 
much  by  the  irruption  of  the  Danes  as 
the  inhabitants  of  monasteries.  They 
were  possessed  of  wealth,  without  anj' 
means  of  defending  it,  and  their  destruc- 
tion became  general.  During  these  pe- 
riods of  confusion,  the  mass  of  the 
clergy  appear  to  have  become  married  ; 
and  when  peace  was  re-established,  the 
higher  clergy,  who  were  friendly  to  the 
Roman  see,  as  Dunslnn  and  his  col- 
leagues Oswald  and  Ethelwold,  pro- 
ceeded with  all  activity  to  eject  the 
married  clergy,  and  re-establish  the 
monks.  For  it  should  not  be  forgotten, 
that  it  was  justly  argued,  at  the  council 
of  Trent,"  that  the  principal  reason  why 
priests  are  forbidden  to  marry  is,  that  it 
is  plain  that  married  ])ricsts  will,  through 
their  affection  to  their  wives  and  fami- 
lies, and  the  ties  thus  formed  with  theii 
countries,  lose  that  dependence  on  tht 


^  The  illuminators  of  ]\IS.S.  in  this  country 
were,  in  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  surpassed 
by  none  but  those  of  the  Greek  school.  Archae 
ologia,  vol.  xxiv.  p.  26. 

■  Fr.  Paul,  C35. 


IIAP.  I.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


15 


apostolic  see  which  constituted  the 
streng;th  of  the  ecclesiastical  hierarchy. 

It  may  be  observed,  that  the  use  of 
holy  water'  is  enjoined,  and  the  burn- 
ing- of  lights-  in  churches,  and  that  the 
service  was  performed  in  the  Latin  lan- 
gua<Te  ;  ih.at  priests  are  directed  to 
preach  every  Sunday,  and  to  explain 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  Creed,  and  the 
Gospel,  to  the  people. 

§  24.  If,  then,  it  be  asked,  whether 
the  doctrines  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church 
corresponded  more  nearly  to  those  of 
the  church  of  Rome  or  of  England,  it 
will  be  impossible  to  return  an  answer, 
without  inquiring  how  far  the  tenets  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  of  that  period 
agreed  with  the  decisions  of  the  coun- 
cil of  Trent;  and  in  all  probability  it 
wpuld  be  found  that  the  difference  be- 
tween the  doctrines  of  the  church  of 
Rome,  at  different  periods,  was  much 
greater  than  that  which  existed  between 
the  Anglo-Saxon  church  and  the  church 
of  Rome  of  the  same  date.  The  pro- 
gress of  error  can  never  be  very  rapid, 
and  the  conclusions  of  the  council  of 
Trent  must  have  required  a  growth  of 
many  years.  Fancies  are  first  converted 
into  opinions  by  the  authority  of  those 
who  have  entertained  them,  and  inte- 
rest adopts  opinions  which  have  been 
once  admitted,  to  sanction  unwarrant- 
able demands.  It  was  thus  that  a  belief 
in  purgatory  was  first  received,  and  then 
became  the  origin  of  many  ecclesiasti- 
cal foundations:  it  was  thus  that  the 
priesthood  first  persuaded  men  to  be- 
lieve in  transubstantiation.  and  then  con- 
verted it  into  a  means  of  augmenting 
their  own  personal  dignity,  as  confer- 
ring a  distinctive  pre-eminence  on  those 
to  whom  this  power  of  working  a  per- 
petual miracle  was  committed.  With 
tliis  view  of  the  subject,  it  is  prohabh,' 
that  we  should  find  the  church  of  Rome 
of  that  day  nearer  to  the  present  doc- 
trines of  the  church  of  England  than 
the  decrees  of  the  council  of  Trent  are. 
And  as  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  was, 
from  its  situation  and  distance  from 
Rome,  not  likely  to  receive  every  new 
invention  as  it  was  framed,  we  might 
expect  that  her  tenets  would  be  nearer 
our  own,  not  only  than  those  entertained 
by  Rome  now,  but  than  those  which 

'  Johnson's  Can.  816,  ^  2  ;  960,  ^  43. 
'  Ibid.  960,  42. 


were  then  maintained  in  Italy.  And 
this  is  precisely  the  conclusion  to  which 
the  previous  examination  has  arrived, 
as  far  as  it  has  gone. 

j  §25.  But  if  it  be  asked,  how  far  these 
erroneous  views  had  drawn  our  fore- 
fathers from  the  vital  principles  of 
Christianity,  the  question  must  require 
the  greatest  caution,  even  in  one  who 
was  thoroughly  versed  in  the  subject ; 
must  be  answered  as  a  matter  of  opinion, 
rather  than  as  a  point  of  history ;  and 
ought  only  to  be  discussed,  because  the. 
great  use  of  history  is  to  teach  us, 
through  the  example  of  others,  the  dan- 
gers to  which  we  are  ourselves  exposed. 
And  first  it  may  be  premised,  that  it  is 
not  the  abstract  belief  in  erroneous  doc- 
trines which  perverts  the  faith  of  the 
Christian,  but  the  tendency  which  such 
errors  have  to  undermine  the  essentials 
of  our  religion.  He  who  believes  in 
the  existence  of  a  purgatory,  may  still 
seek  for  salvation,  and  an  escape  from 
every  future  punishment,  through  his 

I  Saviour's  blood  ;  it  is  only  when  he 
learns  to  confide  in  some  other  means 
of  f;afety,  that  the  idea  of  purgatory 
will  practically  destroy  his  faith  in 
Christ.  The  Christian  may  believe  in 
transubstantiation,  and  still  receive  the 
elements  with  humble  reliance  on  the 
great  sacrifice  made  once  for  all ;  but 
when  he  believes  that  the  providing  of 
masses  can  benefit  his  own  soul,  or  that 
of  others,  he  begins  to  lose  sight  of  the 
atonement,  and  to  seek  for  a  new  means 
of  reconciliation.  There  is,  perha[)s,  no 
reason  why  an  individual  holding  wrong 
opinions  of  this  sort  may  not  trust  in 
the  same  Rock  on  which  our  faith  is 
built,  but  the  tendency  of  such  ojiinions 
is  to  lead  those  who  entertain  them  from 
relying  on  (?od,  who  is  the  Giver,  to 
relying  on  the  means  which  God  has 
appointed  whereby  we  partake  of  his 
gifts. 

§  26.  And  this  probably  we  shall  find 
to  have  been  the  case  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons;  for  a  very  inadequate  view  of 
the  atonement  seems  to  pervade  many 
of  the  documents  of  their  faith  which 
have  come  down  to  us.  When  the 
great  features  of  Christianity  are  di- 
rectly brought  forward,  they  are  per- 
fectly correct;  some  of  the  prayers,  for 
instance,  given  by  Turner,^  mark  great 


3  iii.  490,  491. 


16 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  I. 


piety  and  most  correct  views  of  the  Tri- 1 
nitj'-,  the  atonement,  and  sarictification.  j 
So  in  the  homily  on  the  Catholic  faith  i 
it  is  said,'  "The  holy  Father  created 
and  made  mankind  through  his  Son, 
and  he  desires  through  the  same  to  re- 
deem us  from  hell  punishment,  when 
we  were  utterly  undone;"  but  then  the 
same  homily  adds,  towards  the  end,'' 
"Come  then,  let  us  earn  that  eternal 
life  with  God,  through  this  belief,  and 
.  i\i\'o\irr\i  good  deaervings  expressions 
which  a  believer  in  the  eleventh  article 
would  never  have  used.  In  another, 
the  writer  speaks  of  redeeming  trans- 
gressions by  almsgiving:"  upon  the 
death  of  a  bishop,  alms  are  directed  to 
be  given  out  of  his  property,  and  his 
slaves  to  be  set  free,  "  that  by  this  means 
ho  majr  deserve  to  receive  the  fruit  of 
retribution  for  his  labours,  and  also  for- 
giveness of  sins."*  Alwyn,  founder  of 
Ramsay,  desired  the  monks  to  pray  for 
him,""  "and  to  place  their  merits  in  ba- 
lance against  his  defects;"  and  a  monk 
prays  for  Edgar,"  "that  his  good  deeds 

'  Soames,  Bamp.  Lect.  63.         ^  ibid.  65. 
3  Turner,  iii.  476.       *  Johnson's  Can.  816,  10. 
'  Lingard,  251.  ^  ii,id.  278. 


I  may  overbalance  his  evil  deeds,  and 
{shield  his  soul  at  the  last  day."  More 
i  examples  of  the  same  sort  might  be 
found,  if  the  Penitential  Canons  were 
consulted;  but  these  are  quite  sufficient 
to  prove  that  the  fruit  of  unorthodox 
doctrines  had  grown  up  with  the  admis- 
sidn  of  those  opinions;  and  though  we 
may  bring  forward  the  Anglo-Saxon 
church  as  not  having  admitted  all  the 
errors  of  Rome,  yet  when  we  would  de- 
fend ourselves  from  the  attacks  of  our 
enemies,  we  must  at  once  fall  back  upon 
the  Bible,  and  profess  ourselves  ready 
to  amend  whatever  part  of  our  faith  or 
practice  does  not  correspond  with  the 
lively  oracles  of  God.  They  possessed 
the  Bible  in  their  native  language,  yet 
they  admitted  the  traditions  of  men,  and 
were  perverted  so  far  as  not  to  place 
their  faith  and  confidence  entirely  in 
their  Redeemer's  blood.  They  buried 
their  faith  under  a  mass  of  unauthorized 
observances,  and  partially  lost  sight  of 
that  which  is  chiefly  valuable  in  the 
Gospel.  There  were  many  errors  which 
had  not  yet  been  introduced,  but  the 
way  was  fully  prepared  for  their  ad- 
mission. 


Chap.  II.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


CHAPTER  II. 


FROM  THE  CONQUEST,   1066,  TO  THE  PREACHING  OF  WICLIF,  135G. 

51.  View  to  be  taken  of  the  Cliurcli  history  of  ibis  period.  52.  Willinm  I.  ^>3.  Growth  of  the  power 
of  Rome.  54.  Wiiiiaiii  Uulus  and  Aiisehn.  55.  Henry;  cebijucy  of  tlie  clergy.  5(j.  Stephen. 
57.  Henry  II.  58.  Becket.  59.  Death  and  chnracter  ot  Becket.  60.  I  lie  first  heretics  punished 
in  England.  61.  Interference  of  Rome  wiih  England.  62.  John.  63.  Deposed  by  the  Pope. 
64.  Henry  III.  65.  Robert  Greathead,  Bishop  ot  Lincoln.  66.  Edward  I.  67.  Growth  of  the 
papal  power.  68.  The  contest  was  a  temporal  one.  tj'J.  The  Church  taxes  itself.  70.  Sirength 
and  weakness  of  the  Roman  power. 


§  51.  The  church  history  of  this  pe- 
riod can  be  viewed  in  no  other  light  than 
as  a  continual  struggle  between  the  ec- 
clesiastical and  civil  power;  and  there 
■will  be  little  else  to  record  than  the 
methods  by  which  the  mitre  triumphed 
over  the  crown,  and  the  crown  invaded 
tiie  rights  and  property  of  the  church. 

It  will  not  perhaps  be  necessary  to 
say  much  of  the  steps  by  which  the  er- 
roneous doctrines  of  the  church  of  Rome 
gradually  overspread  that  of  England; 
for  the  seeds  of  these  innovations  were 
'  abundantly  sown  before  the  Conquest, 
and  the  introduction  of  foreign  ecclesi- 
astics, connected  closely  with  papal  po- 
licy, would  effectually  tend  to  foster 
their  growth.  The  history  of  the  papal 
errors  in  England  would  not  differ  from 
that  of  the  same  errors  in  Italy,  and  we 
shall  hereafter  have  to  regard  them  as 
the  causes  of  the  Reformation. 

In  estimating  the  character  of  such 
events,  or  of  the  individuals  engaged  in 
them,  we  shall  hardly  arrive  at  ;i  correct 
view  of  the  subject,  if  we  form  our  ideas 
on  the  standard  of  present  opinions.  If 
Anselm  and  Becket  be  regarded  as 
champions  in  the  cause  of  ecclesiastical 
prerogative,  as  advocating  the  privileges 
of  the  church  against  the  arbitrary  ])ro- 
ceedings  of  the  crown,  we  shall  perhaps 
form  a  different  judgment  of  their  con- 
duct from  that  which  must  result  from 
viewing  them  as  ministers  of  the  Gosj)el. 
Their  cause  unfortunately  was  little  con- 
nected with  that  of  Christianity;  yet 
their  firmness,  and  the  manner  in  which 
they  conducted  that  cause,  may  excite 
our  admiration  of  them  as  men. 

§  h'Z.  William  the  (yonqueror,  though 
he  invaded  England  under  the  sanction 
of  a  papal  grant,  neverthidess  main- 
tained the  authority  belonging  (o  the  I 
crown,  and  proved  that  he  was  the  head 
of  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  civil  power 
3 


i  in  his  kingdom,  by  subjecting  all  church 
property  to  the  services  which  were  de- 
:  manded  from  other  lands.  This  had 
becoine  absolutely  necessary ;  for  it  is 
said,  that  according  to  Doornsdpy  book, 
seven-fifteenths  of  the  kingdom  were  in 
the  hands  of  spiritual  persons,  who  had 
heretofore  furnished  scarcely  any  thing 
for  the  support  of  the  state.  As  a  fur- 
ther proof  of  his  supremacy,  he  forbade 
churchmen,  unless  they  had  previously 
obtained  his  permission,  to  lep /e  the 
kingdom — to  acknowledge  any  one  as 
pope — to  publish  letters  from  Rome— 
to  excommunicate  any  persons  con- 
nected with  himself — to  hold  councils, 
or  make  canons. 

Most  of  the  larger  preferments  were 
now  transferred  into  the  hands  of  Nor- 
mans, who  had  accompanied  the  inva- 
sion, and  m.uch  tyranny  seems  to  have 
been  used  towards  the  chief  members 
of  the  English  church,  many  of  whom 
were  expelled  from  their  benefices,  or 
friirhtened  into  involuntary  resignations. 
William  ejected  them  by  means  of  le- 
gates from  Pope  Alexander  II.,  whose 
admission  introduced  an  authority  into 
the  kingdom,  of  which  he  himself  was 
little  afraid,  however  dangerous  it  might 
prove  to  a  successor;  for  he  rejected 
the  demands  of  homage  made  by  Gre- 
gory VII.,  and  would  allow  that  Peter's 
pence  should  be  sent  to  Rome  on  no 
other  ground  than  as  a  benefaction.  In 
separating,  too,  the  ecclesiastical  and 
civil  courts,  he  made  an  alteration  of 
which  he  did  foresee  the  extent,  for  this 
step  greatly  assisted  the  clergy  in  esta- 
blishing their  claim  to  a  separate  juris- 
diction.* 

'  In  Saxon  lime.s,  the  shprifT  or  carl  had  pro- 
perly the  government  of  the  county  ;  but  the 
bishop  was  always  associated  with  hina  injudicial 
matters,  and  they  together  went  a  circuit  twice 
a-year,  holding  in  every  hundred  a  court  called 
the  Tourn.  In  ecclesiastical  matters,  the  bishop 
B  2 


i8 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Uhap.  U. 


§  53.  William  had  little  reason  to 
dread  the  power  of  the  Vatican,  first, 
because  that  formidable  authority  was 
not  yet  fully  established  ;  but,  second- 
ly, because  he  made  himself  strong  at 
home,  and  confined  his  tyranny'  to 
those  whom  he  had  conquered  ;  where- 
as the  injustice  of  his  successors  being 
directed  against  men  who  ought  to  have 
furnished  them  with  support,  rendered 
tlie  interference  of  the  pope  a  benefit  to 
a  portion  of  their  subjects.  For  it  must 
never  be  forgotten  that  the  influence  of 
Rome  generally  owed  its  origin  and  ex- 
tent to  the  vices  and  oppressions  of  the 
kings  who  were  in  their  turn  the  victims 
of  it.  The  property  of  the  bishopric 
was  a  benefit  to  society.  The  church 
in  those  days  formed  a  balance  between 
the  crown  and  aristocracy,  of  which  the 
weight  would,  under  ordinary  circum- 
stances, be  generally  thrown  into  the 
scale  of  peace,  and  on  the  side  of  the 
middle  and  lower  orders.  The  election 
to  the  see  was  vested  in  the  chapter  or 
monastery,  and  the  appointment  of  a 
bishop  furnished  the  church,  and  all 
who  held  under  it  or  were  connected 
\vith  its  interests,  with  a  person  of  such 
a  station  in  society  as  might  be  able  to 
defend  their  cause  against  the  aggres- 
sion of  the  military  baron  or  his  de- 
pendents. When  therefore  the  crown 
appropriated  to  itself  the  temporalities 
of  the  bishopric,  by  keeping  it  void  for 
a  season,  a  vast  number  of  persons  were 
deprived  of  the  advantages  which  they 
naturally  looked  for  from  their  ccclesi- 

sat  as  judge,  and  the  sheriff  assisted  him  by  in- 
flic.ing  temporal  punishments;  when  civil  offences 
W  Li  e  irird,  the  sheriff  was  judge,  and  the  bishop 
his  coadjutor.  This  joint  jurisdiction  was  now 
dissolved  ;  lor  William  ordained  that  no  bishop  or 
archdeacon  should  submit  to  the  judt^ment  of  any 
secular  person  a  cause  which  related  to  the  cure 
of  souls,  but  that  such  rases  should  be  brought 
before  the  bishop,  at  such  places  as  he  should  ap- 
point, and  be  there  decided  according  to  the  can- 
ons and  the  episcopal  law  :  that  those  who  refused 
to  obey  the  summons  of  the  bishop  should  be  ex- 
communicated, and  the  assistance  of  the  king  or 
the  sheriff  called  in :  and  that  no  layman  whatever 
should  intromit  any  matter  which  properly  be- 
longed to  the  bishop's  court.  Abridged  from 
Reeve's  History  of  English  Law,  p.  C  and  C4. 

'  There  is  one  instance  of  tyranny  with  which 
the  memory  of  William  I.  is  generally  loaded, 
which  it  may  be  allowed  an  inhabitant  of  Hamp- 
shire to  refute.  He  is  ordinarily  accused  of  de- 
populating a  large  tract  of  country  for  the  purpose 
of  forming  the  ^<ew  Forest.  The  soil,  however, 
in  this  district  is  such,  that  it  could  never  have 
been  much  inhabited,  and  the  act,  however  arbi- 
trary, could  not  have  produced  any  real  distress. 


astical  superior.  No  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority in  England  was  adequate  to 
cope  with  this  evil,  for  the  power  of 
the  crown  was  more  than  sufficient  to 
oppress  any  individual  bishop ;  but  in 
times  of  ditficulty,  the  discontent  of  a 
large  body  of  the  native  subjects  gave 
great  strength  to  any  foreign  authority 
which  advocated  the  cause  of  the  suf- 
ferers. A  patriotic  churchman,  with 
the  full  conviction  of  the  evils  arising 
from  such  oppression,  exercised  over 
the  body  to  which  he  belonged,  might 
fly  to  any  tribunal  which  could  furnish 
him  with  assistance  ;  and  most  certainly 
the  court  of  Rome  would  never  have 
acquired  that  power  which  was  after- 
wards so  misused,  if  the  commence- 
ment of  its  exercise  had  not  been  really 
useful  to  many  persons  labouring  un- 
der oppression.  William  Rufus  kept 
the  see  of  Canterbury  vacant  above 
four  years,  and  when,  through  com- 
punction of  conscience,  arising  from 
sickness,  he  had  nominated  Anselm  to 
the  primacy,  the  warm  yet  just  remon- 
strances of  the  archbishop  created,  at 
first  an  unpleasantness,  and  at  last  an 
open  rupture,  between  himself  and  the 
king.  Anselm  properly  exhorted  him 
to  fill  up  all  vacant  preferments,  and 
admonished  his  sovereign,  that  though 
God  had  made  him  the  protector  of  the 
church,  he  had  not  constituted  him  the 
proprietor  of  it." 

§  54.  By  a  Jaw  of  William  I.,  every 
churchman  was  forbidden  to  leave  the 
kingdom,  or  to  acknowledge  any  one 
as  pope  without  the  permission  of  the 
king  ;  and  he  had  prevented  Lancfranc 
and  Thomas  from  going  to  Rome  to 
receive  the  pall.  Ytt  Anselm  (1095) 
sought  to  do  so  while  at  variance  with 
William  II.,  and  even  consulted  the 
bishops  at  the  council  of  Rockingham 
whether  his  obedience  to  Urban,  whom^ 
Rufus  had  not  recognised  as  pope,  were 
compatible  Avith  his  obedience  to  the 
king  ;  declaring  at  the  same  time  the 
reluctance  which  he  had  felt  towards 

-  Before  lhe  Conquest,  the  temporalities  during 
a  vacancy  had  been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
diocesan  or  archbishop  of  the  province.  Under 
the  Conqueror,  ihcy  had  been  sequestered  in  the 
hands  of  churchmen,  who  were  forced  to  account 
for  the  proceeds;  but  Rufus  kept  them  in  his 
own,  or  let  them  out  to  farm  for  his  profit.  At 
his  death  he  was  enjoying  the  income  of  one  arch- 
bishopric, four  bishoprics,  and  eleven  abbeys. 
Ling.  Hist.  li.  134. 


Chap.  11.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


19 


accepting  the  station  which  he  now 
held,  and  his  determination  to  obey  the 
successor  of  St.  Peter. 

William,  witli  that  folly  which  often 
marks  the  conduct  of  those  who  are  de- 
termined to  gratify  their  own  wishes 
without  regarding  the  consequences, 
agreed  to  acknowledge  Urban  as  pope, 
provided  he  on  his  part  would  depose 
Anselm.  A  legate  was  accordingly 
sent  from  Rome,  who,  when  he  had 
been  received  and  procured  the  ac- 
knowledgment of  his  master,  confirmed 
Anselm  in  his  see,  as  a  dutiful  son  of 
the  church.  Considering  the  circum- 
stances under  which  he  was  placed,  we 
cannot  wonder  at  the  attachment  of  the 
primate  to  Rome  ;  but  at  the  moment 
it  proved  but  of  little  benefit  to  him  ; 
for  he  was  forced  to  avoid  the  immedi- 
ate anger  of  his  sovereign  by  flying 
into  France,  from  whence  he  proceed- 
ed into  Italy;  and  when  the  pope  made 
an  application  for  his  return,  William 
answered,  that  Anselm,  in  leaving  the 
kingdom,  had  justly  incurred  those  pe- 
nalties under  which  he  was  suffering, 
and  that  the  pope  was  wrong  in  advo- 
cating his  cause.  During  his  stay  at 
Rome,  he  gained  himself  great  credit  at 
two  councils  which  were  held  by  Urban, 
in  the  last  of  which  the  canon  against 
lay  investitures  was  established.* 

'  Investiture  was  a  ceremony  performed  by 
giviris;  a  slafi'and  ring  to  the  bishop  elect,  which 
put  him  into  possession  of  the  spiriliialiiies.  :is 
homigc  did  of  the  lemporalilies.  Gregory  VII.. 
who  begin  to  pive  the  way  to  that  universal 
monarchy  which  in  subscnuent  limes  the  popes 
nearly  oblaint-d  {x.  D.  1074),  forbade  princes, 
under  pain  of  e.vcommunication,  to  make  use  of 
investiuire,  the  object  of  which  canon  was  to 
break  off  as  much  as  pos.ril)lc  all  connection  be- 
tween ccclesiasiics  and  the  civil  authorities.  Tlic 
importance  of  the  ceremony  consisted  in  the  real 
power  it  gave  with  respect  to  the  nomination, 
since  it  conferred,  on  the  party  possessed  of  the 
right,  a  sort  of  power  of  annulling  the  election. 
In  the  fretpient  instances  which  we  have  of  dis- 
puted elections  to  the  see  of  Canterbury,  the 
monks  claimed  to  themselves  the  sole  choice,  and 
the  court  of  Rome  supported  them  against  llie  I 
suffragan  bishops  of  the  diocese,  who  (iemanded  | 
a  share  in  the  election.  But  the  crown  also 
claimed  its  influence,  which  in  the  r3ih  article  of 
the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  is  thus  expressed. 
Having  declared  tliat  vacant  preferments  shall  be 
in  the  king's  hands,  it  proceeds,  "  Et  cum  ven- 
tum  fuerit  ad  consulcndum  ecclesiam,  debet  Do- 
miiuis  rex  mandare  potiores  personas  ccclcsitE,"  j 
(send  his  mandate  to  the  chief  parsons  of  the 
church.  Johnson's  Canons,  llGi,  12.)  "et  in 
capclla  ipsius  regis  debet  fieri  elcctio,  assensu 
ipsius  regis  et  consilio  personarum  regni,  quas  ad 
hoc  factendum  advocaverit."    The  person  elect 


1  §55.  The  difficulties  inseparable  from 
the  beginning  of  a  reign,  founded  on  an 
unjust  title,  made  Henry  I.  seek  for 
popularity  by  the  recall  of  Anselm;  but 
one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  archbishop 
was  the  refusal  of  homage  founded  on 
the  before-named  canon.  The  necessi- 
ties of  the  king  produced  a  truce,  but 
the  absurd  demands  of  Pascal  II.  joon 
put  an  end  to  every  appearance  ol' 
peace;  Henry  declaring  thot  no  sub- 
ject should  remain  in  England  who 
refused  to  do  homage,  while  Anselm 
withdrew  to  his  province,  and  defied  all 
earthly  power.  In  a  council  held  at 
Winchester,  it  was  determined  to  refer 
the  matter  to  the  pope;  but  the  con- 
duct of  Pascal  was  so  deceitful,  that  the 
accounts  brought  back  by  the  envoys 
of  the  king  and  archbishop  were  at  total 
variance  with  each  other.  Anselm  him- 
self soon  after  went  to  Rome  at  th<; 
request  of  Henry,  when  a  decree  of  the 
papal  chair  seemed  to  put  an  end  to 
all  hopes  of  reconciliation.  At  length, 
however,  Henry  was  induced  by  the 
threat  of  excommunication  to  submit  to 
a  compromise,  and  to  give  up  the  right 
of  investiture,  the  church  at  the  same 
time  allowing  its  members  to  do  homage 
for  the  temporalities. 

In  endeavouring  to  promote  the  liber- 
ty of  ecclesiastical  elections,  Anselm 
might  have  been  acting  on  sound  prin- 
ciples; but  the  earnestness  with  which 
he  insisted  that  the  archbishop  of  York 
should  acknowledge  the  superiority  of 
the  see  of  Canterbury,  was  so  closely 
connected  with  his  own  prerogative, 
that  it  suggests  the  idea  that  much  of 
his  conduct  owed  its  origin  to  spiritual 
pride.  As  an  advocate  for  the  papal 
authority,  he  of  course  insisted  on  the 
celibacy  of  the  clergy,  which  was  one 
of  the  most  powerful  engines  by  which 
this  foreign  jurisdiction  was  supported. 
The  repeated  canons  against  the  mar- 
riage of  the  clergy  prove  how  difficult 
it  was  to  enforce  this  restraint ;  and 
there  is  a  lett(>r  sent  from  the  pope  to 
Anselm,  in  1107,  allowing  him  to  or- 
dain and  advance  the  sons  of  clergy- 
shall  then  do  homage,  &c.  If  this  custom  then 
had  been  es'ablished,  and  the  king  had  pnsse9.sed 
I  the  power  of  investiture  as  well  as  right  of  ho- 
mage, the  real  nomination  would  practically  have 
been  in  his  hands;  and  unfortunately  many  royal 
appointments  were  little  better  than  sales  of  the 
preferments. 


20 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


[CuAP.  U. 


men,  "because  the  greatest  and  best 
part  of  the  priesthood  in  England  con- 
sisted of  such  persons." 

§  5(5.  The  papal  power  continued  to 
extend  itself  by  making  use  of  every  ad- 
vantage which  the  weakness  and  vices 
of  our  sovereigns  afforded.  Thus  after 
the  usurpation  of  Stephen,  which  was 
sanctioned  by  Rome,  Albericus,  bishop 
of  Ostia,  held  a  synod  at  Westminster, 
where  he  promulgated  canons  on  the 
sole  authority  of  the  pope,  and  inter- 
fered in  the  election  of  Theobald  to  the 
see  of  Canterbury.  So  again  Stephen, 
by  faithlessly  seizing  the  persons  "of 
Roger,  bishop  of  Sarum,  and  his  ne- 
phew the  bishop  of  Lincoln,  at  Oxford, 
paved  the  way  to  an  act  of  unjustifiable 
audacity  on  the  part  of  his  OAvn  brother, 
the  bishop  of  Winchester,  who  sum- 
moned him  to  answer  for  his  conduct. 
(a.  d.  11;39,)  and  then  arrocrating  to  the 
clersry  the  ricfht  of  appointing  kings, 
declared  in  favour  of  Matilda  and  her ! 
son.  The  facility  with  which  oaths  and 
declarations  were  then  made  and  bro- 
ken, while  perjury-  was  almost  sanc- 
tioned by  the  dispensations  of  Rome 
and  her  emissaries,  is  one  of  the  many 
proofs  which  might  be  produced,  that 
the  cause  of  the  church  was  far  from 
being  that  of  God.'  The  papal  power 
was  the  only  one  which  was  advanced 
by  the  miseries  of  England  during  this 
period.  Her  king  was  deprived  of  his 
patronage,  and  of  the  fidelity  of  his 
subjects,  while  the  clergy  were  sub- 
jected to  a  foreign  legate,  celibacy  was 
more  strongly  insisted  on,  and  most  of 
their  causes  were  ultimately  carried  to 
Rome  ;  by  degrees,  too,  many  abbeys 
were  freed  from  episcopal  jurisdiction, 
holdinof  directly  from  the  see  of  Rome, 
and  forming  ecclesiastical  garrisons 
prepared  for  its  defence. 

§  57.  Henry  II.  found  the  power  of  i 
the  church  "greatly  augmented  during! 
the  reio-n  of  Stephen,  and  though  a  j 
wise  prince,  he  contributed  to  extend 
that  jurisdiction  over  the  whole  world 
which  was  arrogated  by  the  court  of 
Rome,  when  he  accepted  a  grant  of 
Ireland  from  the  pope.   Few  monarchs, 
however,  have  more  severely  felt  the  ■ 


•Fuller  says,  "Dealing  with  oaths  as  seamen 
do  with  the  p'oinls  of  the  compass,  (iii.  p.  25,  ^  29,) 
saying  thera  forwards  and  backwards." 


ill  effects  of  exalting  the  hierarchy,  and 
that  at  the  hands  of  a  favourite,  whose 
aid  he  had  expected  in  repressinir  them. 

Thomas  Becket  was  born  in  London, 
educated  at  Oxford,  Paris,  and  Bologna, 
and  by  the  influence  of  Theobald  was 
made  chancellor  of  England,  (1158.) 
Upon  the  death  of  that  prelate  he  was 
appointed  his  successor  in  the  see  of 
Canterbury,  though  only  in  deacon's 
orders,  and  notwithstanding-  the  remon- 
strances of  many  of  the  king's  friends, 
who  endeavoured  to  dissuade  him  from 
putting  so  much  power  into  the  hands 
of  one  who,  with  ambitious  views,  pos- 
sessed -talents  v.  hich  would  render  him 
formidable.  The  courtier,  now  con- 
verted into  an  ecclesiastic,  assumed  a 
severity  of  conduct  corresponding  with 
his  station,  and  discarded  that  levity  for 
which  he  had  been  before  conspicuous. 
The  point  on  which  the  interests  of  the 
archbishop  and  the  kijio-  first  came  into 
competition,  regarded  the  f  unishment 
of  ecclesiastical  persons  guilty  of  noto- 
rious crimes,  of  which  unfortunately, 
at  that  time,  there  were  too  many  ex- 
amples. 

This  question  was  discussed  in  a 
council  at  Westminster,  (1163.)  and 
Becket  and  the  other  bishops  agreed  to 
observe  the  customs  of  the  realm  such 
as  they  existed  in  the  time  of  Henry 
I.,  but  added  the  clause  of  "  savin?  their 
order,"  a  reservation  which  virtually 
maintained  that  no  clerk,  though  de- 
graded, should  be  subjected  to  the  civil 
power,  for  the  same  offence  for  which 
he  had  been  deprived  of  his  orders ; 
and  this  upon  the  princi]de  that  a  man 
shall  not  be  twice  punished  for  the  same 
crime.  When  the  Constitutions  of  Cla- 
rendon'were  drawn  up.  Becket  at  first. 


2  They  were  established  at  Clarendon,  near  ?a- 
hsbury.  andare  in  numbersLxiecn.  (Johnson's  Ca- 
nons. 1164.)  Their  olijpc!  is  to  preserve  the  ri^his 
of  the  crown.  (0.  14.)  To  prevent  appeals  from  l)e- 
ing  made  to  any  foreign  conrt.  (1.  S.)  To  resiraiii 
the  carrying  of  causes  into  ecclesiastical  conns, 
(1,  l.T.)  and  the  e.xercise  of  an  undue  (5)  or  inqui- 
sitorial power  l6)  in  those  courts,  while  iheir  just 
rights  were  preserved  by  the  aid  of  temporal  au- 
thority. (10,  13.)  To  regulate  ecclesiasiical  elec- 
tions, so  that  the  appointment  might  not  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  pope.  (12.)  To  subject  eccle- 
siastical property  to  civil  service.  {ll,)and  church- 
men to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ordinary  courts  of 
law,  so  far  that  it  might  be  known  what  cogni- 
sance was  claimed  by  the  ecclesiastical  power, 
and  how  the  offending  parties  were  punished. 
(3.  9.)  To  screen  persons  connected  with  the  king 


Chap.  II.] 


CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND. 


21 


(IKM,)  with  much  reluctance,  proniisod 
to  observe  them,  and  to  suljniil  to  what- 
ever else  was  the  law  in  time  of  Henry 
I. ;  but  he  subsequently  obtained  a  dis- 
pensation from  his  oath.  When  he  had 
atteinjited  to  leave  the  kinj^dora,  and 
was  driven  back  by  contrary  winds,  a 
violent  persecution  was  beg'un  against 
him  in  a  parliament  held  at  Northamp- 
ton. He  had  violated  those  laws  which 
he  had  before  sworn  to  observe,  and 
was  justly  liable  to  punishment ;  but  it 
was  not  of  this  that  they  accused  him; 
he  was  sued  under  frivolous,  if  not 
false  pretences,  and  at  last  ordered  to 
give  in  an  account  of  the  moneys  re- 
ceived by  him  while  chancellor.  The 
day  after  this  unreasonable  demand,  he 
entered  the  hall  in  his  pontificals,  ob- 
served a  dignified  conduct  towards  his 
opponents,  and  when  threatened  by  the 
Earl  of  Leicester,  declared  that  all 
claims  on  him  had  been  discharged 
when  he  was  made  archbishop,  and  ap- 
pealed to  Gofl  and  the  pope.  The  next 
night  he  set  ofT  in  disguise,  and  retired 
to  France. 

§  5S.  The  reception  of  Becket  at  the 
French  court  was  much  more  favoura- 
ble than  that  which  the  ambassadors  of 
the  king  of  England  experienced  ;  and 
the  same  difference  was  observable  at 
Sens,  where  the  pontiff  then  resided. 
The  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  were 
immediately  condemned  by  the  pope, 
and  the  cause  of  Becket  was  taken  up 
as  his  own.  The  violence  of  Henry 
now  broke  out  in  an  unjustifiable  per- 
secution of  the  friends  of  the  archbishop, 
whom  he  stripped  of  all  their  property, 
sending  them  over  to  their  patron,  with 
the  view  of  increasing  his  misery  by 
the  suff.'rings  of  those  connected  with 
him.  In  this,  as  well  as  the  former 
persecution,  the  passions  of  the  king 
made  him  lose  the  advantage  which  his 
cause  possessed,  and  he  must  have  been 
regMrded  as  a  tyrant,  even  while  assert- 
ing his  own  legitimate  rights. 

Becket's  anger  would  have  inclined 
him  to  proceed  immediately  to  the  ex- 
communication of  Henry  ;  but,  through 
the  interfereroe  of  the  king  of  France, 
the  thunderi  of  the  church  were  hurled 


from  iho  immrdiate  influence  of  orclrsiastical  cen- 
sures. (7.)  anij  to  prevent  the  ordination  of  shvcs, 
unless  with  the  consent  of  their  masters.  (IC.) 


!  against  his  ministers  alone.  Several 
attempts  at  ri-conciliation  proved  abor- 
tive ;  and,  in  1170,  whe«  the  court  of 
I  Rome  seemed  to  be  more  favourable 
towards  Henry,  the  rage  of  the  pri- 
mate became  (excessive.  These  circum- 
stances, however,  appear  to  have  expe- 
dited th^;  cause  of  peace,  for  terms 
were  soon  after  agreed  on.  The  meet- 
ing which  took  place  at  FretviUe  dis- 
plays the  gentlemanly  feeling  of  the 
king,  and  the  revengeful  pride  of 
Becket :  he  refused  to  forgive  his  op- 
ponents in  any  but  general  terms  ;  and 
the  intention  of  these  salvos  was  soon 
apparent ;  for  before  he  landed  in  Eng 
land,  he  excommunicated  those  bishops 
who  had  taken  any  leading  part  against 
him,  and  thus  declared  war  at  the  mo- 
ment when  he  should  have  been  the 
messenger  of  peace. 

§  59.  Some  angry  expressions  which 
dropped  from  Henry  when  the  excom- 
municated bishops  came  to  implore  his 
protection,  produced  the  murder  of  the 
primate.  The  tide  af  opinion  now  ran 
against  the  supposed  author  of  this  hor- 
rid deed;  but  the  king  nmde  his  peace 
with  Rome  by  solemnly  disavowing  any 
knowledge  of,  or  participation  in  the 
murder.  St.  Thomas  became  a  most 
powerful  advocate  Avith  Heaven ;  and 
the  miracles  performed  at  his  shrine 
would  be  incredible,  if  the  force  of  ima- 
gination, in  curing  the  most  inveterate 
disorders,  had  not  been  proved  by  the 
(juackery  of  modern  times.  Henry 
himself  paid  honour  to  him  when  deati, 
and  subjected  his  own  person  to  great 
severities  at  his  tomb.  Louis  too,  Avith 
more  consistency,  visited  his  bones,  and 
sought  to  obtain  the  heavenly  aid  of  him 
whom  he  had  protected  on  earth.  Of 
the  cleverness  and  decision  of  Becket's 
character  there  can  be  no  doubt ;  but  it 
seems  equally  unquestionable  that  his 
object  was  personal  ambition ;  he  died 
a  martyr  to  the  cause  of  the  advance- 
ment of  his  own  ecclesiastical  power. 
The  violence  of  his  letters  to  the  court 
of  Rome,  and  the  vindictive  persecution 
of  his  enemies,  show  most  forcibly  how 
far  he  was  from  that  serenity  which  the 
disinterestedness  of  a  good  cause  can 
alone  inspire. 

§  (50.  It  was  during  this  period  (1 100) 
that  the  first  punishment  for  heresy  took 
place  in  England.    About  thirty  Ger- 


38 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  II. 


mans,  unoer  a  teacher  named  Gerhard,  1 
appeared  in  this  country.  They  were 
examined  before  a  synod  at  Oxford,; 
burnt  in  the  forehead,  and  turned  out  j 
to  perish  in  the  fields.  They  made  no 
proselytes,  excepting  one  woman  ;  and, 
as  the  only  account  of  their  tenets 
which  remains  to  us  is  derived  from 
those  who  punished  them,  no  fair  judg- 
ment can  be  passed  on  the  opinions 
which  they  entertained.  They  are  said 
to  have  rejected  the  use  of  the  sacra- 
ments of  baptism  and  the  Lord's  sup- 
per, to  have  been  adverse  to  marriage, 
and  to  have  gloried  in  their  suffer- 
ings.' 

§  01.  The  manner  in  which  the  court 
of  Rome  interfered  with  the  concerns 
of  this  kingdom  cannot  be  more  strongly 
illustrated  than  by  a  quarrel  which  hap- 
pened in  llSf),  when  Archbishop  Bald- 
win attempted  to  build  a  convent  at 
Hackington,  near  Canterbury.  The 
monks  of  the  metropolitan  church  saw 
that  any  other  archiepiscopal  establish- 
ment Avas  likely  to  interfere  with  their 
right  of  electing  to  the  see  ;  and  indeed 
the  object  in  the  erection  of  this  reli- 
gious house  seems  to  have  been  to  dimi- 
nish their  power.  They  appealed  there- 
fore to  Rome,  and  the  pope  insisted  on 
the  destruction  of  the  intended  esta- 
blishment, which  was  accomplished  in 
1189;  and  so  far  did  this  jealousy  ex- 
tend, that  when  Hubert,  in  1196,  at- 
tempted to  found  a  society  of  canons 
at  Lambeth,  and  offered  every  safeguard 
which  oaths  could  give,  that  they  should 
not  interfere  with  the  election,  the 
monks  of  Canterbury  still  resisted  ;  and 
the  see  of  Rome  too  well  knew  her  own 
interest,  not  to  advocate  the  cause  of 
those  who  were  always  ready  to  fight 
her  battles  against  any  other  authority. 

In  1200,  Innocent  111.  took  the  bold 
step  of  imposing  a  tax  of  one-fortieth 
on  all  ecclesiastical  revenues,  for  the 
purpose  of  a  crusade ;  to  which  it  was 
never  fully  applied,  saysDiceto,  unless 
the  church  of  Rome  has  renounced  her 
innate  rapacity. 

§  (52.  It  was,  hoAvevcr,  in  the  reign 
of  John  that  the  papal  authority  rose 
to  its  greatest  height :  the  first  act  of 
encroachment  was  the  appointment  of 
Stephen  Langton  to  the  see  of  Canter- 


1  Collier's  Ecc.  Hist.  i.  347. 


bury.  On  the  death  of  Hubert,  the 
monks,  to  make  sure  of  their  privilege, 
hastily  elected  Reginald,  and  dismissed 
him  secretly  to  Rome,  to  obtain  his  in- 
vestiture ;  but,  contrary  to  a  promise 
which  he  had  given  them,  he  disclosed 
the  news  of  his  election  in  Flanders, 
and  brought  the  anger  of  the  king  on 
those  who  had  been  instrumental  to  it. 
Upon  this  the  monks,  out  of  revenge, 
elected  another  primate,  and  the  ques- 
tion was  referred  to  Rome.  The  suf- 
fragan bishops  of  the  diocese,  too,  sent 
in  their  claim  :  but  this  was  immediately 
rejected ;  and  the  pope,  having  annulled 
both  the  elections  of  the  monks,  com- 
pelled such  of  their  members  as  were 
then  at  Rome  to  proceed  to  a  fresh  elec- 
tion, absolving  them  from  all  the  pro- 
mises to  the  contrary  which  they  had 
made  in  England.  Stephen  Langton, 
in  whose  favour  these  steps  were  taken, 
was  by  birth  an  Englishman,  had  re- 
ceived his  education  at  Paris,  and  had 
subsequently  been  made  a  cardinal. 
The  intemperate  warmth  of  the  British 
monarch  was  met  by  the  haughty  firm- 
ness of  Innocent,  who  first  laid  the  coun- 
try under  an  interdict,  and  then  excom- 
municated John.  But  so  little  real  effect 
had  these  spiritual  weapons,  that  the 
only  two  successful  expeditions  which 
John  made,  against  AVales  and  Ireland, 
took  place  during  this  very  period. 

§  03.  In  1212,  the  pope  proceeded  to 
depose  John,  and  to  free  his  subjects 
from  their  oaths  of  allegiance  ;  and  in 
1213,  committed  the  execution  of  this 
act  to  Philip  of  France.  The  secret 
cabals  of  his  discontented  barons,  whose 
defection  rendered  all  his  prospects  of 
defence  uncertain,  coupled  with  the 
threat  of  a  foreign  invasion,  forced  the 
pusillanimous  John  to  surrender  his 
kingdom  ;  and  on  May  1.5,  1213,  at 
Dover,  Pandulf  restored  the  crown, 
which  was  laid  at  his  feet ;  a  tribute  of 
a  thousand  marks  was  imposed,  and  the 
legate,  having  obtained  the  object  of 
his  church,  forbade  Philip  to  proceed 
in  the  invasion,  and  neglected  the  inte- 
rest of  even  those  English  churchmen 
who  had  suffered  in  the  cause.  So  much 
did  the  pope  now  consider  England  as 
his  own,  that  when,  in  1215,  the  barons 
compelled  John  to  sign  the  charter,  the 
pope  espoused  the  cause  of  the  king 
with  such  earnestness,  that  he  suspended 


Chap.  II.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


23 


Langton  for  the  part  which  ho  had  taken 
in  favour  of  liberty.  ; 

In  this  year  the  council  of  St.  John  ' 
Lateral!  was  held,  which  authoritatively 
declared  transubstantiation  to  be  a  tenet 
of  the  church. 

§  64.  The  papal  power  had  probably 
reached  its  greatest  heig'ht  by  the  sur- 
render which  John  made  of  his  crown; 
but  its  exactions  and  practical  effects 
were  by  no  means  diminished  under  the 
weak  reign  of  Henry  III.  A  vast  num- 
ber of  the  benefices  in  England  were 
filled  by  Italians,  who  resided  out  of  the 
kingdom,  and  impoverished  it  by  the 
sums  which  were  thus  withdrawn.  But 
to  what  source  could  the  oppressed  in- 
habitants look  for  relief?  They  were 
little  likely  to  obtain  it  from  Rome  itself, 
and  the  inadequacy  of  any  such  attempt 
they  themselves  experienced  when  the 
barons  made  a  remonstrance  to  the  coun- 
cil of  Lyons,  (1245;)  for  the  pontifT 
amused  them  with  delays,  till  their  pa- 
tience was  exhausted,  and  their  return 
to  England  was  the  next  year  followed 
by  a  further  exaction  of  one-half  of  the 
revenues  of  the  non-resident  clergy,  and 
a  third  of  the  rest.  But  this  demand 
was  too  great  to  be  complied  with,  and 
the  prudence  of  the  court  of  Rome  per- 
ceived the  danger  of  pressing  it. 

§  C)o.  It  was  not,  however,  from  the 
barons  alone  that  the  opposition  to  the 
court  of  Rome  arose,'  for  Robert  Gross- 
teste,  or  Greathead,-  bishop  of  Lincoln, 
ventured  to  lift  his  feeble  voice  against 
corruptions  which  he  justly  designated 
as  antichristian.  Innocent  IV.  had 
named  his  nephew,  Frederic  de  Lava- 
nia,  then  a  child,  to  a  canonry  in  the 
church  of  Lincoln  ;  but  the  remon- 
strances of  the  bishop  were  so  strong, 
that  though  they  drew  from  the  pope  a 
torrent  of  abuse,  he  wisely  gave  way 
to  the  more  prudent  advice  of  some  of 
his  cardinals,  and  did  not  follow  up  the 
question.    The  good  bishop  died  soon 

'  Fox's  Mar.  i.  3(54. 

2  See  a  iife  ol'  Grossteste  by  Pegge,  4to.  IIo 
was  born  117.").  In  tho  early  part  of  his  life  be 
resided  in  Oxford,  and  lectured  there  to  the  black 
friars.  When  elected  bishop  of  fjincoln,  1235,  he 
was  much  assisted  by  the  friars  in  bis  episcopal 
duties,  strongly  enforced  discipline,  and  endea- 
voured to  reform  abuses,  defended  the  rights  of 
the  church  and  kingdom  against  papal  encroach- 
ments, though  he  always  submitted  to  the  author- 
ity of  Rome;  about  1'2.')2,  he  put  forth  a  sermon 
at  Lyons,  inveighinn  bitterly  against  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  court  of  Rome. 


after,  and  on  his  deathbed  endeavoured 
to  convince  his  friend,  John  of  St.  Giles, 
that  the  pope  was  antichrist ;  and  it 
should  be  remembered,  that  he  was  one 
of  the  most  learned  men  of  his  day. 

§  00.  The  chief  points  in  which  the 
English  clergy  had  encroached  on  the 
civil  power  consisted  in  their  growing 
wealth,  and  the  freedom  from  temporal 
jurisdiction  which  they  claimed.  A 
partial  remedy  was  provided  first  by  a 
statute  which  passed  in  127.5,  allowing 
a  clerk  to  be  tried  by  a  jury  before  he 
was  delivered  over  to  his  ordinary,  and 
the  Statute  of  Mortmain,  1279,  made 
the  king's  consent  necessary  for  any 
transfer  of  property  to  an  ecclesiastical 
body;  but  when  Edward  I.  had  esta- 
blished his  power,  he  soon  exerted  it 
over  the  ecclesiastical  portion  of  his 
subjects. 

In  1292,  he  demanded  one-half  of  the 
revenues  of  the  church,  in  addition  to 
many  other  exactions  which  he  had 
already  made,  and  friglitened  the  clergy 
into  submission.  Robert  Winchelsey, 
then  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  hopes 
of  putting  a  stop  to  these  proceedings, 
which  seem  in  truth  to  have  been  very 
tyrannical,  obtained  a  bull  from  the 
pope,  which  prohibited  princes  from 
taxing  church  property;  but  the  ineffi- 
cacy  of  this  was  soon  proved  ;  for  Ed- 
ward excluded  from  the  protection  of 
the  laws  those  ecclesiastics  who  refused 
obedience  to  his  demands,  and  directed 
his  civil  oflicers  to  seize  all  the  actual 
property  of  clergymen.  This  soon 
brought  the  question  to  a  close,  and 
obliged  the  churclimen  to  submit. 

The  ecclesiastical  history  which  lies 
between  this  period  and  the  first  preach- 
ing of  Wiclif  is  marked  by  little  pecu- 
liarity; and  the  civil  power,  as  might 
be  expected,  during  the  active  reigns  of 
the  two  Edwards,  seems  to  have  been 
gaining  ground.  But  the  immediate 
vices  of  the  clergy,  and  tiie  fundamen- 
tal errors  existing  in  the  ecclesiastical 
system,  which  formed  the  real  cause  of 
the  attacks  of  Wiclif,  and  which  are 
indeed  the  only  church  history  of  this 
period,  shall  be  detailed  by  way  of  pre- 
face to  the  account  given  of  this  great 
author  of  the  Reformation.  There  are, 
however,  some  few  general  observa- 
tions, which  may  be  introduced  with 
advantage  into  this  part  of  our  history. 


24 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  IL 


§  07.  In  tracing  the  extension  of  the 
papal  dominion  in  this  kingdom,  much 
more  must  be  attributed  to  the  vices  of 
the  British  kings  than  to  any  other 
cause.  The  comparative  weakness  of 
the  popes  before  the  Conquest  had  pre- 
vented them  from  interfering  so  much 
with  the  affairs  of  Britain  ;  but  as  Rome 
became  strong,  she  advanced  her  claims, 
and  established  them,  whenever  her  in- 
terests could  be  mixed  up  with  the  cor- 
rection of  the  real  grievances  existing 
in  church  or  state.  The  unjust  usurpa- 
tion of  William  I.  was  sanctioned  by 
the  pope,  and  this  same  king  introduced 
legates  to  execute  his  tyranny;  but  his 
injustice  consisted  in  favouring  the  Nor- 
man clergy,  and  not  in  robbing  the 
chuich  as  a  body;  and  William  Rufus 
migiit  have  kept  himself  as  independent 
as  his  father,  had  not  his  invasion  of 
church  property  compelled  Anselm  to 
fiy  to  Rome  for  protection.  The  quar- 
rel about  investiture  was  really  one  as 
to  the  power  which  it  gave  the  king  of 
selling  his  preferments.  Had  not  Henry 
so  disposed  of  the  benefices  which  be- 
came vacant,  the  interest  of  the  clergy 
of  England  would  have  coincided  with 
that  of  the  king ;  his  own  avarice  cre- 
ated the  opposition  which  was  raised 
against  him  ;  and  in  this  vice  he  was  so 
shameless,  that  when  he  had  been  in- 
vested with  authority  to  restrain  the 
marriage  of  the  clergy,  he  used  it  by 
selling  them  licenses  which  dispensed 
with  the  restraint.  It  was  not  till  Ste- 
phen had  most  unjustly  seized  on  the 
castles  of  Roger,  bishop  of  Sarum,  and 
his  nephews,  that  his  own  brother  Hen- 
ry, the  papal  legate,  ventured  to  sum- 
mon the  king  before  an  ecclesiastical  tri- 
bunal ;  and  Stephen,  himself  an  usurper, 
appealed  to  the  pope  against  his  own 
bishops.  John  was  incapable  of  con- 
tending with  Rome,  because  he  had  first 
lost  the  confidence  and  love  of  his  sub- 
jects. And  the  same  thing  occurred 
during  the  reigns  of  more  powerful 
monarchs.  Edward  I.  imposed  a  tax 
of  one-tenth  on  ecclesiastical  property, 
through  Pope  Nicholas  IV.,  and  after- 
wards exacted  larger  sums  from  the 
clergy,  till  they  in  their  turn  obtained 
a  bull  which  forbade  the  transfer  of  any 
ecclesiastical  revenues  to  lay  purposes, 
without  the  concurrence  of  the  holy  see. 

§  68.  Most  of  the  contests  which 


took  place  concerned  the  property  of 
the  church,  and  might  more  justly  be 
viewed  as  questions  of  civil  right  than 
as  belonging  to  ecclesiastical  matters. 
The  church  is  a  body  corporate,  with 
spiritual  functions,  but  possessed  of 
temporal  rights  ;  the  injustice  gene- 
rally arose  with  regard  to  the  tempo- 
ralities, ordinarily  with  respect  to  the 
appointments;  and  as  the  ecclesiastical 
body  had  no  other  means  of  defending 
its  own  rights,  than  by  spiritual  thun- 
ders, the  invasion  of  a  right  purely 
temporal  in  its  nature  became  a  ques- 
tion of  spiritual  power,  from  the  way 
in  which  the  contest  was  carried  on.' 
The  king  kept  a  bishopric  or  abbey 
vacant,  and  let  the  temporalities  out  to 
farm.  The  church  was  injured  by  the 
want  of  a  head,  but  the  injustice  was 
such  as  might  have  been  remedied 
without  any  appeal  to  a  foreign  power, 
if  the  barons  had  maintained  the  rights 
of  the  church;  but  -when  the  chTirch 
found  no  other  remedy,  her  members 
were  forced  to  seek  for  aid  from  anj' 
source  which  could  afford  it  to  them, 
and  so  put  themselves  under  the  pro- 
tection of  Rome.  And  that  see  usu- 
ally showed  itself  eager  to  support  the 
weaker  party,  till  the  stronger  submit- 
ted to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  its 
decisions,  but  exhibited  no  objection  to 
subject  the  church  to  the  crown,  pro- 
vided the  crown  was  subservient  to 
Rome. 

§  09.  So  again  with  regard  to  the  right 
of  taxation,  the  church  had  always  pos- 
sessed the  privilege  of  imposing  taxes 
upon  her  members,  hut  the  necessities 
of  Edward  I.  induced  him  to  demand  a 
contribution  of  one-fifih  of  their  mova- 
bles from  the  clergy;  and  Winchelsey. 
then  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  (129(5,) 
obtained  a  bull  prohibiting  princes  to 
levy,  and  churchmen  to  pay,  any  taxes 
imposed  without  the  permission  of  the 
Roman  see.  Edward  reduced  the  clergy 
to  submission  by  putting  them  out  of  the 
protection  of  the  law,  as  they  would 
contribute  nothing  to  the  support  of  the 
Sfovernment ;  but  his  conduct  was  cer- 
tainly very  tyrannical.    The  papal  bull 


'  See  the  Constitutions  of  Boniface,  in  John- 
son's Canons,  1261,  which,  though  they  were 
never  established  as  law,  yet  mark  strongly  the 
violence  and  folly  of  those  who  then  wished  to 
legislate  as  friends  of  the  church. 


Chap.  11.] 


CHURCH  OF 


E  iN  G  L  A  N  D. 


2b 


claimed  a  power  over  the  crown,  to 
which  there  could  be  no  just  preten- 
sion, but  such  a  claim  could  hardly 
deprive  the  clergy  of  the  right  of  tax- 
ing themselves.  The  (juestion  was  not 
whether  or  no  they  should  pay  taxes, 
but  as  to  the  authority  which  should 
impose  such  taxes.  This  proceeding 
of  the  king  was  an  infringement  of 
their  civil  rights;  and  had  in  its  nature 
a  tendency  to  weaken  the  dependence 
of  the  church  on  the  crown,  and  to 
transfer  tlie  allegiance  of  the  heart  of 
the  churchman  from  his  king  to  the 
pope  ;  and  the  frequency  of  political 
disturbances  and  personal  insecurity 
induced  the  wealthy  members  of  the 
church  to  prepare  every  means  of  de- 
fence within  their  power;  so  that  if 
we  regard  the  higher  clergy  in  their 
manner  of  life,  and  their  proceedings 
against  the  crown,  they  resembled  lay- 
men rather  than  ministers  of  the  gos- 
]icl.  There  were  many  instances  when 
they  engaged  personally  in  war,  and 
their  castles  were  often  as  strong,  their 
retainers  as  numerous  and  warlike,  as 
those  of  any  temporal  lord  ;  and  the 
history  of  the  churchmen  of  this  period 
can  hardly  be  reckoned  as  belonging 
to  ecclesiastical  history,  any  further 
than  as  it  records  the  temporal  wealth 
and  power  with  which  they  were  then 
invested. 


§  70.  In  order  to  discover  the  source 
of  thiU  political  influence  which  was 
possessed  by  Rome,  we  must  look  at 
the  elements  of  which  society  was 
then  composed.  The  king  was  the 
monarch  of  a  military  oligarchy,  whose 
power  mainly  depended  on  the  mili 
tary  strength  which  he  possessed ;  and, 
therefore,  chiefly  on  his  own  personal 
character,  and  the  manner  in  which  he 
used  the  resources  of  ihe  crown.  The 
church  was  a  confederacy  of  corpora- 
tions, sole  and  aggregate,  whose  very 
existence  depended  on  opinion,  and 
whose  real  strength  consisted  in  com 
bination,  and  in  cultivating  the  arts  of 
peace  and  civilization.  Rome,  pos- 
sessed of  many  advantages  in  other 
respects,  formed  a  centre  of  combina- 
tion for  the  church,  and  the  folly  and 
injustice  of  the  crown  and  of  the  ba- 
rons would  have  rendered  Rome  and 
the  church  invincible,  had  not  those 
vices,  which  are,  humanly  speaking, 
inseparable  from  power  and  wealth, 
destroyed  the  illusion  of  public  opinion, 
and  prevented  churchmen  from  being 
able  to  trust  in  each  other.  The  vices 
of  monarchs  and  of  nations  first  made 
the  pope  a  king  of  kings  ;  and  the  vices 
of  Rome  and  her  servants  destroyed  a 
power  which  no  other  human  force 
could  have  subdued. 


4 


C 


96 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  III. 


CHAPTER  III. 


FROM  WICLIF,   1356,  TO  HENRY  VIII.,  1509. 

101.  Men  wish  to  remedy  abuses  when  they  affect  themselves.  102.  Political  abuses;  separate 
jurisdiction  of  the  clergy.  103.  Money  drained  out  of  the  kingdom.  104.  Laws  to  restrain  the 
papal  power.  10'>.  Moral  abuses  ;  the  mendicant  orders.  lOti.  Doctrinal  abuses  ;  pardons  ;  tran- 
subsiaiuiaiion.  107.  Little  prospect  of  redress;  inuiiliiy  of  canons.  108.  Wiclif  a  leader  in  the 
Reformation.  109.  His  enmiiy  to  the  friars.  110.  He  defends  the  crown  against  the  papal  power. 
111.  Attacked  by  the  papal  authority,  but  defended.  112.  Driven  from  Oxiord.  113.  Summoned 
to  Kome,  but  dies.  114.  His  talents  and  opposition  to  Rome.  115.  Opinions  of  Wiclif;  papal 
supremacy.  1113.  Church  properly;  celibacy.  117.  Purgatory;  episcopacy.  IIS.  Seven  sacra- 
menis.  119.  'I'ransubstantiation  ;  on  justification  and  sanctificaiion.  120.  Wiclif's  followers. 
121.  Enactments  of  Henry  IV.  in  favour  of  persecution.  122.  William  Sawirey,  martyr.  123. 
Lord  C'obham.  124.  His  execution.  12.0.  Pretended  rebellion  of  Lord  Cobham.  12G.  Pecock. 
127.  His  excuse  for  images  and  pilgrimages.  128.  Papal  supremacy  and  inonasiic  orders.  129. 
The  Bible  ;  celibacy;  fasting.  130.  Coniinued  persecuiipn.  131.  Summary  of  the  history  ;  origin 
of  ecclesiastical  power.  132.  Competitors  for  the  nomination  to  prelerments.  133.  Origin  of  the 
claim  of  each.  134.  Each  seek  their  own  advantage,  in  consequence  of  the  wealih  of  the  preler- 
ment.  135.  Advantages  and  disadvaniages  of  wealth  to  the  church.  130.  Civil  offices  in  the  hands 
of  churchmen;  these  evils  were  destroyed  when  they  came  to  be  examined.  137.  Many  steps 
made  towards  reformation,  but  an  Almighty  hand  was  still  wanting. 


§  101.  The  period  which  we  are  about 
to  examine  is  often  regarded  with  less 
attention  perhaps  than  it  deserves,  since 
it  must  contain  traces  of  those  steps 
which  eventually  led  to  the  Reforma- 
lion.  The  opinions  of  a  people  like 
ourselves  are  not  changed  in  a  mo- 
ment, or  at  the  mere  mandate  of  a 
court ;  parties  must  have  been  long 
nearly  balanced,  or  the  party  weakest 
m  political  influence  must  really  be  the 
favourite  of  the  nation,  before  a  rapid 
transition  can  alter  the  religion  of  a 
country.  The  prejudices  of  the  multi- 
tude generally  coincide  with  whatever 
they  have  found  established,  till  cir- 
cumstances induce  them  to  suppose 
that  some  pressure  under  which  they 
are  labouring  may  be  removed.  The 
discovery  of  an  abuse  by  no  means  dis- 
poses the  generality  of  mankind  to  seek 
a  remedy  ;  but  they  are  easily  excited 
to  desire  the  reform  of  abuses  which 
affect  themselves,  or  when  any  other 
causes  of  suffering  dispose  them  to  wish 
for  a  change. 

Before,  therefore,  we  enter  on  the 
history  of  Wiclif  and  his  followers,  it 
may  be  useful  to  devote  a  few  pages  to 
a  short  account  of  the  abuses  which 
existed  in  the  church  about  this  time. 
We  will  begin  with  those  of  a  political 
nature. 

§  102.  The  general  extension  of  the 
papal  authority  had  so  blinded  the  eyes 
of  mankind,  with  regard  to  that  species 
of  anomaly  in  civil  government  which 
has  since  been  designated  under  the 


name  of  imperium  in  impcrio,  that 
though  there  were  frequent  complaints 
of  the  pope's  interfering  too  much  with 
the  affairs  of  this  country,  yet  no  one 
seems  to  have  claimed  that  total  exclu- 
sion of  foreign  jurisdiction,  which  is 
now  generally  admitted  as  necessary 
to  constitute  an  independent  kingdom. 
There  were  many  attempts  to  limit  the 
exclusive  jurisdiction  which  the  church 
exercised  over  its  own  members,  and 
which  was  in  reality  subversive  of  the 
equitable  administration  of  justice.  If 
a  priest  were  guilty  of  the  most  heinous 
offences,  he  could  only  be  punished  by 
ecclesiastical  censures  ;  and  the  com- 
mission of  rape,  murder,  or  robbery, 
was  visited  by  confinement  in  a  bishop's 
prison,  in  which  the  appearance  of  ca- 
nonical severity  was  rendered  ineffect- 
ual by  the  ease  with  which  a  dispensa- 
tion from  any  canon  might  be  obtained. 

§  103.  These  evils,  however,  did  not 
affect  the  mass  of  the  people,  and  though 
injurious  to  society,  were  confined  with- 
in a  compass  comparatively  small ;  while 
the  quantity  of  money'  taken  out  of  the 
kingdom  by  means  of  the  ecclesiastical 
•hierarchy  was  felt  by  all,  and  could  not 
fail  to  attract  the  notice  of  the  most  un- 
informed political  economist.  The  great 
source  of  this  abuse  was  the  power 
exercised  by  the  pope  of  granting  pre- 
ferments by  means  of  provisions  or  ex- 
pective  graces,  by  which  he  appointed 

'  In  1376,  the  sum  paid  to  the  pope  was  five 
times  as  much  as  that  paid  to  the  king.  Cotton's 
Abridgment,  128  ;  Lewis's  Wiclif,  34. 


Chap.  III.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


27 


a  successor'  to  any  benefice,  whether  in 
his  own  gift  or  no,  bel'ore  it  became  va- 
cant, and  tluis  took  the  patronage  of  all 
countries  into  his  hands.  This  opened 
a  door  to  a  variety  of  other  abuses ; 
hungry  foreigners  were  introduced  into 
the  richest  olfices,-^  who,  while  they  en- 
joyed their  incomes  abroad,  thought  little 
of  the  spiritual  care  of  their  flocks,  or 
the  temporal  hardships  to  which  the  ex- 
actions of  greedy  stewards  necessarily 
exposed  them.  At  the  same  time  an 
additional  revenue  was  produced  to  the 
papal  throne  by  means  of  bribery,  and 
the  exactment  of  annates  or  first-fruits, 
which  were  a  tax  of  one  year's  intome 
levied  on  preferments  when  they  be- 
came vacant.  It  was  originally  paid  on 
those  benefices  only  which  were  in  the 
gift  of  the  pope  ;  as  therefore  his  pa- 
tronage was  extended,  he  enlarged  at 
the  same  time  this  branch  of  his  income, 
and  the  indefinite  power  thus  exerted 
enabled  him,  as  circumstances  arose,  to 
advance  his  prerogative.'  The  pope 
claimed  to  himself  the  right  of  taxing 
beneficed  churchmen  according  to  the 
value  of  their  preferments,  and  the  tal- 
lage amounted  generally  to  a  twentieth, 
sometimes  to  a  tenth,  or  larger  propor- 
tion. This  method  of  raising  money 
was  introduced  at  the  time  of  the  cru- 
sades, but  subsequently  extended  to 
other  wars,  in  which  the  interests  of  the 
church  of  Rome  Avere  concerned.  This 
revenue  was  occasionally  granted  to  the 
king,  though  ultimately  appropriated  to 
the  pope.  The  sum,  too,  collected  as 
Peter's-pence*  was  considerable,  and  the 

'  Lewis's  Pecock,  21. 

2  Fox,  A.  &  M.  i.  489.    Lewis's  Wiclif,  35. 

'  Tlie  annates  were  by  the  reformers  consi- 
dered as  bribes,  (see  §  201,  a,)  and  it  is  probable 
that  at  first  they  very  much  resembled  them.  It 
is  uncertain  when  the  custom  originated,  but  their 
date  seems  earlier  than  that  generally  assigned  ; 
they  were  objected  to  as  illegal  and  oppressive 
before  1250,  and  at  the  council  of  Vienne,  1315, 
proposals  were  made  for  their  discontinuance, 
which  were  opposed  by  Clement  V.  It  is  not  ex- 
traordinary that  uncertainty  should  prevail  with 
respect  to  them,  for  they  were  an  irregular  de- 
mand, settled  by  the  pope's  chamber,  and  often 
exceeded  two  or  three  years'  income.  Lewis's 
Pecock,  p.  40.  They  were  declared  illegal  by  the 
council  of  Constance.  The  pope  did  not  obtain 
them  for  liiinself  in  England,  till  after  the  reign 
of  Edward  I. 

*  Petcr's-pence  was  an  annual  tribute  of  one 
penny  pnid  at  Rome  out  of  every  family,  at  the 
feast  of  St.  Peter.  It  was  granted  by  Ina,  (740,) 
partly  as  alms,  and  partly  in  recompense  for  a 
house  erected  in  Rome  for  English  pilgrims.  It 


fees  paid  to  the  pope's  officers  for  aid- 
ing suitors  in  their  causes,  or  expediting 
ecclesiastical  business  with  the  church 
of  Rome,  tended  to  swell  the  total  amount 
which  was  drained  from  the  pockets  of 
our  ancestors,  and  rendered  the  minds 
of  all  iTien  alive  to  every  argument  tend- 
ing to  show  the  unsoundness  of  a  system 
of  which  they  personally  felt  the  galling 
effects.  The  officers  who  thus  impo- 
verished the  kingdom  were  injurious  in 
another  point  of  view;  they  not  only 
formed,  as  it  were,  a  papal  army  within 
the  country,  but  furnished  infortnation 
to  Rome^  of  every  thing  which  was  trans- 
acted, thus  providing  that  court  with  the 
means  of  continuing  the  slavery  to 
which  England  was  reduced.^  The 
prerogative  of  sanctuary''  had  become 
exceedingly  injurious  to  morality  and 
the  police  ;  for  the  perpetrators  of  every 
species  of  crime,  who  could  reach  one 
of  these  places  of  refuge,  were  free  from 
immediate  danger,  and  reserved  for  the 
commission  of  fresh  enormities,  when- 
ever their  pursuers  relaxed  in  their  ex- 
ertions to  bring  them  to  punishment. 
Wealth,  then,  and  authority,  as  well  as 
almost  every  species  of  knowledge,  were 
in  the  hands  of  those  most  interested  in 
the  continuance  of  abuses,  so  that  all 
external  influence  seemed  combined  to 
perpetuate  these  evils. 

§  104.  There  are,  however,  three 
laws,  by  which  it  was  attempted  to  re- 
strain the  power  of  the  church,  passed 
not  far  from  this  period. 

(a.  d.  1279.)  The  Statute  of  Mort- 
main* tried  to  prevent  bodies  corporate 
from  acquiring  any  lands  or  tenements, 
since  the  services  and  other  profits  due 
from  them  to  the  superior,  lord  were 
thereby  taken  away,  because  escheats, 
&c.,  could  never  accrue,  as  the  body 
never  died.  But  this  enactment  was 
variously  eluded ;  and  the  number  of 

was  paid  generally  till  the  25th  of  Henry  VIII. 
Burn's  Eccl.  Law. 
5  Lewis's  Wiclif,  35. 

^  It  is  perhaps  worthy  of  remark,  that  as  the 
popes,  from  Clement  V.,  1305,  to  Gregory  XL, 
1378,  (Vaughan's  Wichffe,  i.  281,)  were  all 
Frenchmen,  and  resided  at  Avignon,  as  well  as 
Clement  VII.  and  Benedict  XIII.  to  1409,  this 
wealth  and  power  was  thrown  into  the  hands  of  a 
nation  engaged  in  political  rivalry  with  England, 
and  that  tnerefore  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  this 
country  must  have  been  peculiarly  open  to  this 
abuse  during  the  life  of  Wiclif. 

'  Lewis's  Wiclif,  38. 

'  Burn's  Justice  ;  Tomlin's  Law  Diet. 


38 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  HI. 


subsequent  laws  on  the  subject  prove 
how  inadequate  human  institutions  are 
to  counteract  the  interests  of  those  who 
are  possessed  of  power.  Some  persons 
may  question  the  justice  of  such  an  en- 
actment, some  persons  its  wisdom  ;  but 
the  tendency  which  all  bodies  corporate 
have  to  accumulate  property  clearly 
points  out  the  necessity  of  some  species 
of  restraint,  though  it  appears  very 
doubtful  whether  this  be  the  wisest  me- 
thod of  imposing-  it.  Strict  justice  and 
sound  policy  seem  always  to  go  hand  in 
hand  ;  and  as  it  is  hard  to  prevent  any 
individual  Avho  has  acquired  wealth 
from  applying  his  property  as  he  pleases, 
it  would  perhaps  be  wiser  to  alloAV  bo- 
dies corporate  to  alienate,  under  certain 
restrictions,  than  to  endeavour  to  pre- 
vent them  from  acquiring.  The  laws 
which  obstruct  the  alienation  and  trans- 
fer of  property  are  those  which  are  most 
injurious  in  England. 

(a.  d.  1343.)  The  statute  against  pro- 
visions forbade  any  one,  under  the  pain 
of  forfeiture,  to  receive  or  execute  any 
letters  of  provisions  for  preferments ; 
but  as  this  law  practically  carried  all 
questions  dependent  on  it  before  the 
tribunals  of  the  court  of  Rome,  to  which 
the  party  aggrieved  naturally  applied 
for  redress,  it  was  enacted  by  the  sta- 
tute of  priBmunire,*  (a.  d.  1352,)  that 
whoever  drew  out  of  the  country  a  plea 
which  belonged  to  the  king's  court^ 
should  be  outlawed,  after  a  warning  of 
two  months.  Of  the  justice  and  wis- 
dom of  these  laws  there  can  be  little 
doubt. 

§  105.  Had  the  members  of  the  esta- 
blishment which  was  thus  privileged, 
and  for  whose  support  these  large  sums 
were  expended,  been  themselves  irre- 
proachable in  their  conduct,  it  would 
have  obviated  one  great  source  of  scan- 
dal ;  but  so  far  was  this  from  being  the 
case,  that,  during  part  of  this  time,  no- 
thing could  be  more  corrupt  than  the 

'  The  exact  derivation  of  the  word  is  uncertain. 
Some  take  it  to  proceed  from  the  defence  it  gives 
the  crown  against  the  encroachments  of  foreign 
powers :  others  from  prcemonere,  which  has  been 
barbarously  turned  into  pramunire ;  in  which 
sense  it  is  certainly  sometimes  used.  The  term 
pr<Bmunire  is  either  taken  for  the  writ,  or  the 
offence  for  which  the  writ  is  granted.  It  was 
twice  renewed  by  Edward  III.  27,  28 ;  by  Rich- 
ard II.  12,  13,  16  ;  Henry  IV.  2.  Abridged  from 
Blount's  Law  Dictionary. 

*  Edward  III.  25. 


papal  court ;''  while  its  emissaries  in 
England  did  all  they  could  to  irritate 
those  whom  they  pillaged.  The  pride 
and  luxury  of  the  higher  ecclesiastics 
were  excessive  ;  they  vied  with  tempo- 
ral lords  in  all  the  vanities  of  life,  and 
men  who  had  forsworn  the  world  were 
on  their  journeys  often  seen  accompa- 
nied by  fourscore  richly  mounted  at- 
tendants. Celibacy,  which  was  strictly 
imposed  by  the  ordinances  of  the 
church,  led  the  clergy  into  divers  snares 
and  temptations ;  and  the  canons  against 
incontinency  are  so  numerous,  that  their 
very  number  proves  their  inefficacy. 
Thos?  who  had  the  cure  of  souls  not 
only  neglected  their  duty  with  regard 
to  preaching  and  instructing  the  com- 
mon people,  but  most  of  the  higher  sta- 
tions in  the  state  were  held  by  church- 
men many  filled  menial  offices  in  the 
establishments  of  their  patrons ;  and 
their  ignorance  was  frequently  so  ex- 
cessive, that  numbers  of  them  were  un- 
acquainted with  the  Ten  Command- 
ments, and  could  hardly  pronounce 
correctly  the  words  for  the  performance 
of  the  sacraments.  These  causes  gave 
rise  to  the  mendicant  orders,  who  in- 
fested the  church  chiefly  in  the  thir- 
teenth century.  They  pretended  to  an 
extraordinary  call  from  God  to  reform 
the  world,  and  correct  the  faults  of  the 
secular  clergy.  To  this  end  they  put 
on  a  mighty  show  of  zeal  for  the  good 
of  men's  souls,  and  of  contempt  of 
the  world  :  accused  the  secular  clergy 
of  famishing  the  souls  of  men,  calling 
them  dumb  dogs  and  cursed  hirelings  ; 
maintained  that  evangelical  poverty 
became  the  ministers  of  the  gospel; 
that  it  was  unlawful  for  them  to  possess 
any  thing,  or  to  retain  propriety  in  any 
worldly  goods.  As  for  the  public  or- 
tlers  of  the  church,  they  would  not  be 
tied  to  them,  alleging  that  themselves 
being  wholly  spiritual,  could  not  be 
obliged  to  any  carnal  ordinances.  They  . 
broke  in  everywhere  upon  the.  paro- 
chial clergy  ;  usurped  their  office  ;  in 
all  populous  and  rich  places,  set  up 
altars  of  their  own  ;  withdrew  the  peo- 
ple from  communion  with  their  parish 
priest ;  would  scarce  allow  the  hopes 
of  salvation  to  any  but  their  own  disci- 


3  F.  Petrarchae  Epist.  sine  tit.  lib.  p.  797,  807. 

4  Vaughan  i.  298. 


Chap.  III.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


29 


pies,  whom  they  bewitched  with  great 
pretences  of  sanctity,  and  assiduity  in 
preaching.  These  artifices  had  raised 
their  reputation  and  interest  so  high  in 
a  few  years,  that  they  wanted  very  lit- 
tle to  ruin  the  secular  clergy,  and  there- 
with the  church.  But  in  less  than  an 
age  the  cheat  of  these  impostors  became 
manifest  to  all  men.  They  procured 
to  their  societies  incredible  riches  ;  built 
to  themselves  stately  palaces  ;  infinitely 
surpassed  the  viciousness  of  which  they 
had  themselves  (perhaps  unjustly)  ac- 
cused the  secular  clergy ;  and  long  be- 
fore the  Reformation  became  the  most 
infamous  and  contemptible  part  6f  the 
church  of  Rome." 

§  10!>.  Nor  were  the  doctrines  of  this 
period  less  exceptionable  than  the  po- 
litical or  private  characters  of  the 
churchmen.  Idolatry  had  become  ex- 
cessive, the  people  neglected  the  weight- 
ier matters  of  the  law,  and  placed  their 
hopes  of  acceptance  with  God  on  pil- 
Cfrimages,^  which  were  esteemed  the 
more  meritorious  in  proportion  to  the 
difficulties  which  were  to  be  encoun- 
tered on  the  way.  Another  method  by 
which  the  beguiled  multitude  hoped  to 
obtain  for  themselves  the  favour  of 
fleaven,  consisted  in  their  purchasing 
an  absolution  for  their  sins  from  the 
ciiief  minister  of  the  church,  who 
claimed  to  himself  the  power  of  bind- 
ing and  loosing,  without  reference  to 
the  conduct  of  those  who  made  them- 
selves the  objects  of  these  papal  remis- 
sions ;  not  that  the  infallible  head  of 
the  Christian  community  could  act  con- 
trary to  tho  ordinances  of  God,  but  that 
the  Almighty  would  ratify  his  servant's 
decree,  whatever  might  be  its  nature. 
The  doctrine  of  transubstantiation  must 
not  here  be  omitted,  which  subsequently 
form 'd  so  ordinary  a  subject  of  jierse- 
cution.  It  was  asserted  that,  under  the 
form  of  tlie  bread  and  wine,  the  very 
same  body  of  Christ  was  presented 
which  had  been  born  of  Mary,  and  had 
sufT.'n.'d  on  the  cross,  and  that  the  ele- 
ments, after  consecration,  no  longer  re- 
tained their  material  substance  ;  while 
it  was  added,  that  he  who  would  not 
believe  this,  would  have  disbelieved 
Christ  to  be  the  Son  of  God,  had  he 


'  Hcnrv  Wharton's  Defence  of  Pluraliiies,  9, 
10,  A.  D.  if)92. 
»  Wordsworth,  E.  B.  i.  165. 


seen  hitn  in  the  form  of  a  crucified  ser- 
vant. 

§  107.  These  numerous  abuses,* 
much  as  they  must  have  injured  the 
commonalty,  and  offended  those  who 
from  their  situation  were  most  capable 
of  judging  of  their  destructive  tendency, 
seemed  to  admit  of  no  remedy,  since 
the  interests  of  the  parties  concerned 
appeared  to  be  so  much  at  variance 
with  each  other.  Whatever  might  be 
the  wish  of  her  conscientious  members, 
the  church  of  Rome  was  little  likely  to 
reform  abuses  productive  of  so  many 
temporal  advantages  to  herself.  If  any 
thing  were  conceded  to  the  remon- 
strances of  the  prince  or  people,  it  was 
as  readily  withdrawn  when  occasion 
admitted  of  its  resumption.  Severity 
in  the  canon  law  becomes  nugatory, 
whenever  the  power  of  dispensing  with 
it  is  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the  same 
body  against  whose  irregularities  it  was 
framed ;  and  that  balance  of  mutual 
advantage,  which  mixed  establishments 
enjoy,  cannot  exist  in  conjunction  with 
such  an  anomaly  ;  in  fact,  the  profit  on 
the  dispensation  seems  sometimes  to 
have  been  one  object  in  framing  par- 
ticular canons.'' 


'  As  an  abstract  of  the  more  offensive  abuses 
(Fox,  Acts  and  Mon.  i.  453)  about  this  time,  the 
Complaint  of  the  Plouf;iiman  may  be  consulted; 
its  auihor  is  not  known.  It  begins  wiili  a  Ijrief 
account  of  the  Old  Testament  history,  and  a 
statement  of  the  doctrines  of  the  New  '^I'csta- 
nieni  ;  it  complains  that  men  have  taken  away 
I  he  honour  due  to  God  ;  that  auricular  conle-sion 
is  not  ol'  divine  insiilution,  and  leads  to  much  evil. 
Ii  objects  to  the  spile,  enmity,  pride,  and  worldly, 
mindedness  of  the  priests;  their  Pharisaical  pray, 
ers,  singing  and  offering  mass,  instead  of  leai-liing  ; 
10  their  uimiarried  stale,  as  the  cause  of  much 
evil  in  the  church  ;  to  their  splendid  buildings,  im- 
ages, &c.,  and  not  feeding  the  flock,  and  to  their 
preventing  others  who  woidd  do  so  ;  to  their  in- 
justice, in  not  punishing  the  clergy  as  olh(!r  per- 
sons; to  iheir  setting  up  the  canon  lawand  pope's 
decrees  above  the  law  of  (Ind  ;  to  their  i'  q'lisito- 
rial  manner  of  taking  evidence.  He  blames  the 
pope's  utiwillingne.«s  to  forgive  ;  his  commanding 
people  lo  fight  for  him,  and  to  swear  even  lalsely, 
and  lo  break  God's  commandments;  he  repro- 
bates the  sitis  of  pride  and  cpvelousness  ;  calls 
Christ  the  good  Shepherd,  the  clergy  evil  ones  ; 
asserts  that  the  pope  is  antichrist,  and  has  no 
power  over  pnrgaiory;  declares  marriage  to  be 
honourable  to  all.  and  compensations  for  whore- 
dom in  the  clergy  atiomiuable;  and  ends  wiih  a 
prayer  for  deliverance  from  such  teachers. 

Clemetit  V.,  by  wav  of  favour  to  Arch'.ishop 
Reynolds,  1313,  gave  him  power  to  grant  the  fol- 
lowing d  spensaiions.  'I'o  dispense  with  hi-;  own 
visitations,  which  might  be  performed  by  proxy  ; 
to  absolve  one  hundred  e.xcommunicaied  persons; 
to  grant  one  Intndred  days'  sbsohuion,  for  hearing 
c  2 


30 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  III. 


§  108.  Afj-ainst  those  abuses  did 
Wiclif  stand  forward  as  the  champion 
of  Christianity.'  We  must  not  indeed 
esteem  him  to  have  been  first  in  the 
glorious  path  ;  for  in  his  writings  he 
often  refers  to  Greathead  and  Fitz- 
ralph  ;'-  but  he  took  so  conspicuous  a 
lead  in  the  contest,  that  he  may  well 
be  deemed  one  of  the  grandsires  of 
the  Reformation.  His  first  work  -was 
against  the  covetousness  of  the  court 
of  Rome  ;  it  was  published  in  185G, 
and  denominated  "The  last  Age  of  the 
Church."^  He  was  at  this  time  about 
thirty-two  years  \)f  age,  and  had  ren- 
dered himself  conspicuous  in  the  uni- 
versity of  Oxford  by  his  learning,  and 
the  freedom  of  discussion  in  which  he 
indulged.  He  had  originally  belonged 
to  Q.ueen's  college,  but  was  subse- 
quently elected  to  a  fellowship  of  Mor- 
ton, which  then  enjoyed  considerable 
celebrity  as  a  college.  The  subject 
was  well  chosen ;  covetousness  is  a 
vice  so  open  to  observation,  and  so 
palpably  contrary  to  the  precepts  of  the 
gospel,  that  though  its  existence  proved 
nothing  in  reality  against  the  doctrines 
of  the  church,  the  discussion  prepared 
men's  minds  to  doubt  whether  infalli- 
bility of  belief  belonged  to  a  body 
which  was  obviously  deficient  in  prac- 
tice. Had  the  church  of  Rome  herself 
undertaken  the  reformation  of  those 
abuses,  which  her  members  must  have 
deplored  as  strongly  as  the  Protestant, 
it  is  far  from  impossible  that  our  sepa- 
ration from  her  might  never  have  taken 
place  ;  but  the  providence  of  God,  who 
ordains  all  things  for  the  best,  made  the 
examination  of  her  conduct  the  means 
of  detecting  the  errors  of  her  creed. 
In  VM'jo,  Wiclif*  was  appointed  warden 
of  Canterbury-hall,  by  Simon  de  Islip, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  but  was  the 

him  preach  ;  to  ordain  one  hundred  bastards  ;  to 
allow  twelve  minors  to  hold  prelernients  ;  and 
foriy  priests  to  hold  pluralities.  'I  lie  severity  of  a 
canon  thus  became  a  bank  from  which  the  pope 
uiic'it  drn.w.  Wilk.  Cons.  ii.  433 — 441. 
'  l/ewi*.  Life. 

2  For  Greaihead,  see  §  C5  2.  Richard  Fitz- 
ralph  was  educated  in  O.xford,  and  afterwards  be- 
came ill  succession  archdeacon  of  Lilchheld.  com- 
missary or  chancellor  of  Oxford,  and  archbishop 
of  Armagh,  from  whence  he  is  ofien  called  Ar- 
machanus.  About  13.59  he  maintained  nine  con- 
clusions against  the  begging  friars  before  Inno- 
cent VI.;  he  died  in  banishment.  Fo.x's  Acts 
and  Mon.  i.  464,  &c. 

»  Lewis's  Wiclif,  3.  Ibid.  13. 


next  year  expelled  by  Langham,  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  archiepisccpal 
chair. 

§  109.  This  expulsion  arose  from  the 
enmitj'  of  the  ecclesiastics  regular,  who 
formed  a  part  of  that  society,  and  who 
were  favoured  by  the  new  archbishop. 
Wiclif  indeed  had  long  shown  himself 
a  great  enemy^  to  the  friars,  who  were 
then  very  numerous  in  and  about  Ox- 
ford, and  who  had  rendered  themselves 
obnoxious  to  the  university  by  their 
endeavours  to  draw  away  the  students 
from  the  colleges  into  their  own  esta- 
lishments ;  and  an  additional  stimulus 
was  now  given  to  this  general  dislike 
by  the  political  circumstances  of  the 
kingdom ;  for  though  his  immediate 
opponent  was  a  monk,  and  not  a  friar, 
yet,  as  the  resistance  was  against  the 
court  of  Rome,  to  which  both  orders 
were  equally  allied,  the  animosity  may 
be  esteemed  to  have  been  common  to 
both.  In  1865,  a  demand  was  made 
by  Urban  Y.  of  the  arrears  of  the  tri- 
bute conferred  by  .Tohn  on  the  papacy, 
and  which  had  not  been  paid  for  manj' 
years.  The  question  had  been  referred 
by  Edward  to  the  parliament ;  but,  as 
the  opinions  of  the  hierarchy  were  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  the  rest  of  the 
kingdom,  the  refusal  which  this  demand 
had  there  met  with  was  questioned  by 
many  ecclesiastics,  and  among  the  rest, 
by  some  of  the  regular  clergy  resident 
in  Oxford  :  and  against  one  of  these 
Wiclif  publicly  advocated  the  cause  of 
the  king,  and  maintained  the  soundness 
of  the  answer  returned  by  the  parlia- 
ment:  viz.,  "that  as  neither  John  nor 
any  other  king  had  power  to  dispose  of 
his  kingdom,  witliout  the  consent  of 
parliament,  no  subsequent  monarch 
could  be  bound  by  any  such  transfer, 
in  itself  originally  illegal.""  Although 
his  labours  were  not  confined  to  the 
university,  yet  Oxford  appears  to  have 
been  the  chief  seat  of  his  residence 
and  exertions,  where,  in  1372,  he  pro- 
i  fessed  divinity  ;  i.  e.,  took  his  degree 
I  of  D.  D.,  giving  lectures  and  holding 
'  disputations ;''  in  these  he  frequently 

^  Lewis's  Wiclif,  22,  &c. 

6  Ihid.  App  No.  30,  p.  349. 

'  Wiclif  is  frequently  called  professor  of  divini- 
ty, which  arises,  I  believe,  from  a  mistake  con- 
cerning university  customs.  In  theory,  every 
D.  D.  is  S.  T.  P.  "  sanctEE  ihcologiie  professor  " 
and  all  the  divinity  exercises  consist  ih  teaching 


Chap.  III.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


31 


inveighed  against  the  errors  of  the 
church  of  Rome  ;  and  his  diligence 
and  zeal  were  crowned  with  ample  suc- 
cess; for  his  audiences  were  most  nu- 
merous, and  his  opinions  received  with 
marked  approbation. 

§  1 10.  In  1:571,  Edward  issued  a  com- 
mission to  his  bishops,'  in  order  to  as- 
certain what  preferments  were  in  the 
hands  of  foreigners ;  and  in  consequence 
of  their  report,  a  meeting  took  place  at 
Bruges  between  the  pope's  nuncios 
and  certain  ambassadors  from  England, 
of  whom  Wiclif  was  one  :  this  honour 
he  probably  obtained  in  consequence 
of  his  having  before  advocated  the  spi- 
ritual liberty  of  the  kingdom.  It  was 
here  after  a  time  settled,  that  the  pope 
should  not  in  future  use  provisions,  nor 
the  king  present  to  benefices,  by  Qiiare 
impedit.'^  On  his  return,  in  l:}7(),  Wic- 
lif obtained  the  rectory  of  Lutterworth, 
and  the  prebend  of  Aust,  in  the  colle- 
giate church  of  Westbury.  During  the 
reign  of  Edward  III.  the  payment  of 
Peter's-pence  appears  to  have  been  dis- 
continued ;  but  when  Richard  II.  came 
to  the  throne,  it  was  re-demanded  ;  and 
the  question,  having  been  debated  in 
the  first  parliament  of  that  reign, ^  was 
referred  to  Wiclif,  who  maintained,  that 
as  an  alms,  or  charhable  donation,  it 
might  be  lawful  for  the  kingdom  to  sus- 
pend the  payment  which  had  been  ori- 
ginally made  as  a  free  gift.  For  it  was 
one  of  Wiclif's  favourite  maxims,  on 
which  he  often  reasoned  in  public,  as 
well  as  exercised  his  pen,  that  the  civil 
power,  the  original  donor  of  ecclesias- 
tical property,  might,  when  the  Avealth 
so  bestowed  was  uselessly  or  injuriously 
lavished,  rescind  its  donation,  and  re- 
sume its  rights.  This  doctrine,  together 
with  his  opposition  to  the  power  of  bind- 
ing and  loosing,  rendered  him  obnox- 
ious to  the  papal  displeasure,  while  his 
continual  strictures  upon  the  infamous 

theology.  At  this  time,  doctors  were  really 
teachers. 

'  Lewis's  Wiclif,  App.  No.  M,  p.  33. 

^  Qiiarf  impeilit  is  a  writ  that  lies  for  him  who 
has  purchased  an  advowson,  against  him  who  dis- 
turbs liiin  in  the  riglit  of  his  advowson,  by  pic- 
Feniini;  a  clerk  thereto  when  the  church  is  void. 
Blount's  Law  Diet,  m  voc.  The  king  in  this  case 
must  have  placed  himself  in  llie  situation  of  one 
claiming  the  right  of  advowson,  and  have  issued 
a  corresponding  writ,  and  by  his  superior  power 
have  enforced  the  admission  of  his  clerk. 

'  Lewis's  Wiclif,  55. 


lives  of  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  ex- 
posed him  to  the  personal  hatred  of 
many  powerful  churchmen. 

§  111.  In  1377,  Gregory  XL*  issued 
several  bulls,  by  which  Simon  Sudbury, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  William 
Courtney,  then  bishop  of  London,  were 
appointed  papal  commissioners  to  try 
Wiclif  on  certain  points  brought  against 
him.  A  bull  to  the  same  effect  had 
previously  been  sent  to  the  university 
of  Oxford ;  but  his  tenets  had  taken 
such  deep  root  in  that  place,  that  it  pro- 
duced little  effect.^  Before  these  com- 
missioners he  appeared  in  St.  Paul's  ; 
but  the  presence  of  John  of  Gaunt,  duke 
of  Lancaster,  and  H.  Percy,  earl  mar- 
shal, caused  so  great  a  tumult  in  the 
assembly,  that  no  proceedings  were  en- 
tered into  ;  and  a  similar  confusion 
arising  from  the  presence  of  the  mob, 
together  with  a  message  from  the  queen- 
mother,  (Jane,  daughter  of  Edinond, 
earl  of  Kent,)  produced  the  same  con- 
clusion to  a  subsequent  session  held  at 
Lambeth.  About  this  time  Wiclif  sent 
in  a  declaration  of  his  faith  on  certain 
points,  contained  in  eighteen  articles," 
of  which  the  substance  will  be  given 
under  the  head  of  his  opinions. 

§  112.  (a.  d.  1378.)  The  death  of 
Gregory  put  an  end  to  the  commission, 
and  no  formal  decree  was  issued  against 
Wiclif;  but  his  health  suffered  much 
from  anxiety  and  fatigue ;  and  during 
the  next  year  he  was  nearly  brought  to 
the  grave  by  a  severe  fever  under  which 
he  laboured  in  Oxford.^  On  this  occa- 
sion his  old  enemies,  the  friars,  in  com- 
pany with  the  aldermen  of  the  city,  paid 
him  a  visit,  and,  after  professions  of 
kindness,  exhorted  him  to  do  them  such 
justice  as  remained  within  the  power 
of  a  dying  man,  for  the  many  injuries 
which  their  society  had  experienced 
from  him.  Upon  this,  he  ordered  him- 
self to  be  raised  in  his  bed,  and  ex- 
claimed aloud,  "I  shall  not  die,  but  live, 
and  declare  the  evil  deeds  of  the  friars  !" 
On  his  recovery,  he  continued  to  preach 
against  the  same  opinions  which  he  had 
before  attacked,  and  began  his  transla- 
tion of  the  Scriptures  into  English  ;  and 
though  thi.^  excited  considerable  oppo- 
sition, yet  his  controverting  the  favour- 
ite doctrine  of  transubstantiation*  raised 


*  Lewis's  Wiclif,  56. 

«  Ibid.  59.  7  Ibid.  82. 


s  Ibid.  ^4. 
«  Ibid.  90. 


4 


32 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  HI. 


a  much  more  formidable  storm  against 
him,  which,  in  the  following  year,  1382, 
ended  in  his  being  forced  to  remove 
from  Oxford  to  Lutterworth.  The  j)ar- 
ticulars  of  this  persecution  are  reported 
in  so  contradictory  a  manner  by  differ- 
ent authors,  that  it  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine what  portion  of  credit  should  be 
attached  to  each.  It  appears  that  his 
friend,  the  duke  of  Lancaster,'  however 
he  might  approve  of  his  arguments 
against  the  papal  supremacy,  was  un- 
willing that  anj'  innovations  should  be 
made  in  the  received  opinion  about  the 
sacrament;  so  thatWiclif,  on  this  occa- 
sion, must  have  stood  alone.''  He  is 
reported  to  have  recanted  all  his  hereti- 
cal tenets,  which  were  certainly  con- 
demned, and  the  students  of  the  univer- 
sity forbidden  to  attend  lectures  where 
the  objectionable  doctrines  about  the 
sacraments  were  professed. 

It  is  manifest,  at  the  same  time,  that 
there  was  no  great  readiness  on  the  part 
of  the  university  to  obey  this  archiepis- 
copal  mandate,  though  Wiclif  and  some 
of  his  more  immediate  followers  were 
ultimately  silenced  and  expelled. 

§  113.  Some  of  the  errors  which  are 
imputed  to  him  are  so  obviously  absurd,' 
that  he  must  have  given  his  testimony 
against  them  as  readily  as  his  persecu- 
tors, while  the  recantations  which  are 
preserved  are  merely  qualifications  of 
his  own  opinions,  and  professed  for  the 
purpose  of  obviating  false  reports  con- 
cerning his  faith ;  and  Mr.  Vaughan^ 
bas  clearly  shown  that  he  had  prepared 
his  own  mind  for  extremities,  even  at 
the  time  that  he  proceeded  with  all  out- 
ward moderation. 

This  became  now  every  day  the  more 
necessary;  for  the  number  of  his  fol- 
lowers was  daily  drawing  the  attention 
of  the  church,  and  the  bishops  were 
arming  themselves  with  the  civil  power 
-to  repress  innovations.  In  1382,^  the 
statute  was  enacted  which  directed  she- 
riffs to  imp'-ison  itinerant  preachers  till 
they  should  justify  themselves  to  the 
church ;  a  law  which  would  have  af- 
forded every  facility  to  persecution,  had 
not  the  complaint  which  Wiclif  pre- 


'  Lewis's  Wiclif,  99. 
'  Knyghton.  x.  Scrip,  col.  2647. 
3  One  of  ihese  is,  Item,  that  God  ought  to  obey 
the  devil.    Lewis,  107,  art.  7. 
*  ii.  129.  ^  Fox,  i.  502. 


scnted  to  the  commons  induced  them 
to  disclaim  the  authority  of  the  enact- 
ment altogether."  His  rest,  however, 
in  this  world  was  of  short  continuance; 
he  experienced  a  fit  of  the  palsy  before 
he  got  to  Lutterworth.  When  cited  by 
Urban  to  ajipear  before  him,  he  was 
obliged  to  plead  his  infirmity,  and  a  re- 
turn of  his  disease  carried  him  off  in 
1381.''  The  disorder  attacked  him  dur- 
ing the  time  of  divine  service  in  his 
parish ;  he  fell  down,  and  became 
speechless ;  and  this  circumstance  has 
not  failed  to  attract  the  notice  of  bis 
enemies,  who  have  recorded  the  event.* 
§  114.  In  estimating  the  value  of  the 
labours  of  Wiclif,  we  should  not  forget 
that  he  was  distinguished  in  his  OAvn 
day,  as  much  for  his  learning  and  elo- 
quence as  for  his  opposition  to  the  court 
of  Rome  ;  and  that  his  enemies,  among 
the  calumnies  with  which  they  have 
loaded  his  memory,  confess  that  they 
could  not  help  admiring  the  various 
talents  which  he  possessed."  The  tem- 
poral question  of  the  papal  supremacy 
famished  him  with  ready  hearers  among 
the  powerful  in  the  nation  ;  and  oppo- 
sition to  the  encroachments  of  the 
church  of  Rome  enabled  those  w'ho 
called  its  spiritual  opinions  in  question 
to  enter  on  a  more  impartial  investiga- 
tion. At  the  same  time  we  must  remem- 
ber, that  the  persecutors  and  adversaries 
of  Wiclif  were  not  induced  to  exert 
themselves  merely  for  the  sake  of  up- 

8  Vaughan,  ii.  126.  It  has  been  questioned 
whether  it  were  ever  enacted  by  parliament,  (Fox, 
i.  502.)  or  only  inserted  in  the  rolls  by  Braibrook, 
bishop  of  London,  (Collier,  i.  616  ;)  but  it  .stands 
in  the  statute  book,  and  is  not  repealed  the  next 
year.  Burning  was  probably  the  punishment  for 
heresy  by  common  law.  'I'his  law  was  to  author- 
ize the  sheriff  to  detain  the  heretic;  and  the  sta- 
tute, 2d  Hen.  IV'.  c.  15,  gave  the  bishop  the 
power  of  sending  to  the  .sheriff  a  herctir  who 
would  not  abjure,  or  who  had  relapsed,  wi'hout 
any  application  to  the  crown.  It  is  probable  that 
the  actual  burnina:  was  authorized  long  before  this. 

7  Lewis's  \V.  122. 

'  Os  nempe  quod  contra  Deum  et  .sanctos  ejus, 
sive  sanctam  ccclesiam,  ingentia  locutum  lueiat, 
a  loco  suo  niiserabiliier  disiorium  horrenduin  cer- 
nenlibus  spcciaciilum  exhibebat.  Lingua  efi'ecta 
muta  confi'endi  vtl  testandi  copiani  denegabal, 
&c.  &c.    Walsingham,  Hist.  Aug.  312. 

'  In  philosophia  nulli  reputabaiur  securdus,  in 
scholasticis  disciplinis  inconiparal>ilis.  Hie  max- 
ime  iiiteliaiur  aliorum  ingenia  sublili'ale  scieiitiae 
et  profuiidiiate  ingenii  sui  transcendere  et  ab  o|)i- 
nionibus  eorum  variare. — Polens  erat  et  validiis 
in  disputationibus  super  caeteros,  et  in  arguineniis 
nulli  credebatur  sccundus.  Henrious  de  Knygh- 
ton, 26C4.    Lewis,  xxiii. 


Chap.  III.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


33 


holdings  the  doctrines  wliich  gave  so 
much  offence,  but  that  the  political 
power  which  they  possessed  virtually 
depended  on  the  submission  which  was 
paid  to  their  decisions.  He  who  con- 
troverted the  one,  was  of  course  ready 
to  free  himself  from  the  other,  and  was 
punished  when  in  their  power  as  an 
enemy  to  the  papal  throne. 

§  115.  It  becomes  our  next  business 
to  consider  the  opinions  which  Wiclif 
entertained  ;  and  in  so  doing-,  it  will  be 
desirable  to  follow  the  same  division  as 
has  been  already  adopted,  with  refer- 
ence to  the  abuses  in  the  church  :  with 
regard  to  those  which  are  obvious,  it 
will  be  unnecessary  to  state  his  senti- 
ments ;  customs  which  promoted  the 
cause  of  vice  and  immorality  were  of 
course  his  aversion  ;  and  we  will  con- 
fine ourselves,  therefore,  to  those  points, 
about  which  different  ideas  might  con- 
scientiously be  entertained. 

He  denied  entirely  the  supremacy  of 
the  pope,'  maintaining  the  authority  of 
the  king  and  the  civil  power,  and  at- 
tacked the  clergy  for  refusing  to  pay 
taxes,  unless  authorized  by  the  church 
of  Rome,  as  if  they  were  subject  to  a 
distinct  jurisdiction  only;  thus  proving 
his  correct  notion  of  the  subjection  of 
all  orders  to  the  political  head  of  their 
country;  while  at  the  same  time  his 
answer  about  Peter's-pence  as  strongly 
proves  his  firm  conviction,  that  the  state 
was  independent  of  any  external  power. 

§  11*5.  He  was  a  constant  and  vehe- 
ment opponent  to  the  begging  friars,^ 
reproving  their  vices  and  wealthy  po- 
verty ;  and  so  far  in  this  particular  did 
he  go,  that  he  has  been  stated  to  have 
denied  to  the  church  the  right  of  pos- 
sessing any  temporal  property  ;  where- 
as his  opinion  seems  to  have  been  this, 
that  if  the  church  did  not  use  the  wealth 
committed  to  her  care,  discreetly,  and 
to  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  given, 
the  laity,  as  original  donors,  might  re- 
sume their  grants;  nay,  that  it  became 
the  duty  of  temporal  lords  to  deprive 
the  clergy  of  possessions  which  were 
not  rightly  applied.* 

<  Lewis's  Wiclif,  153,  154.      2  Ibid.  22,  &c. 

'  Lewis,  3^7,  art.  16.  "  Licet  regibus  in  casibus 
limitatis  a  jure,  auferrc  temporalia  a  viris  ecclesi- 
asticis,  ipsis  habiiimliter  abutentibus ;"  see  also  p. 
66,  73,  145.  Vaugiiaii's  Wic.  ii.  4.  This  ques- 
tion is  frequently  confused,  because  the  liniilalions 
are  neglected.    Civil  society  is  established  for  the 


i  He  did  not  approve  of  the  constrained 
celibacy  of  the  clergy,  by  which  they 
fell  into  divers  temptations  and  sins ; 
;  especially  when,  by  the  influence  of 
;  parents,  their  vows  were  made  at  an 
early  period  of  life,  while  the  parties  so 
promising  were  not  aware  of  their  own 
weakness,  and  were  subsequently  re- 
newed, through  fear  of  poverty,  or  of 
disobliging  their  superiors.  "For  mar- 
riage," says  he,  "is  expressly  allowed 
to  priests  under  the  old  covenant,  and 
not  forbidden  under  the  new  thus 
grounding  his  ideas  on  the  word  of  God 
alone,  which  he  seems  to  have  admitted 
as  the  only  ultimate  standard.^ 

§  117.  His  doctrines,  therefore,  found- 
ed on  the  same  principle,  correspond  in 
most  points  with  those  of  our  church, 
though  in  some  very  material  particu- 
lars he  man'festly  differs  from  us. 

He  admitted,  for  instance,  the  belief 
in  purgatory,  and  seems  to  have  es- 
teemed the  praying  for  souls  in  it  to  be 
useful,  though  sometimes  accompanied 
with  such  errors  as  made  it  less  de- 
sirable." 

He  rejected  episcopacy''  as  a  distinct 
order  in  the  church,  affirming,  that  in 
the  apostles'  time  the  two  orders  of 
priests  and  deacons  were  sufficient,  and 
that  the  numerous  distinctions  which 

preservation  of  property:  when,  therefore,  any 
regulations  with  regard  to  property  really  inter- 
fere with  the  preservation  of  it,  the  body  politic 
must  have  the  right  of  changing  the  tenure.  The 
right  is  the  same,  whether  lodged  in  a  body  cor- 
porate, as  the  church,  or  an  individual  landholder ; 
but  the  regulations  which  pertain  to  the  posses- 
sions of  such  a  body  as  the  church  are  much  more 
likely  to  require  modifications  than  those  which 
refer  to  the  properly  of  an  individual.  The  laity 
have  a  joint  interest  in  the  property  of  the  church, 
having  as  much  right  to  the  spiritual  services  of 
churchmen  as  the  churchmen  have  to  the  tempo- 
ralities of  their  preferments.  And  a  wise  govern- 
ment, while  it  provides  that  the  claims  of  all  parties 
shall  be  satisfied,  will  interfere  as  little  as  possible 
with  regard  to  the  tenure  itself.  Yet  cases  may 
occur  in  which  it  may  become  necessary  to  legis- 
late for  both. 
;JLewis,  163.  5 jbid.  380,  18.  «lbid.  161. 
'See  ^  460,  b.  Great  confusion  is  apt  to  arise, 
as  to  the  distinction  between  the  difl'erent  orders 
in  the  church,  and  the  difTcrence  of  ecclesiastical 
rank  in  the  same  or  different  orders.  In  the 
church  of  fyngland  there  are  three  ordi 's.  bishops, 
priests,  and  deacons.  In  the  church  of  Scolland 
there  arc  only  two,  priests  and  deacons.  In  the 
church  of  Rome,  with  which  we  agree  as  to  epis- 
copacy, there  are  four  degrees  of  bishops.  The 
pope,  patriarchs,  archbishops,  bishops  ;  all  of 
whom  are  bishops.  The  church  of  England  ad- 
mits of  only  the  two  latter  of  these.  Deans,  arch- 
deacons, chancellors,  &c.,  are  all  priests  holding 
I  different  offices.    The  moderator  of  the  church 


54 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[(Thaf.  hi. 


existed  were  the  inventions  of  men,  and 
served  but  to  augment  their  worldly 
pride.* 

§  118.  These  two  points  have  been 
mentioned,  as  those  alone  in  which  he 
differed  very  materially  from  the  church 
of  England  ;  for  though  he  upheld  the 
seven  sacraments,^  he  did  so  in  such  a 
sense  as  to  render  the  dispute  about 
them  almost  a  matter  of  words.  He 
esteemed  baptism^  as  absolutely  ne- 
cessary, but  presumed  not  to  say  that 
:i  child  dying  without  it  might  not  be 
saved  ;  in  cases  of  necessity,  he  seems 
to  have  allowed  that  the  rite  might  be 
jierformed  by  a  lay  person.  The  views 
which  he  entertained  with  regard  to  the 
hierarchy,  rendered  it  impossible  that 
confirmation*  should  be  essentially  or 
necessarily  confined  to  the  bishops,  and 
he  considered  many  of  the  ceremonies 
then  used  as  nugatory  and  useless.  He 
thought  that  absolution  was  of  no  use, 
unless  the  penitent  were  contrite  in  the 
sight  of  God,  and  pardoned  by  him. 
He  rejected  the  efficacy  of  indulgences, 
and  ironically  declared  that  the  pope 
was  very  uncharitable,  if  he  allowed 
one  soul  to  remain  in  purgatory  when 
he  might  so  easily  deliver  them. 
Though  he  admitted  the  utility  of  con- 
fession" to  a  godly  and  discreet  priest, 
yet  he  argued  verj^  strongly  against  the 
absolute  necessity'  of  it,  and  affirmed 
that  it  was  never  enjoined  as  a  sacra- 
ment till  the  time  of  Innocent  III.  (about 
1200.)  He  conceived  that  matrimony^ 
and  extreme  unction^  were  sacraments 
in  a  certain  sense  ;  but  in  the  former  he 
overlooked  the  restrictions  of  the  Levi- 
tical  law  with  reference  to  affinity,"  as 
not  binding  on  Christians.  He  object- 
ed to  prayers  addressed  to  saints,"  to 
pilgrimages"*  and  images,'^  which  he 
allowed  of  only  as  books  for  the  un- 
learned. 


of  Scotland  is  a  priest  holding  an  office.  The 
deacon  is  common  to  all.  In  the  church  of  Rome 
there  are,  besides  these,  subdeacons,  and  four 
other  inferior  orders ;  acolyth,  exorcist,  lector, 
osliary.  A  cardinal  is  a  member  of  the  body  cor- 
porate of  the  college  of  cardinals.  He  may  be  a 
bishop,  priest,  or  deacon. 
'  Lewis's  Wiclif,  155. 

2  The  five  commonly  called  sacraments,  that  is 
to  say.  Confirmation,  Penance,  Orders,  Matri- 
mony, E.xtreme  Unction,  xxv.  art. 

'Lewis,  165.      4  Ibid.  107.         sjbid.  170. 

«Ibid.  171.         'Dialos.  iv.  ch.  23,  p.  139. 

'Lewis,  171.       sjbid. 379.14.     'O  Ibid.  173. 

"Ibid.  '2  Ibid.  176.  Ibid.  175. 


§  119.  But  the  great  offence  for 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  he  was  visited 
with  considerable  persecmion  in  his  lat- 
ter days,  was  the  opposition  which  he 
showed  to  the  received  doctrine  of  tran-- 
substantiation.  In  this  he  asserted  that 
the  elements  did  after  consecration  con- 
tinue to  po.«sess  their  original  natures 
of  bread  and  wine  ;  a»d  the  decree  with 
which  this  delivery  of  his  opinion  waa 
followed  inO.xford,'-'  is  probably  the  first 
formal  determination  of  the  church  of 
England  in  the  case,  "so  that  this 
opinion  of  transubstantiation,  which 
brought  so  many  to  the  stake,  had  not 
with  us  a  140  years'  prescription  before 
Martin  Luther."'* 

In  consequence  of  an  expression  used 
by  Melancthon,'"  an  idea  has  prevailed 
that  Wiclif  was  unsomnd"  as  to  his  be- 
lief in  the  doctrines  of  justification  by 
faith,  and  sanctification  by  the  Holy 
Spirit,  the  very  fundamentals  of  Chris- 
tianity. And  this  notion  has  been  in- 
troduced into  the  Church  History  of 
Mr.  Milner.  But  the  continuance  of 
this  mistake  itself  partly  arises  from  tlie 
ignorance  with  regard  to  the  doctrines 
of  the  church  of  Rome,  which  is  so  com- 
mon among  Protestants.  That  church 
has  overlaid  these  fundamentals  with 
various  superstitions,  amoi>g  which  the 
simple  may  easily  be  bewildered  ;  but 
the  humble  Roman  Catholic  will  tell 
his  Protestant  friend,  that  he  has  no 
hopes  but  in  the  mercy  of  God  through 
Christ  Jesus,  and  the  assistance  of  the 
Holy  Ghost ;  although  he  may  occa- 
sionally expect  to  be  made  partaker  of 
these  blessings  by  means  not  derived 
through  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  to 
which  the  Protestant  would  object. 
Wiclif,  however,  is  most  distinct  in  his 
declarations  with  regard  to  both  these 
doctrines.  He  directs  his  hearers  to 
look  up  to  Christ  and  be  saved, and 
to  seek  the  aid  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  to 
raise  up  even  good  thoughts  in  their 
hearts.''' 

§  120.  The  opposition  which  had  been 


"Lewis,  319  ;  Wilk.  Cons.  iii.  170. 
15  Wordsworth's  E.  B.  i.  49,  n.;  Sir  R.  Twis- 
den's  Hist.  Vind.  193,  4. 
'6  Lewis,  140.  "  Vanghan,  ii.  359. 

'8  Vaughan,  ii.  35G,7. 

"  There  is  an  abstract  of  the  opinions  of  Wiclif 
in  AUix's  History  of  the  Albigenses,  p.  252,  ch. 
xxiv.,  and  a  much  longer  one  in  Vaughan,  ii.  ch. 
viii.,  besides  that  in  Lewis,  ch.  viii. 


Chap.  III.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


35 


raised  against  Wiclif  was  calculated 
rather  to  g\ve  notoriety  to  his  doctrines, 
than  to  silence  those  who  advocated  the 
cause  of  reformation;  and  the  effect  of 
his  preaching  was  so  widely  spread, 
that  Knyghton  affirms  that  above  one- 
half  of  the  people  of  England  were  Lol- 
lards a  declaration  which  must  be  re- 
ceived under  limitations,  as  the  term 

I  might  be  applied  to  any  one  who  did 
not  assent  to  all  the  decisions  of  the 

!    Roman  Catholic  clergy;  and  it  is  pro- 

I  bable  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  country 
had  so  far  attended  to  the  arguments  of 
the  reformer,  as  to  begin  to  exercise 
their  own  thoughts  on  religious  subjects. 
iMany  of  the  ecclesiastical  followers  of 
Wiclif  refused  to  accept  of  benefices,^ 
on  account  of  the  unscriptural  com- 
pliances to  their  patrons  which  the  ac- 
ceptance of  such  preferments  entailed 
upon  them,  and  travelled  through  the 
country  dilfusing  the  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tianity.   They  were  known  under  the 

,  name  of  poor  priests,  and  preached  in 
markets  and  other  places  where  they 
could  attract  the  largest  audiences.  Their 
exertions  were  often  supposed  to  create 
a  licentious  freedom  among  the  com- 
monalty, which  was  probably,  in  some 
measure,  the  case,  as  there  is  a  much 
closer  connection  between  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty  than  is  generally  sup- 
posed;  nor  is  it  to  be  questioned  that 
many  of  those  who  received  the  spirit- 
ual tenets  of  Wiclif,^  and  who  possessed 
considerable  powor,*^were  ready  to  de- 
fend him  with  the  arm  of  flesh.  The 
University  of  Oxford  became  so  tinged 
with  his  opinions,  that,  in  1390,  it  was 
subjected  to  the  visitation  of  Archbishop 

I  Arundel,  notwithstanding  the  opposition 
shown  to  the  admission  of  any  external 

'  jurisdiction.  Upon  this  occasion  the 
commissioners  selected  298  conclu- 
sions,* which  were  declared  erroneous, 

'  The  name  is  probably  not  derived  from  Wal- 
ter Loliiarl,  nor  from  Lolium,  cockle,  but  from  a 
German  word  litlle.n,  (to  sing  with  a  low  voice,) 
and  th(!  well  known  termination  liarcl,  (we  say  in 
Enghsh  to  luU  asleep.)  As  therefore  a  beghard 
is  one  who  prays,  so  a  Lollard  is  one  who  fre- 
quently praises  God  with  a  song.  Lay-brethren, 
among  the  monks,  were  formerly  called  Lollard- 
brethren;  and  the  terms  beghard  and  lollard  are 
frequently  used  indiscriminately.  See  Mosheim's 
Eccl.  Hist.  iii.  3.'j5,  (n).  The  modern  word  "cant- 
ing" may  illustrate  the  same  idea. 

»  Vaiighan,  ii.  196. 

'  Lewis,  220. 

*  The  works  of  Wiclif,  from  which  these  were 


and  deserving  of  censure,  and  trans- 
mitted them  to  the  convocation  then  as- 
sembled in  St.  Paul's;  but  these  coer- 
cive measures  seem  not  to  have  pro- 
duced much  effect,  or  to  have  eradi- 
cated the  regard  justly  borne  to  Wiclif 
by  those  who  had  imbibed  his  senti- 
ments ;  for  letters  testimonial  of  his 
general  good  character  and  propriety 
y-f  behaviour,  were  subsequently  given, 
and  sealed  with  the  university  seal,  in 
140(3.* 

§  121.  The  storm  of  persecution  which 
Wiclif  had  escaped  by  death,  and  which 
some  of  his  followers  avoided  by  recan- 
tations, still  continued  to  lower,  though 
its  violence  was  not  felt  till  the  next 
reign.  In  1388"  an  inquisitorial  corn- 
mission  was  issued,  enjoining  strict 
search  to  be  made  after  those  who  held 
heretical  opinions  ;  but  the  exertions  of 
the  Lollards  do  not  appear  to  have 
abated,  or  to  have  been  confined  to 
preaching,  and  the  gradual  dissemina- 
tion of  their  tenets ;  for,  beginning  to 
feel  their  own  strength  in  the  country, 
they  not  only  satirized  the  clergy,  (a.  d. 
1395,)  but  presented  a  petition  to  the 
parliament,''  in  which  many  severe  ani- 
madversions were  passed  on  evils  exist- 
ing in  the  church.  The  circumstances 
under  which  Henry  IV.  came  to  the 
throne  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to 
strengthen  his  interests  w4th  every  spe- 
cies of  ally,  and  there  was  no  method 
by  which  the  support  of  the  church  could 
be  gained  so  easily,  as  by  assisting  the 
bishops  in  their  severities  against  the 
Lollards,  to  which  cause  we  may  pro- 
bably trace  the  enactment  of  the  sta- 
tute against  them."  (a.  d.  1400.)  This 
law,  after  forbidding  all  unlicensed 
preaching,?  authorizes  the  bishop  to 
arrest,  and  detain  in  prison,  any  one  sus- 
pected of  preaching  or  spreading  un- 
sound doctrines,  with  regard  to  the  sa- 
craments, or  the  authority  of  the  church, 
till  they  shall  proceed  to  their  purga- 

taken,  are  very  numerous,  amounting,  tracts  and 
all,  to  nearly  300.  Lewis  gives  a  catalogue  ol 
them,  with  observations,  in  ch.  ix.  p.  179;  a  list 
of  them  may  be  found  also  in  Vaughan. 

5  The  authenticity  of  these  letters  has  been 
doubted  ;  the  question  is  fairly  discussed,  and  the 
document  given  in  Lewis,  228,  and  App.  No.  28, 
p.  343  ;  see  also  Collier's  Eccl.  Hist.  (524,  i.  Tho 
opinions  of  Wiclif  were  condemned  in  convocation, 
in  1410.    Collier,  (i29,  &,c. 

«  Collier,  i.  .WO.        '  Lewis  App.  No.  27, 337. 

'  See  UI3  «.  9  Collier,  i.  614. 


36 


'    HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  HI. 


tion,  or  abjure  their  errors;  in  default 
of  which  he  is  allowed  to  hand  them 
over  immediately  to  the  secular  power, 
which  shall  forthwith  "  do  them  to  be 
burnt."  If  what  has  been  before  said 
be  correct,  this  act  merely  took  away 
from  the  crown  the  power  of  refusing 
the  writ  dehxrelico  cnmburendo,  which  it 
had  previously  exercised,  and  thus  gave 
the  church  the  full  privilege  of  inflict- 
ing death  on  those  who  differed  from 
her,  or  who  refused  to  pay  submission 
to  the  supremacy  which  she  claimed. 

§  122.  William  Sawtrey,'  a  London 
clergyman,  was  the  first  among  the  fol- 
lowers of  Wiclif  who  suffered  martyr- 
dom ;  he  was  brought  to  the  stake  by 
Archbishop  Arundel,  because  he  refused 
to  worship  the  cross,  and  denied  that 
the  bread  in  the  sacrament  Avas  transub- 
stantiated. 

There  is  an  almost  uninterrupted  suc- 
cession of  martyrs  and  confessors  from 
this  time  to  the  period  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, excepting  when  the  ineffectual 
struggles  of  the  English  in  France,  or 
domestic  convulsions,  produced  a  fe- 
verish tranquillity  to  the  professors  of 
the  true  faith.  In  the  examination  of 
these  persons,  of  which  several  remain 
to  us  in  their  original  forms,  written 
when  they  took  place,  or  soou  after,  a 
considerable  similarity  prevails.  The 
questions  on  which  condemnation  was 
pronotmced,  though  they  vary,  ordina- 
rily turn  upon  transubstantiation,  or  sub- 
mission to  the  authority  of  the  church. 

§  12;i.  The  most  illustrious  of  these 
sufferers,  whose  private  virtues  as  well 
as  public  character  rendered  his  punish- 
ment a  great  object  with  the  upholders 
of  the  papacjs  was  Sir  John  Oldcastle, 
Lord  Cobham he  had  acquired  his 
rank  by  marrying  the  daughter  and 
heiress  of  that  nobleman,  and  seems  to 
have  shown  himself,  at  all  times,  a  firm 
opponent  to  the  usurpations  and  power 
of  Rome.  When  the  ill  conduct  of 
Richard  II.  had  paved  the  way  to  the 
throne  for  Henry  IV.,  Lord  Cobham 
early  joined  a  standard  which  was  at 
first  ostensibly  unfurled  in  the  cause  of 
justice.  Henry  rewarded  his  services 
with  his  confidence,  and,  in  1407,  he 
was  appointed  to  a  command  in  an  army 

I  Fox's  A.  and  M.  i.  586. 
5  Gilpin's  Lives  of  ihe  Reformers,  Lend.  1819. 
Christian  Knowledge  edit. 


destined  for  France,  which,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  raised 
the  siege  of  Paris. 

Immediately  after  the  coronation  of 
Henry  V.,  Archbishop  Arundel  pre- 
pared to  exterminate  heresy,  which  was 
every  day  becoming  more  prevalent 
throughout  the  kingdom;  and  Lord 
Cobham  was  universally  marked  out 
as  its  upholder,  as  not  only  counte- 
nancing it  in  his  own  person,  by  enter- 
taining unsound  opinions  on  fundament- 
al doctrines,"  but  by  sending  preachers 
into  the  dioceses  of  London,  Rochester, 
and  Hereford.  When  application  was 
made  to  Henry,  to  allow  of  the  prose- 
cution of  this  nobleman,  he  desired  that 
the  process  might  be  delayed  till  he  had 
himself  laboured  at  his  conversion  ;  but 
the  firmness  of  Lord  Cobham  so  ex- 
asperated the  monarch,  that  he  deli- 
vered him  over  to  the  ecclesiastical  tri- 
bunal. 

§  124.  Of  this  trial  we  have  a  parti- 
cular account  written  by  John  Bale,* 
afterwards  bishop  of  Ossory,  and  first 
published  in  1544.  The  points  of  exa- 
mination coincide  very  much  with  those 
of  William  Thorpe^  in  1407,  of  which, 
too,  we  have  a  history,  probably  written 
by  himself;  and  it  is  impossible  not  to 
admire  the  Christian  spirit  of  the  aiTthor 
exhibited  in  this  work,  so  little  imitated 
by  Bale,  who  is  far  too  acrimonious 
against  the  errors  which  he  combats. 
They  were  both  required  to  give  their 
opinions  concerning  confession  to  a 
priest,  the  use  of  images,  pilgrimages, 
and  oaths ;  but  transubstantiation  was 
the  great  rock  of  offence,  and  submis- 
sion to  holy  church  the  touchstone  of 
their  sincerity.^  The  answers  in  both 
these  cases  differ  so  little  from  the  opi- 
nions of  W^iclif,  that  it  is  hardly  neces- 
sary to  state  them  at  length  ;  upon  their 
refusal  to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  the 
church,  both  were  remanded  to  prison. 
It  is  not  known'  what  ultimately  became 
of  Thorpe,  but  he  probably  died  in  con- 
finement.    Lord  Cobham   made  his 


3  Bale,  22. 

■*  A  Brefe  Chronycle  concernynge  the  Examy- 
nacyon  and  Death  of  the  Blessed  Mariyr  of 
Christ,  Syr  Johan  Oldecaslell,  the  Lorde  Cob- 
ham. By  Johan  Bale.  Printed,  1544.  Re- 
printed, 1729. 

5  Wordsworth's  Ecc.  Biog.  Ill,  vol.  i.  from 
Fox,  i.  602. 

«  Bale,  71.  Wordsworth,  203.  '  Wordsw.  211. 


Chap.  III.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


37 


escape  from  the  Tower,  and  fled  into 
Wales,'  where  he  remained  concealed 
four  years  ;  durinj^  his  confinement,  a 
pretended  recantation  was  published,  in 
which  it  was  declared  that  he  submitted 
to  the  authority  of  the  church ;  but  his 
friends,  who  informed  him  of  this  pro- 
ceeding, affixed  in  many  conspicuous 
places  a  letter  addressed  to  them  for  this 
purpose,  in  which  he  expresses  his  con- 
tinuance in  the  same  opinions  which  he 
had  maintained  before  his  judges.  He 
was  at  length  discovered,  and  sent  back 
by  Lord  Powis ;  and  on  his  arrival  in 
London  was  burnt  in  St.  Giles's  Fields," 
hanging  on  a  gallows,  to  which  he  was 
fastened  by  chains. 

§  1'25.  This  spot  was  chosen  for  his 
execution  on  account  of  an  affair  which 
had  taken  place  there  about  Christmas, 
141:$,  immediately  after  his  escape  from 
the  Tower.  Henry  V.  was  at  Eltham^ 
when  news  was  brought  him  at  supper 
that  a  body  of  Lollards  were  assembled, 
to  the  number  of  twenty  thousand,  in 
St.  Giles's  Fields,  under  the  command 
of  Lord  Cobham.  Following  the  dic- 
tates of  his  own  courage,  the  king  col- 
lected such  forces  as  his  household 
would  supply,  and  hastened  to  disperse 
the  rioters,  whom  he  easily  overthrew, 
and  took  many  prisoners,  most  of  whom 
were  afterwards  executed,  by  being 
lianged  and  burnt ;  and  a  statute  was 
soon  after  made,  in  a  parliament  held  at 
Leicester,  granting  every  aid  from  the 
tenijwral  arm  to  the  persecutors  of  Lol- 
{ardy.  This  tale  is  so  variously  repre- 
sented that  it  is  diflicult  to  arrive  at  the 
truth.  That  an  assembly  of  Lollards 
took  place  seems  unquestionable  ;  but 
there  is  no  probability  that  it  was  very 
numerous,  or  headed  byliOrd  Cobham, 
or  that  its  objects  were  such  as  are  at- 
tributed to  it ;  and  the  evident  tendency 
which  such  a  story  must  have  had,  to 
inflame  the  mind  of  the  king  against 
these  unfortunate  men,  furnishes  us 
with  a  sufficient  reason  why  this  colour- 
ing should  have  been  given  to  the  cir- 
cumstances ;  while  the  admission  of  the 
correctness  of  the  taie  involves  an  in- 
consistency and  folly  in  the  sufferers, 
for  which  no  adequate  cause  can  be 
assigned. 


'  Gilpin,  80. 

*  Gilpin,  81,  &c. 


2  Bal«,  96. 


§  120.  Another  promoter  of  the  Re- 
formation," who,  though  not  a  martyr, 
was  a  confessor  in  its  cause,  was  Regi- 
nald Pecock.  By  tranquil  opposition 
to  the  more  zealous  followers  of  Wiclif, 
and  by  grounding  his  arguments  on 
sound  reason  in  the  interpretation  of 
the  word  of  God,  he  contributed  much 
to  the  furtherance  of  the  Reformation. 
He  was  born  about  1390,  became  fellow 
of  Oriel,  Oxford,  1417;  about  1425, he 
left  the  university,  and  went  to  court, 
under  the  protection  of  Humphrey, 
duke  of  Gloucester,  and  in  1444  became 
bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  which  ])referment 
he  probably  obtained  through  bribery,* 
by  means  of  a  papal  provision  ;  for  he 
defences  such  a  method  of  becoming 
possessed  of  a  benefice,  on  the  plea 
that  all  ecclesiastical  property  belong- 
ing originally  to  the  head  of  the 
church,"  the  pope  may  at  his  option  re- 
sume any  part  of  it  for  his  own  use.  In 
1449,  he  published  his  "  Repressor  of 
overmuch  blaming  the  Clergy,"''  and 
the  year  afterwards  was  translated  to 
Chichester,  where  he  published  his 
treatise  on  Faith.  His  moderation,  and 
the  low  authority  which  he  allowed  to 
the  church,  together  with  some  expres- 
sions against  the  French  war,  which 
might  be  unpleasant  to  the  court,  seem 
to  have  raised  him  up  enemies  among 
all  orders  in  the  state.  In  1437,  he  was 
expelled  from  the  House  of  Lords,"  and 
the  next  year  deprived  of  his  bishopric, 
though  he  abjured  his  errors  at  Lam- 
beth and  Paul's  Cross.  He  subse- 
quently obtained  a  bull  of  restitution 
from  the  pope,  which  proved  prejudi- 
cial to  his  interests  ;  for  by  so  doing  he 
became  liable  to  a  prcemunire,  and  sub- 
jected himself  to  the  anger  of  the 
throne:  he  retired  to  Thorney  Abbey, 
in  Cambridgeshire ;  but  of  the  exact 
date  of  his  death  nothing  is  known. 

*  Lewis's  Life  of  Pecock. 

5  This  bribery  might  have  been  nothing  but  the 
payment  of  annates  or  first-fruit.s ;  see  ^  103 
A  conscientious  man,  wlio  admiiied  the  pope's 
right  of  patronage,  might  as  safely  pay  his  first- 
fruits  to  him  as  we  do  the  crown  ;  and  yet  a  zeal- 
ous reformer  would  call  this  simony.  'I  he  ques- 
tion would  really  turn  on  the  influence  which  such 
payment  had  in  procuring  the  grant  of  the  bene- 
fice; and,  in  order  to  judge  of  the  cjuesiion  cor- 
rectly, we  must  go  back  to  ihe  individual  case  of 
Pecock,  of  which  we  know  nothing. 

^  Lewis's  Li!e  of  Pecock,  42. 

'IbiJ.  ^4.  s  Ibid.  143. 

D 


38 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  UL 


§  127.  His  real  offence  was  the  me- 
thod in  which  he  defended  the  doctrines 
of  the  church ;  for  when  he  had  ad- 
vanced what  might  be  fairly  said  in  fa- 
vour of  its  tenets,  he  acknowledged  its 
accidental  defects,  and  betrayed  the 
weakness  of  a  cause  which  could  not  be 
supported,  unless  other  authority  were 
admitted  than  such  as  can  be  derived 
from  the  Scriptures.  'He  denied  not 
the  errors  which  the  use  of  images  pro- 
duced, but  esteemed  them  remediable 
evils,  while  he  thought  that  the  figures 
themselves  were  useful  in  instructing 
the  unlearned,  and  reminding  all  Chris- 
tians of  the  events  which  they  de- 
scribed ;  he  wished  therefore  that  such 
false  representations  of  the  Deity  as 
existed  should  be  removed,  and  more 
correct  ones  substituted  in  their  place. 
It  was  on  the  same  principle  that  he 
advocated  the  cause  of  pilgrimages.^ 
To  visit  a  spot  where  some  martyr  had 
suffered,  or  some  event  connected  with 
religion  had  occurred,  could  not  fail  to 
excite  a  lively  remembrance  ;  while,  for 
the  convenience  of  those  who  frequented 
such  places,  the  erection  of  a  church  or 
convent  was  judicious  and  praisewor- 
thy. He  argued  that  the  prayers  offered 
at  such  shrines  or  images  were  ad- 
dressed to  the  person  represented,  while 
the  lively  impression,  excited  in  the 
mind  of  the  devotee,  served  to  render 
these  acts  of  adoration  more  strong  and 
availing ;  but  it  should  be  remarked,^ 
that  he  says  nothing  of  indulgences 
granted  in  consequence  of  pilgrimages, 
and  advises  people  not  to  spend  their 
time  in  them,*  but  rather  to  read  and 
to  hear  the  word  of  God. 

§  13S.  In  defending  the  papal  supre- 
macy, he  used  the  well-known  text,^ 
••  Thou  art  Peter,"  &c.,  and  allowed 
that  the  pope  was  possessed  of  author- 
ity equal  to  that  of  an  apostle,  though 
he  would  not  admit  that  he  might  alter 
any  institution  of  Christ.  With  regard 
to  the  religious  orders,^  his  opinion  was, 
that  their  variety  promoted  activity ; 
that,  if  these  men  had  not  been  friars, 
they  might  have  been  something  worse ; 
that  their  dresses  were  to  remind  them 
of  their  vows  ;  that  their  possessions 
were  dedicated  to  God's  service,  and, 


'  Lewis,61,T7.  ^  Ibid.  69. 
*  Ibid.  78.        5  Ibid.  94. 


3  Ibid.  70. 

c  Ibid.  95,  &c. 


like;  the  wealth  of  churches,  might  have 
been  employed  to  less  profitable  uses; 
while  such  institutions  formed  a  retreat 
for  the  sons  of  noble  families,  and  were 
at  least  a  fauli  less  offensive  to  the  Al- 
mighty than  negligence  of  his  honour. 
He  freely  expresses  his  disapprobation 
of  many  abuses  which  had  been  intro- 
duced, but  argues  on  the  general  ground 
that  they  were  at  liberty  to  impose  on 
themselves  any  laws  they  chose,  in  ex- 
tenuation of  some  absurd  regulations 
which  had  been  adopted  among  certain 
of  the  religious  orders.' 

§  129.  He  considered  the  Bible"  as 
the  foundation  of  his  faith,  and  advised 
the  laity  to  study  it,  conceiving  that 
no  man  should  be  punished  for  heresy, 
till  the  error  of  his  opinions  had  been 
clearly  shown  him ;  and  in  this  respect 
he  deemed  the  power  of  the  church  to  be 
declaratory,  rather  than  to  consist  in  de- 
fining and  decreeing  points  of  faith ; 
he  allowed  of  the  marriage  of  the  cler- 
gy,^ and  disapproved  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical laws  about  fasting.'"  Thus  little 
did  many  of  his  opinions  differ  from 
those  of  Wiclif,  while  the  milder  rea- 
soning which  he  used,  together  with 
the  advantage  possessed  by  him,  in  ad- 
vocating the  established  order  of  things, 
contributed  much  to  spread  his  senti- 
ments, and  to  induce  his  countrymen 
to  examine  the  grounds  of  their  reli- 
gion. Under  these  circumstances,  it  is 
no  wonder  that  he  became  an  object  of 
hatred  to  a  body  which  he  endeavoured 
to  reform ;  but  it  is  not  easy  to  per- 
ceive the  source  of  the  dislike  which 
was  shown  him  by  the  temporal  lords, 
unless  indeed  we  take  into  considera- 
tion the  general  influence  of  the  clergy," 
and  the  facility  with  which  prejudice  is 
conveyed.  He  does  not  appear  to  have 
possessed  any  very  superior  talents,  or 
to  have  been  calculated  for  a  martyr ; 
yet  God  can  work  by  weak  instruments 
as  surely  as  by  those  which  appear  to 
be  strong,  and  to  Him  be  the  glory. 

§  130.  The  troublous  times  which 
succeeded  this  period,  furnish  but  little 
matter  for  the  ecclesiastical  historian, 

-  Lewis.  100.  8  Ibid.  198. 

9  Ibid.  208.  ">  Ibid.  209. 

"  In  the  first  parliament  of  Edward  IV.,  the 
temporal  lords  amounted  to  thirty-five,  the  spirit- 
ual to  foriy-einht.  This  is  probably  the  real  solu- 
tion of  the  difficulty.  Henry's  Hist.  Eng.  x.  280, 
and  65. 


Chap.  III.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


39 


to  whom  the  ground  is  barren  till 
we  begin  to  approach  the  era  of  the 
Reformation.  The  advocates  of  perse- 
cution ceased  Hot  to  endeavour  to  era- 
dicate all  opinions  contrary  to  their  own, 
and  the  sufF.-rings  of  their  victims  be- 
came more  and  more  efficacious  in  the 
propagation  of  the  reformed  tenets, while 
the  vices  of  the  clergy  were  calculated 
to  substantiate  and  coufirm  the  accusa- 
tions of  their  enemies.  In  14tW,  Inno- 
cent VIII.  sent  an  epistJe  to  Archbishop 
Morton,  directing  him  to  reform  the 
religious  orders  ;  and  the  pastoral  let- 
ter addressed  by  the  metropolitan  to  the 
abbot  of  St.  Alban's,*  furnishes  a  sad 
picture  of  the  depravity  which  reigned 
within  their  walls.  They  are  accused 
of  matsy  crimes,  and  charged  with  turn- 
ing out  the  modest  women  from  two 
nunneries  under  their  jurisdiction,  and 
of  substituting  in  their  room  females  of 
the  worst  characters.  In  one  case,  a 
married  woman,  whose  husband  was  still 
alive,  had  been  made  prioress  of  Pray, 
for  the  purpose  of  Iceeping  up  an  adul- 
terous connection  with  one  of  the 
monks  of  St.  Alban's.  ^  Fox  gives  a 
detailed  account  of  nearly  twenty  in- 
dividuals who  were  burnt  for  heresy, 
between  the  death  of  Lord  C'obham  and 
1503,  when  Henry  VIII.  ascended  the 
throne;  and  this  fact  will  greatly  ac- 
count for  the  facility  with  which  the 
doctrines  of  the  Reformation,  when 
published,  gained  a  rapid  admission 
into  this  country. 

§  131.  In  taking  a  summary  view  of 
the  history  of  the  church  up  to  the  pe- 
riod at  which  we  have  arrived,  we  must 
regard  the  ecclesiastical  establishment 
both  as  a  civil  engine  and  as  a  spiritual 
body.  The  reason  why  the  state  has 
allowed  any  temporal  wealth  or  author- 
ity to  be  granted  to  th(!  church,  beyond 
the  mere  support  of  those  who  are  en- 
gaged in  the  offices  of  religion,  depends 
on  the  well-grounded  presumption,  that 
educated  men,  acting  under  the  sanc- 
tions of  religion,  are  peculiarly  likely 
to  exert  the  influence  which  they  thus 
possess,  in  the  promotion  of  civil  order 
and  sound  morality,  and  by  this  means  | 
to  benefit  the  body  politic;  and  we  may  \ 
presume  that  God  has  ordained  that  it 

>  Wilk.  Cons.  iii.  632.  I 
2  Acts  and  Mon.  586,  &c.,  vol.  L  [ 


shall  be  so,  in  order  that,  as  the  preach- 
ing of  the  first  followers  of  Christ  was 
supported  by  a  Divine  authority,  which 
enabled  them  occasionally  to  work  mira- 
cles, so  the  instructions  imparted  by  the 
minister  of  God's  word,  in  the  present 
day,  should  be  aided  and  facilitated  by 
the  support  of  earthly  power.  This 
position  is  so  sound  in  itself,  that  the 
only  question  on  which  a  reasonable 
doubt  can  remain  is,  as  to  whether  this 
power  should  be  lodged  in  the  hands  of 
the  ecclesiastic  himself,  or  only  fur- 
nished in  his  aid  by  the  civil  magistrate. 
But  in  the  periods  of  which  we  have 
been  examining  the  history,  the  power 
in  question  was  vested  in  the  ecclesias- 
tic ;  and  by  degrees  he  was  found  to 
exert  it  for  the  aggrandizement  of  his 
own  order,  and  to  become  a  rival  of  the 
crown  and  aristocracy.  There  can  be 
no  doubt,  therefore,  that  the  power  ori- 
ginally granted  for  spiritual  objects  had 
been  utterly  misused,  and  converted  to 
an  end  for  which  it  was  not  at  first  des- 
tined. 

§  132.  It  does  not,  however,  follow, 
that  the  authority  thus  created  was  use- 
less as  a  civil  engine  ;  and  the  very 
acquisition  of  such  an  influence,  de- 
pendent solely  on  opinion,  must  lead  to 
the  presumption  that  much  benefit 
accrued  from  its  existence.  We  have 
before  seen  that  the  power  of  the  pa- 
pacy arose  from  the  injustice  of  the 
crown  ;  and  that  as  the  interference  of 
a  foreign  power,  exerted  in  the  cause 
of  justice,  made  the  people  at  first  look 
up  to  its  support,  so  the  policy  of  the 
crown  afterwards  induced  the  king  fre- 
quently to  join  with  the  pope,  in  op- 
pressing the  church  and  plundering  its 
property.  Each  party  sought  its  own 
immediate  advantage,  without  consult- 
ing the  interests,  spiritual  or  temporal, 
of  those  committed  to  its  care.  In  this 
state  of  things,  the  right  of  appointing 
to  ecclesiastical  benefices  was  of  the 
utmost  importance;  and  for  this  privi- 
lege there  were  in  fact  three  competi- 
tors. The  lower  clergy  sought  to  elect 
those  who  were  destined  to  govern 
them  ;  the  pope,  or  higher  clergy,  de- 
sired to  appoint  them ;  and  the  king 
was  anxious  that  the  nomination  should 
be  vested  in  himself.  The  same  com- 
petitors must  exist  in  every  church  esta- 
blishment, and  disputes  will  necessarily 


40 


IIISTOKY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  in. 


arise,  whenever  the  siuiaiions  in  ihc 
church  are  invested  with  such  teinj)oral 
advantafros  as  render  the  acquisition  of 
them  an  object  of  sohciiudc. 

§  1;}:}.  When  the  highe  r  stations  con- 
ferred nothing  but  spiritual  supi  riority, 
attended  with  temporal  difficulties  and 
danger,  the  appointiiu  nt  was  safely 
lodged  in  the  hands  of  ihe  lower  clergy, 
who  had  no  inducements  to  elect  any 
but  the  fittest  governors ;  while  the  | 
subordinate  places  were  filled  by  men  ' 
who  derived  their  authority  from  their 
ecclesiastical  superior,  or  the  election 
of  the  people,  with  the  charge  of  whom 
they  were  intrusted.  Bishoprics,  there- 
fore, Avere  filled  by  the  election  ot  the 
clergy  belonging  to  the  see;  and  as  the 
establishment  of  parish  priests  rendered 
the  number  of  electors  too  large,  they 
were  chosen  by  the  members  of  the  ca- 
thedral church  alone.  But  when  the 
bishopric  was  endowed  with  a  temporal 
estate,  and  men  might  wish  to  become 
bishops  without  desiring  a  spiritual  of- 
fice, the  king  was  anxious  to  j)romote 
his  own  friends ;  and  sound  policy  in- 
duced him  to  place  this  newly  esta- 
blished temporal  power  in  hands  which 
might  render  it  serviceable  to  his  govern- 
ment. This  created  a  dispute  between 
the  crown  and  the  chapter ;  and  the 
king  very  frequently  deprived  the  chap- 
ter of  its  just  rights,  and  turned  the 
revenues  of  the  church  into  the  pockets 
of  his  favourites  or  himself.  If  the 
church  establishment  were  of  any  bene- 
fit to  the  nation,  the  nation  was  injured 
by  this  injustice;  and  the  churchman, 
oppressed  hy  the  king,  and  unable  to 
obtain  redress  from  the  aristocracy, 
sought  it  from  the  pope.  Here,  then, 
the  see  of  Rome  claimed  a  right  to  con- 
sult the  general  benefit  of  Christendom, 
by  appointing  proper  persons  to  the 
more  exalted  situations,  and  pretended 
to  manage  the  temporal  wealth  of  the 
church,  for  the  advantage  of  the  whole 
Christian  body  politic. 

§  l:i4.  The  appointment  might  safely 
have  been  committed  to  any  one  of  the 
three  parties,  if  they  had  acted  up  to 
the  pretensions  on  which  they  claimed 
it;  but  as  each  in  their  practice  deemed 
the  ecclesiastical  office  a  mere  temporal 
property,  the  persons  so  appointed,  and 
the  rest  of  the  community,  regarded 
the  matter  in  no  other  light ;  and  when 


they  looked  for  spiritual  guides,  they 
could  find  nothing  but  lordly  governors. 
The  clergy,  when  they  elected,  sought 
their  own  immediate  interests  ;  and  the 
prospect  of  future  elections  made  the 
community,  to  whom  the  church  be- 
longed, subject  to  eternal  cabals.  The 
king  neglected  the  interests  of  the 
church,  and  made  the  preferment  a 
reward  for  a  courtier,  or  a  means  of  en- 
riching himself ;  and  the  pope  generally 
nominated  a  foreigner,  who  utterly  dis- 
regarded the  cure  of  souls.  It  was  the 
wealth  and  importance  of  the  situations 
which  induced  each  of  these  three  par- 
ties to  overlook  the  good  of  the  people, 
and  against  this,  therefore,  the  attacks 
of  the  first  reformers  were  naturally 
directed  ;  and  the  grossness  of  the 
abuse,  which  was  everywhere  exposed 
to  their  view,  induced  them  to  run  into 
the  extreme  of  denj-ing  that  any  tem- 
poral wealth  should  be  assigned  perma- 
nently for  the  support  of  the  ministers 
of  religion. 

§  135.  No  question  can  be  attended 
with  greater  real  difficulty  than  the  as- 
certaining the  proper  quantity  of  .tem- 
poral wealth  which  ought  to  be  assigned 
to  an  ecclesiastical  body,  in  order  to 
make  it  as  efficient  as  possible  ;  for  as 
any  quantity,  however  great,  may  be 
used  to  the  advantage  of  the  state,  so 
poverty  will  hardly  insure  the  existence 
of  those  virtues  which  render  the  church- 
man beneficial  to  society,  in  a  political 
point  of  view.  A  small  quantity  of 
wealth  and  power  would  only  have  ex- 
posed the  churchman  of  this  period  to 
the  rapacity  of  the  court  and  nobles ; 
and  the  very  safety  of  civilized  society 
depended,  in  some  measure,  on  the 
ability  of  the  church  to  maintain  its 
rights ;  for,  however  barbarous  the 
church  was  at  that  time,  the  king  and 
his  lords  were  generally  worse  ;  but 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  height 
to  which  the  church  power  had  now 
risen  rendered  the  members  of  that  body 
totally  unfit  for  spiritual  duties,  and 
made  a  reformation  absolutely  neces- 
sary. The  time  was  come,  when  either 
their  wealth  and  power  must  be  taken 
from  the  clergy,  or  Christianity  would 
be  destroyed  by  those  who  were  her 
appointed  guardians.  And  the  attacks 
of  the  poor  priests  were  formidable  to 
the   priesthood,    because    they  were 


Chap.  III.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


41 


backed  by  truth.  The  bislioprics  had 
now  become  places  of  such  vast  im- 
portance, in  a  political  point  of  view, 
that  the  appointment  could  only  be 
safely  lodged  in  the  crown;  and  by  de- 
grees this  arrangement  took  j)lace  ;  the 
chapter  generally  elected  by  the  advice 
of  the  court,  and  the  pope  sanctioned 
the  election  by  nominating  the  same 
man  ;  but  Wiclif  and  his  followers,  who 
saw  the  spiritual  evils  of  such  an  order 
of  things,  without  regarding  the  diffi- 
culties which  attended  any  other  system, 
prevented,  perhaps,  moderate  people 
from  listening  to  their  advice,  when 
they  beheld  their  doctrines  coupled  with 
such  extreme  measures  of  reform. 

§  136.  Another  abuse  of  the  same 
sort  existed  in  this  circumstance,  that 
most  of  the  important  situations  in  the 
state  were  monopolized  by  churchmen. 
From  their  superior  education,  they 
were  probably  better  suited  to  the  per- 
formance of  many  civil  duties  than  any 
of  their  contemporaries,  and  there  are 
frequent  complaints  of  their  engrossing 
offices  of  every  description.  This  aug- 
mented the  evil  before  complained  of, 
and  tended  to  withdraw  the  clergy  from 
their  peculiar  duties  ;  but  in  this  case, 
the  jarring  interests  of  the  laity  would 
generally  provide  a  remedy,  as  well  as 
counteract  the  injustice  of  that  exclu- 
sive jurisdiction  which  the  church 
claimed  over  her  own  members.  Both 
these  abuses  might  tend,  perhaps,  to 
delay  the  progress  of  civilization,  but 
in  the  end  they  were  sure  to  be  over- 
come by  it.  With  regard  to  the  other, 
tlie  temporal  wealth  of  the  clergy,  while 
the  corruption  of  the  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tianity prevailed,  there  seemed  no  limit 
to  its  extent;  for  there  is  no  reason  why 
an  ecclesiastical  dominion  might  not 
have  been  established  in  any  or  all  the 
kingdoms  of  Europe,  as  well  as  in  the 
papal  states.  Every  event,  therefore, 
which  drew  the  attention  of  the  people, 
and  led  them  to  examine  the  doctrines 
of  ( 'hristianity,  or  the  conduct  of  the 
clergy,  assisted  in  loosening  the  fetters 
by  which  the  minds  of  the  nation  were 
held  captive.  And  it  is  in  this  point 
that  our  gratitude  is  peculiarly  due  to 
Wiclif  and  his  poor  priests.  The  trans- 
lation of  the  Scriptures,  and  the  tracts 
which  he  wrote,  dwelling  on  the  vices 
of  the  clergy,  and  enforcing  the  lead- 
6 


ing  features  of  Christianity,  instructed 
many,  who  in  their  turn  became  teach- 
ers, and  excited  inquiry.  While  the 
barbarous  severities,  with  which  the 
clergy  punished  those  who  differed 
from  them,  must  have  attracted  the  no- 
tice of  every  one,  and  disposed  them  to 
regard  the  church  with  no  very  friendly 
feeling. 

§  137.  The  steps  then  towards  a  re- 
formation which  had  been  made  were 
many,  though  they  were  little  observed, 
perhaps,  by  the  majority  of  the  most  in- 
telligent among  the  clergy.  The  wealth 
of  the  clergy  and  the  secular  nature  of 
their  pursuits  were  observed,  and  called 
forth  the  animadversions  of  those  who 
wished  to  remedy  existing  abuses,  and 
who  were  not  friendly  to  the  established 
hierarchy.  The  Scriptures  had  been 
translated,  and  were  read,  not  to  any 
great  extent  indeed,  but  they  were  read, 
and  might  be  procured  in  English. 
There  were  many  individuals  ready  to 
propagate  the  truths  of  the  gospel,  and 
to  undergo  the  greatest  sufferings  in  the 
cause  which  they  had  espoused,  and 
these  not  only  men  of  education,  but 
many  of  them  possessed  of  power  and 
rank.  The  dawn  of  reformation  was  still, 
as  far  as  human  eye  could  distinguish, 
far  distant ;  there  was  still  much  to  be 
encountered  and  borne  ;  but  the  eye  of 
faith  in  Wiclif  clearly  foresaw,  that 
Christianity  must  be  restored  to  its  just 
authority.  Perhaps,  in  examining  the 
steps  which  led  to  the  Reformation,  too 
much  stress  is  sometimes  laid  on  the 
individuals  who  stood  forward  in  the 
cause ;  and  their  succession,  and  the 
connexion  between  those  who  succeeded 
each  other,  is  traced  with  a  minuteness 
which  tends  rather  to  cloud  the  truth 
than  to  place  it  in  the  clearest  light. 
Let  any  one  study  the  word  of  God  while 
he  beholds  the  systems  of  error  and 
knavery  Avhich  have  been  pretended  to 
be  built  upon  it,  and  the  necessity  of 
reformation  will  need  no  other  light 
than  that  which  Providence  has  furnish- 
ed. Greathead  and  Fitzralph,  Wiclif 
and  Pecock,  Sawtrey  and  Lord  Cob- 
ham,  may  have  advanced  the  Reforma- 
tion among  us  ;  but  he  who  will  behold 
the  truth  must  look  beyond  these  instru- 
ments to  their  great  Artificer.  The 
flame  which  was  kindled  among  the 
Albigenses,  and  in  the  valleys  of  Pied- 
d3 


42 

mont,  may  have  lent  its  brightness  to 
dispel  the  thick  darkness  which  enve- 
loped ns;  but  we  shall  fail  to  derive  its 
greatest  advantage  from  the  study  of 
ecclesiastical  history,  if  we  turn  not  our 


[Chap.  IV 

eyes  to  that  brightness  which  no  human 
device  can  extinguish,  and  look  not  up 
to  the  true  church  of  Christ,  built  upon 
the  Rock  of  truth,  against  which  the 
gates  of  hell  shall  never  prevail. 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


CHAPTER  IV. 


FROM  THE   ACCESSION  OF  HENRY  VIII.,   1509,   TO  THE  END  OF  THE  DIVORCE  OF 
THE  QUEEN,  AND  THE  SEPARATION  FROM  ROME,  1534. 

151.  Ecclesiastical  exemptions.  152.  Hunne  murdered.  153.  Impolicy  of  the  clergy  with  regard 
to  the  immunities.  154.  Faults  of  the  clergy.  155.  VVolsey,  his  rise.  15G.  He  spoils  Henry  VIII. 
157.  The  progress  of  literature  favourable  to  the  Reforination.  158.  Origin  of  the  divorce.  159. 
Progress  of  it.  Campegio.  IGO.  Wolsey's  tall.  IGl.  Conduct  after  it.  162.  The  divorce  re- 
ferred to  the  univer.'iities.  163.  The  opinions  of  the  universities.  164.  Cranmer  made  archbishop 
of  Canterbury.  165.  Cranmer  dissolves  the  marriage.  Final  rupture  with  Rome.  166.  The  par- 
liament join  in  the  rupture.  167.  More  and  Fisher.  168.  Character  of  More.  169.  Character 
ot  Fisher.  170.  Persecutions.  171.  Supplication  of  beggars.  Practice  of  prelates.  172.  Efi'ects 
of  disGussion.    173.  Effects  of  persecution.    174.  Review  of  the  Reformation. 


§  151.  The  events  which  were  most 
instrumental  in  producing  the  Refor- 
mation in  England  belong  rather  to  the 
civil  than  the  ecclesiastical  historian : 
for  though  the  spirit  of  reform  was 
amply  spread  throughout  the  people, 
yet,  unless  other  circumstances  had  tend- 
ed to  promote  a  change,  and  to  weaken 
the  power  of  the  church,  it  is  probable 
that  this  body  might  still  have  been 
able  to  suppress  those  innovations  which 
sapped  the  foundations  on  which  the 
superstructure  of  its  wealth  and  author- 
ity was  raised.  Whatever  contributed 
to  weaken  the  influence  of  the  eccle- 
siastical body,  gave  at  the  same  time  a 
greater  freedom  of  discussion  to  the 
laity ;  and  the  extension  of  knowledge 
at  once  paved  the  way  to  truth,  and  de- 
prived the  clergy  of  that  branch  of 
power  which  consisted  in  their  being 
almost  the  only  depositories  of  every 
species  of  information.' 

The  first  event  which  bears  on  these 
points  was  a  bill  which  passed  the  com- 
mons in  1513,  subjecting  all  robbers  and 
murderers  to  the  civil  power,  and  which, 
in  order  that  it  might  get  through  the 
lords,  had  two  provisos  attached  to  it ; 
first,  that  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons'^ 

•  Burnet,  i. 

^  It  is  hardly  perhaps  necessary  to  observe,  that 
sub-deacons  and  the  four  inferior  orders  were  sub- 
jected to  the  efi'ects  of  it.  As  the  greater  part  of 
this  and  the  following  chapter  are  abridged  from 
Burnet's  History  of  the  Reformation,  of  which 
there  are  many  editions,  and  to  which  reference 


should  be  exempted  from  it ;  and*  se- 
condly, that  it  should  remain  in  force 
during  this  parliament  only.  At  the 
termination  of  that  period,  the  clergy 
were  not  satisfied  that  the  bill  should 
expire  with  the  authority  from  which  it 
sprung  ;  but  some  little  time  afterwards, 
a  preacher,  at  Paul's  Cross,  vehemently 
reprobated  the  idea  of  subjecting  any 
ecclesiastics  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
common  courts  of  law ;  and  this  question 
was  afterwards  discussed  before  the 
king,  who  ultimately  determined  to  sup- 
port his  own  authority  over  all  his  sub- 
jects. 

§  152.  While  this  point  was  in  agita- 
tion, an  event  occurred  which  not  only 
tended  to  irritate  the  minds  of  the  peo- 
ple generally  on  this  subject,  but  to 
throw  the  balance  very  much  against 
the  clergy  in  the  opinion  of  the  nation. 
Hunne,  a  respectable  citizen  of  London, 
(a.  d.  1514,)  was  put  into  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal court,  for  not  paying  certain  fees  to 
the  priest  of  his  parish,  and  was  sub- 
sequently impolitic  enough  to  sue  the 
priest  in  a  prasmunire.  Such  indiscre- 
tion naturally  suggested  the  idea  to  his 
spiritual  opponents,  that  he  must  be 
tinged  with  heretical  pravity,  and  he 
was  consequently  confined  in  the  Lol- 
lards' Tower,  where  he  was  soon  after 

may  be  made  without  any  difficulty,  I  shall  omit 
the  mention  of  the  page  in  which  the  event  oc- 
curs, and  merely  quote  the  book  in  which  it  is  to 
be  found. 


Cbap.  IV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


4SI 


found  hanging.  The  coroner's  jury 
which  sat  on  the  body  broug-hi  in  a  ver- 
dict of  vvillul  murder  against  Horsey 
the  chancellor,  and  other  ecclesiastical 
officers  ;  who,  on  the  other  hand,  de- 
clared that  he  had  put  an  end  to  him- 
self. The  persecution  of  this  unfortu- 
nate man  did  not  terminate  here  ;  for 
after  having  been  tried  for  his  hetero- 
dox opinions,  and  condemned,  the  mur- 
dered body  was  exposed  to  the  flames. 
The  convocation,  too,  vehemently  at- 
tacked Dr.  Standish,  who,  though  a 
churchman,  had  ventured  to  advocate 
the  cause  of  the  civil  power,  and  to  de- 
clare that  a  breach  of  the  common  law, 
perpetrated  by  an  ecclesiastic,  should 
be  punished  by  the  civil  authority  :  in 
this  case,  however,  their  malice  was  ob- 
viated by  the  support  of  the  king,  who 
had  been  convinced  by  Dr.  Veysey, 
that  the  immunities  claimed  by  the 
clergy  had  no  more  foundation  in  Scrip- 
ture than  in  reason. 

§  153.  After  a  considerable  struggle 
the  parties  came  to  a  sort  of  compro- 
mise ;  Horsey  was  brought  before  the 
Court  of  King's  Bench,  and  the  attor- 
ney-general did  not  proceed  against  him; 
the  question,  indeed,  seemed  brought 
to  a  quiet  termination  ;  but  nothing 
could  tranquillize  the  minds  of  the  peo- 
ple of  London,  whose  hatred  to  the 
clergy  became  so  excessive,  that  one 
of  the  arguments  by  which  the  bishops 
tried  to  prevail  on  the  king  not  to  sufJer 
Florsey  to  be  brought  before  a  jury 
was,  that  they  could  expect  no  justice 
from  men  who  wx^re  so  vehemently 
prejudiced  against  them.  The  clergy 
themselves  must  have  lost  much  in  the 
good  opinion  of  the  people  in  general, 
by  the  obstinate  manner  in  which  they 
advocated  so  odious  a  cause.  They 
seemed  determined  to  join  themselves 
to  crimes  of  which  they  must  have 
disapproved  in  their  hearts ;  and  in 
coupling  their  own  immunities  with 
the  outrages  of  some  of  their  members, 
they  extended  to  the  whole  body  that 
general  detestation  which  would  other- 
wise have  justly  fallen  on  the  indivi- 
duals in  fault.  This  proceeding  of  the 
clergy,  in  withdrawing  the  cause  of 
Horsey  into  their  own  courts  from  be- 
fore a  lay  tribunal,  might  have  arisen 
from  mistaken  principles  ;  but  the  ec- 
clesiastical  power  should  then  have 


proceeded  to  punish  his  enormities 
with  due  severity  ;  whereas  Horsey 
seems  not  only  to  have  escaped,  but  to 
have  been  rewarded  for  his  crime.' 

§  154.  Such  conduct  could  not  fail 
to  make  the  people  entertain  a  low 
opinion  of  the  justice  of  the  plea  itself, 
when  the  exercise  of  it,  in  the  present 
instance,  was  so  palpably  iniquitous, 
and  naturally  inclined  them  to  listen  to 
arguments  in  opposition  to  a  claim 
which  they  had  already  learned  to  dis- 
like. Nor  were  the  political  power  or 
the  ordinary  lives  of  the  ecclesiastical 
body  likely  to  counteract  among  the 
nobility  the  injurious  influence  of  those 
feelings  which  pervaded  the  common- 
alty. We  have  an  authentic  account 
of  the  domestic  economy  of  the  greatest 
churchman  of  this  period,'^  whose  esta- 
blishment vied  with,  and  even  sur- 
passed, that  of  most  of  the  princes  of 
Europe,  and  whose  sole  administratiori 
of  public  afTairs  must  have  been  very 
grating  to  men  who  deemed  themselves 
entitled  to  a  share,  at  least,  if  not  to  the 
whole  of  the  concerns  of  government. 

§  155.  Cardinal  Wolsey  was  the  son 
of  poor  but  honest  parents,  and  owed 
his  extraordinary  rise  to  his  talents  as 
much  as  to  fortune.  He  was  chaplain 
to  Henry  VII.,  and  employed  by  him 
in  some  important  transactions,  much 
to  the  satisfaction  of  that  monarch. 
When  he  was  first  introduced  to  Hen- 
ry VIII.,  by  Fox,  bishop  of  Winchester, 
he  was  one  of  the  king's  chaplains,  and 
about  forty  years  of  age.  The  imme- 
diate object  of  that  prelate  was  proba- 
bly to  raise  up  a  rival  to  Lord  Surrey; 
and  the  choice  was  so  well  made,  that 
it  soon  became  evident  to  all,  that  the 
new  favourite  would  rapidly  surpass 
his  patron  in  the  affections  of  the  king. 
He  was  successively  made  bishop  of 
Lincoln,  archbishop  of  York,  and  held, 
besides  these,  the  see  of  Tourney  in 
France.  He  was  soon  afterwards  cre- 
ated cardinal,  and  legate  a  latere  by 
Leo  X.,  and  his  own  sovereign  ad- 
vanced him  to  the  chancellorship  of 
England,  and  allowed  him  successively 
to  hold  the  sees  of  Durham  and  Win- 
chester. The  influence  which  he  pos- 
sessed over  Henry  was  founded  on  a 

'  Supplication  of  Beggars.    Fox,  ii.  232. 
^  Cavendish's  Life  of  Wolsey.  Wordsworth's 
Eccl.  Biog.  vol.  i. 


44 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CnAV.  IV. 


profound  knowledge  of  the  character 
of  the  king,  and  the  determination  of 
making  every  thing  give  way  to  the 
one  object  of  pleasing  his  master. 
Henry  was  naturally  fond  of  amuse- 
ment, and  Wolsey  easily  persuaded 
him  to  devote  himself  to  its  pursuit ; 
well  aware  that  the  administration  of 
business  must  thus  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  favourite.  In  these  two  objects, 
the  cardinal  seems  to  have  been  inde- 
fatigable :  he  led  the  monarch  on  from 
one  pageant  to  another,  and  exerted 
himself  so  actively  in  managing  the 
affairs  of  the  country,  that  no  transac- 
tions of  importance  should  seem  to  be 
neglected.  Of  his  talents  as  a  states- 
man there  can  be  no  doubt ;  but  his 
honesty  has  been  questioned  ;  and  he 
has  been  accused  of  having  consulted 
his  own  interests  and  pique  against 
Charles  V.  in  the  later  affairs  of  his  ad- 
ministration. He  had  indeed  no  great 
reason  to  be  pleased  with  the  emperor, 
who  had  probably  promised  assistance, 
and  held  out  hopes,  which  he  never 
intended  to  realize  ;  but  we  need  not 
seek  for  secret  reasons  in  a  matter 
which  admits  of  an  easier  solution ; 
the  personal  anger  of  Catharine,  and 
of  her  family,  will  sufficiently  account 
for  the  existence  of  such  reports,  with- 
out taking  into  account  that  degree  of 
odium  which  an  exalted  station  gene- 
rally draws  upon  itself;  while  the  true 
policy  of  England'  will  satisfactorily 
answer  any  arguments  which  may  be 
drawn  from  the  proceedings  of  the 
court  of  Henry,  when  under  the  im- 
mediate direction  of  the  cardinal. 

§  156.  The  anxiety  with  which  Wol- 
sey sought  the  popedom  was  excessive  ; 
and  in  his  eagerness  to  obtain  it,  he  was 
perhaps  betrayed  into  some  steps  which 
were  hardly  consistent  with  the  inte- 
rests of  his  country ;  but  it  should  be 
remembered,  that  Henry  was  scarc(  ly 
less  anxious  than  himself,  and  no  oiie 
can  greatly  blame  a  minister  Avho  dili- 
gently promotes  the  earnest  desires  of 
his  master,  even  when  his  own  advam^e- 
ment  is  the  object  of  their  pursuit.  The 
readiness  with  which  Wolsey  complied 
with  all  the  wishes  of  the  king,  and  the 
pains  which  he  took  to  please  him,  pro- 
duced a  very  injurious  effect  on  the 


Burnet,  part  iii.  14. 


mind  of  that  monarch  himself.  Henry 
possessed  by  nature  considerable  abili- 
ties, and  his  education  had  been  care- 
fully attended  to,  so  that  no  young 
prince  ever  came  to  the  throne  with 
greater  prospects  of  fulfilling  the  fond 
expectations  of  his  people.  These  flat- 
tering appearances,  however,  were  in 
a  great  degree  destroyed  by  that  want 
of  restraint-  of  which  he  was  the  con- 
tinual victim.  Henry,  for  instance,  was 
by  temper  and  education  inclined  to 
show  the  most  profound  reverence  for 
the  church  of  Rome ;  yet  even  in  this, 
his  self-will  hurried  him  to  contribute 
to  the  overthroAv  of  an  authority  which 
he  had  himself  defended.'' 

§  157.  The  literary  character  of  the 
monarch,  as  well  as  of  the  favourite, 
considerably  promoted  the  advance- 
ment of  sound  learnino"  in  the  king- 
dom;* both  were  munificent  patrons, 
but  the  cardinal  in  particular,  if  his 
plans  had  been  brought  to  perfection, 
would  have  left  a  standing  and  s})len- 
did  monument  of  his  greatness  and  his 
wisdom.^  Greek  literature^  A^as  now 
beginning  to  flourish,  and  the  study  of 
the  Scriptures  became  a  favouyite  pur- 
suit with  those  who  engaged  in  it ;  the 
first  patrons,  therefore,  of  these  learned 

2  Cavend.  AVols.  543. 

''In  1521.  Henry  published  a  work  against  Lu- 
ther, of  which  the  title  is,  "  Assertio  Septem  Sa- 
crameniorum,  adversus  Martin.  Luiherum.  aedita 
ab  invictissimo  Angliae  et  Franciae  Rege  et  Doini- 
no  Hibernia;  Henrico  ejus  Nominis  Octavo."  4to. 
It  was  printed  by  Pynson.  Lond.  1521  ;  it  exists 
in  MS.  in  the  Vatican,  and  has  been  reprinted. 
Antwerp,  1522;  Rome,  1543.  The  reprint.  Lug- 
duni,  1561,  contains  Henry's  answer  to  Liiiher, 
and  a  preface.  (5^ee  Sirype's  Mem.  i.  51.)  When 
presented  to  Leo  X..  it  obtained  for  the  king  of 
England  the  liile  of  Defender  of  the  Faith,  which 
had  been  previously  borne  by  several  of  the  kings 
of  England. — Burnet,  i. 

4  .Strype's  Mem.  i.  52. 

5  His  plan  for  the  foundation  of  Cardinal's  Col- 
leee,  now  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  was  as  follows. 
—Lord  Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIII.  p.  146. 

A  dean  and  subdean. 

60  superior  canons,  ?  n  ,  v,  j  -    .  j 

40  inferior  canons,  j  ^" '°  ^''S'^^^  "» ^'"dy. 
13  chaplains, 

12  singing  men,  >-for  the  service  of  the  chapel. 
16  choristers,  3 

Pubhc  professors  of  the  college  and  of  the  uni- 
versity ;  of  divinity,  canon  law.  civil  law,  me- 
dicine, liberal  arts,  and  literap  humaniores. 

Private  lecturers  or  tutors,  to  read  lectures  in 
philosophy,  logic,  sophistry,  (rhetoric,)  and 
litercB  humaniores 

4  censores  morum  et  eruditionis. 

3  bursars,  togeiher  with  inferior  officers,  in  to- 
tal numbers  186. 

6 Knight's  Life  of  Colet,  13. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


45 


bodies,  who  promoted  its  advancement, 
though  the  (inn  friends  of  the  papacy, 
were,  in  fact,  preparing  the  public  mind 
for  the  reception  of  the  Reformation.' 
Thus  Colet,  too,  who  was  a  liberal  pro- 
moter of  the  study  of  the  Greek  lan- 
guage, when  he  became  dean  of  St. 
Paul's,  read  public  lectures^  in  that 
cathedral  on  the  epistles.^  In  this  work 
he  was  frequently  assisted  by  many  of 
his  learned  friends,  and  carefully  pro- 
vided that  the  church  should  never  be 
without  a  sermon  on  the  Sunday. 
These  innovations  quickly  brought  him 
under  the  suspicion  of  heresy ;  but 
Archbishop  Warham  dismissed  the 
charges  brought  against  him ;  and  he 
continued  to  preside  over  that  body 
which  he  so  richly  benefited  and 
adorned.  The  enemies  of  innovation 
thus  quickly  perceived  the  tendency 
of  these  proceedings,  but  the  more  en- 
lightened members  of  the  establishment 
could  not  overlook  the  necessity  of 
endeavouring  to  introduce  some  im- 
provements ;  for  such  was  the  general 
ignorance  of  the  Scriptures  at  this  pe- 
riod, that,  as  Erasmus  tells  us,  the  spu- 
rious gospel  of  Nicodemus^  was  set  up 
in  the  cathedral  of  Canterbury  ;  and  it 
was  a  rare  thing  to  find  a  New  Testa- 
ment in  any  church.  The  re-establish- 
ment of  sound  learning  was  the  only 
human  remedy  to  such  evils  ;  and  the 
art  of  printing,  while  it  promoted  most 
efTectualiy  this  object,  produced  per- 
haps in  this  country  its  most  beneficial 
effects  in  disseminating  the  opinions  of 
the  more  enlightened  among  the  mass 
of  society.^  The  kingdom  was  thus 
prepared  to  take  advantage  of  those 
external  events  which  Providence  was 


'  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  (Fuller,  v.  170,)  that 
the  chief  of  those  who  tor  their  taletits  or  attaiii- 
meiils  were  iiivitrd  from  Cambridge  to  become 
members  of  llie  cardinal's  college  in  Oxford,  were 
subsequently  cast  inio  prison  on  the  suspicion  of 
heresy.  Frith  suffered  m-iriyrdom  ;  Cox  was  tu- 
tor to  Edward  VI.  and  was  an  exile  ;  Tyndale, 
Tavertier.  and  Goodman,  prouioti^d  the  transla- 
tion of  the  Bible.  'Ihc  ofJer  was  made  lo  Cran- 
mer.  hut  he  refused  it.    (Sirype's  Cranmer<p.  3.) 

2  Stafford  read  lectures  on  the  Scriptures  in 
Cambridge,  1524,  (Sirype's  Mem.  i.  74,)  being 
the  first  who  subsliluied  the  text  for  the  sen- 
tences.   Latimer  was  one  of  his  hearers. 

^  Knight's  Lite  of  Colet.  .59,  &e. 

*"  Ibid.  C4.    Erasm.  Perin;rinat.  Rel.  erso. 

°  It  is  observed  by  Henry,  (in  Hist.  Eng.  xii. 
286,)  that  the  early  growth  of  English  literature, 
and  the  perfection  of  our  language,  is  greatly 
owing  10  the  popular  nature  of  the  first  produc- 


'about  to  bring  forward,  and  in  which 
I  the  instruments  were  blindly  working 
to  produce  an  end  the  most  opposite  to 
their  individual  wishes."  Henry  VIII., 
the  public  advocate  of  the  papacy,  and 
who  had  been  honoured  with  the  title 
of  Defender  of  the  Faith,  was  to  be- 
come the  chief  means  of  humbling  the 
papal  power;  while  Wolsey,  and  the 
other  patrons  of  learning,  were  o]3ening 
the  eyes  of  the  world  to  those  abuses, 
of  which  no  one  exhibited  a  stronger 
instance  than  the  cardinal  himself."  It 
may,  perhaps,  be  asserted  with  truth, 
that  no  one  of  these  causes  would  by 
itself  have  brought  about  so  important 
a  change,  but  each  contributed  par- 
tially to  this  end,  and  their  combination 
produced  it. 

§  158.  The  event  which  put  all  these 
springs  in  motion  was  the  divorce.* 
(Jatharine  of  Spain  had  been  previously 
matried  to  Arthur,  the  elder  brother  of 
Henry,  and  the  marriage  had  in  all 
probability  been  consummated  ;  yet, 
on  the  death  of  the  young  prince  of 
Wales,  Henry  VII.,  unwilling  to  send 
back  the  infanta  and  her  dowry,  had 
betrothed  her  to  his  second  son.  In 
order  to  accomplish  this  object,  he  had 
obtained  a  bull  from  Rome ;  but  it  ap- 
pears that  he  had  himself  afterwards 
repented  of  the  transaction,  and  that 
Henry  VIII.,  when  he  became  fourteen 
years  of  age,  made  a  protestation  against 
the  connection,  though  when  he  ascend- 
ed the  throne  he  was  nevertheless  per- 
suaded by  some  of  the  council  to  marry 
his  brother's  widow. 

(a.  d.  1527.)  The  king  and  queen 
had  now  lived  together  for  eighteen 
years  ;  she  had  borne  him  several  child- 
ren, all  of  whom,  except  Mary,  had 
been  taken  ofT  by  early  deaths ;  and 
the  mind  of  Henry  became  scrupulous 
as  to  the  legality  of  the  connection,  and 

lions  of  the  Briiish  press;  so  that  while  foreign 
primers  were  advancing  the  study  of  the  classics, 
our  own  were  rendering  their  naiive  tongue  pure 
and  classical. 

There  were  at  ihis  lime  many  persons  brought 
before  the  ecclesiastical  courts  for  heresy,  parli- 
cularly  in  Essex  and  London.  (Strype's  Mem.  i. 
113,  &.C.) 

'  No  man  perceived  the  necessity  of  reforming 
abuses  more  strongly  than  Wolsey;  (Sirype's 
Mem.  i.  72;)  he  insliiuted  a  general  leganiine 
visitation  fur  that  purpose  in  1523-24,  in  which  he 
was  supported  by  Fox  ;  but  his  purposes  came 
to  nothing.  ' 

*  Burnet,  book  ii. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  IV. 


alarmed  lest  the  threatenings  of  the 
Jewish  law  should  be  accomplished  in 
his  dying  childless.'  Wolsey,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  accused  by  the  friends 
of  Catharine  of  having  sugg^ested  these 
doubts  to  the  mind  of  his  sovereign, 
and  it  was  said  that  he  did  so  by  means 
of  Longland,  the  king's  confessor:  nor 
did  his  enemies  scruple  to  assert,  that 
it  was  through  his  secret  influence  that 
the  French  ambassadors  questioned  the 
legitimacy  of  Mary,  when  her  marriage 
with  the  duke  of  Orleans  was  in  agita- 
tion.^ These  charges,  however,  appear 
to  be  unfounded  ;  and  it  is  even  pro- 
bable that  the  scruple  about  the  mar- 
riage had  strongly  affected  the  mind  of 
Henry  before  his  affections  were  fixed 
on  Anne  Boleyn  ;  but  neither  of  these 
points  is  of  much  real  importance  at 
present,  though  they  have  been  dis- 
cussed as  if  the  character  of  the  Refor- 
mation depended  on  the  principles 
which  actuated  those  with  whom  it 
originated.  Of  the  sincerity  of  Hen- 
ry's religious  scruples,  and  the  real  ten- 
derness of  his  conscience,  there  can 
now  remain  no  great  difference  of  opi- 
nion; if  all  these  particulars  were  esta- 
blished in  his  favour,  it  would  probably 
produce  no  great  change  in  our  senti- 
ments concerning  him. 

§  159.  The  first  proposals  for  the  di- 
vorce were  made  to  the  court  of  Rome 
while  Clement  VII.  was  a  close  prisoner 
in  the  hands  of  the  imperialists,  so  that 
though  his  ears  were  open  to  the  re- 
quests of  the  English  messengers,  yet, 
till  his  escape,  nothing  was  done  in  fur- 
therance of  the  king's  desire  ;  and  be- 
fore this  time  the  matter  had  certainly 
so  far  advanced,  that  the  dissolution  of 
the  marriage  had  become  the  great 
object  of  Henry's  wishes. 

In  1.528,  Campegio  was  sent  to  Eng- 
land finally  to  decide  the  question  in 
conjunction  with  Cardinal  Wolsey,  and 
he  brought  with  him  a  bull  which  was 
to  confirm  the  sentence  of  the  legates. 
/This  document,  however,  he  was  di- 
rected not  to  show  to  any  one  but  the 
king;  for  Clement  had  still  the  greatest 
reason  to  dread  a  new  rupture  with  the 
emperor,  which  any  appearance  of 
readiness  on  his  part  in  forwarding 


'  Lev.  XX.  21. 

=  Burnet,  i.    Cavend.  Wols.  428. 


the  divorce,  might  have  produced  ;  and 
he  seems  to  have  been  in  the  greatest 
alarm  till  this  bull  was  committed  to  the 
flames,  since  the  policy  which  he  adopted 
was  of  that  intricate  nature  which  such 
a  disclosure  would  have  considerably 
disconcerted.  Campegio  made  no  haste 
in  a  journey  from  which  he  expected 
to  reap  little  profit  and  much  unplea- 
santness, and  after  many  delays  arrived 
in  this  country,  where,  notwithstanding 
the  urgent  solicitations  of  Wolsey,  he 
strictly  adhered  to  his  instructions  con- 
cerning the  bull.  These  causes  so  re- 
tarded all  proceedings,  that  the  court 
was  not  opened  till  May  31,  1529 ;  and 
after  some  other  delays,  arising  from 
the  refusal  of  the  queen  to  appear  a 
second  time  before  the  legates,  and  her 
appeal  to  Rome,  Campegio,  at  the  mo- 
ment when  every  one  expected  the  sen- 
tence to  be  pronounced,  adjourned  the 
court  from  July  23  to  October  1,  as 
being  vacation  time  in  the  Roman 
courts. 

§  160.  In  so  doing  he  was  probably 
aware  of  an  avocation  of  the  cause  to 
Rome,  which  had  taken  place  a  few 
days  before  the  adjournment.  The 
king,  it  may  be  supposed,  was  much 
irritated  at  this  double  dealing  on  the 
part  of  Clement,  but  he  exhibited  no 
outward  marks  of  his  dis|ileasure,  and 
even  received  the  cardinals  with  appa- 
rent cordiality;'  but  the  interview  at 
Grantham  was  the  last  which  Wolsey 
enjoyed.  He  was  soon  after  deprived 
of  his  chancellorship,  and  subjected  to 
a  prasmtmire.  The  treatment  which  he 
now  experienced  was  most  cruel  and 
unjust;  for  the  legantine  office,  which 
was  the  pretended  ground  of  this  at- 
tack, had  been  exercised  with  the  con- 
sent and  approbation  of  the  king  ;  and 
if  in  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  his 
master  he  had  been  guilty  of  some  un- 
justifiable conduct,  yet  surely  no  act  of 
which  he  was  ever  accused  could  be 
more  unjustifiable  than  the  condemna- 
tion to  which  he  was  exposed  ;  and 
even  in  point  of  compliance  he  seems 
often  to  have  tried  to  check*  the  mad- 
ness of  Henry's  proceedings  ;  nor  could 
it  be  expected  that  the  minister  of  such 
a  tyrant  could  be  very  independent  in 
his  conduct. 


^  Cavend.  Wols.  442,  ct  passim.      *  Ibid.  543 


Chap.  IV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


47 


§  1(51.  Wolsey  quietly  submitted  to 
every  severity,  hoping  by  such  compli- 
ance to  soften  down  the  feelings  of  his 
master,  whose  favour  he  expected  to 
have  regained,  could  he  once  have  been 
readmitted  into  his  presence.  This, 
however,  was  prevented  by  the  watch- 
ful zeal  of  his  enemies  at  court,  who 
from  his  long  prosperity  had  become 
very  numerous,  and  at  the  head  of 
whom  we  must  not  forget  to  mention 
the  lady  who  had  now  possession  of 
the  monarch's  affections :  he  was  sent, 
therefore,  to  his  diocese  of  York,  where 
he  appears  to  have  given  universal 
satisfaction  but  he  was  subsequently 
removed  on  the  charge  of  high  treason, 
and  died  at  Leicester  Abbey  in  his  way 
to  London.  His  pride  and  ambition 
were  neither  apostolical  nor  Christian  ; 
but  they  are  the  vices  of  human  nature, 
and  were  peculiarly  those  to  which  he 
was  most  exposed.  For  them  he  is 
amenable  to  the  tribunal  of  God,  and 
not  to  that  earthly  power  which  had 
led  him  into  them,  and  to  which  power 
he  was  in  all  appearance  faithful  to  the 
last ;  and  there  must  have  been  some- 
thing fundamentally  good  in  a  man 
who  could  so  attach  his  servants  to  his 
person.^  The  latter  interviews  between 
them  and  their  master  are  quite  pathe- 
tic ;  and  the  respect  shown  to  him  in 
the  north,  during  the  whole  of  his  dis- 
grace, speaks  more  highly  of  his  gene- 
ral conduct^  than  volumes  of  pane- 
gyric, while  the  testimony  of  an  iniqui- 
tous bill,  which  was  brought  in  soon 
after,  for  cancelling  the  king's  private 
debts,"  proves  most  strongly  the  good- 
ness of  a  minister  who  could  raise  the 
country  into  such  a  state  of  prosperity 
as  is  described  in  the  preamble.  After 
his  fall,  he  showed  the  greatest  signs 
of  weakness  and  childish  clinging  to 
the  hopes  of  reobtaining  the  royal  fa- 
vour but  on  this  object  alone  he  had 
placed  his  affections  ;  so  that  in  review- 
ing his  life  one  cannot  help  mournfully 
regretting  that  he  never  served  his  God 
with  half  the  zeal  he  served  his  king ; 
but  while  we  leave  the  sinner  to  the 
mercy  of  the  Almighty,  we  must  not 
overlook  the  human  greatness  and  su- 
periority of  the  man. 

'  Burnet,  p.  iii.  2  Cavend.  Wols.  456. 

'  Cavend.  Wols.  495,  &c.       Burnet,  i. 
'  Cavend.  Wols.  450,  &c. 


§  1G2.  All  progress  in  the  divorce 

was  now  rendered  nearly  hopeless  ;  the 
cause  had  been  removed  by  a  papal 
avocation  into  Italy,  and  notwithstand- 
ing the  promises  which  were  continu- 
ally given  to  the  English  ambassadors, 
little  expectation  could  be  entertained 
that  justice  would  be  obtained  in  a  place 
where  so  many  conflicting  interests  must 
delay  the  final  decision.  The  question 
was  freed  from  this  dilemma^  by  the 
sagacity  of  Cranmer,'  who,  when  his 
opinion  was  accidentally  asked  in  pri- 
vate, suggested  the  idea  of  settling  the 
dispute  by  reference  to  the  opinions 
received  from  the  several  universities  ; 
and  Henry  no  sooner  heard  of  the  plan, 
than  he  adopted  it.  The  means  taken 
in  order  to  procure  a  favourable  answer 
must  probably  forever  remain  a  secret; 
but  there  appears  to  have  been  little  or 
no  bribery  used,  in  comparison  with 
what  is  generally  represented.  In  Ox- 
ford and  Cambridge,  it  is  likely  that 
favour  and  influence  were  exerted,  and 
the  whole  discussion  seems  to  have  been 
considered  as  a  party  question  ;  but  the 
interested  prejudices  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical members  of  those  societies  were 
as  capable  of  warping  the  opinions  of 
the  judges  against  the  cause,  as  any 
court  interest  could  have  tended  to  pro- 
mote it. 

In  the  Sorbonne,  though  the  royal 
influence  was  doubtless  exerted  in  fa- 
vour of  the  divorce,"  yet  the  conduct  of 
that  body  was  certainly  open  to  the 
charge  of  favouring  the  other  side, 
through  the  force  of  party  feeling  :  nor 
must  it  be  forgotten,  that  truth  is  as 
much  obscured  by  prejudice  as  by  any 
other  cause  ;  and  we  cannot  doubt,  that 
the  blindest  churchman  must  have  seen 
the  tendency  of  such  an  appeal  from 
the  authority  of  the  pope  to  the  opinions 
of  the  learned.  In  England,  it  could 
be  no  secret  that  Anne  would  probably 
favour  the  reformers  ;  and  what  cir- 
cumstance could  have  conduced  more 
strongly  to  dispose  the  mass  of  the 


*  Burnet,  i. 

'  See  Wordsworth's  Eccl.  Biog.  iii.  437,  3, 
where  it  is  with  some  appearance  of  reason  attri- 
buied  rather  to  Wolsey  ;  but  after  all,  the  car- 
dinal may  previously  have  consulted  the  universi- 
ties, and  Cranmer  have  merely  said.  We  shall 
never  receive  any  decision,  e.\cept  through  the 
universities. 

*  Burnet,  p.  iiL 


48 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap,  IV. 


clergy  to  promote  the  interests  of  Ca- 
tharine ? 

§  l(i3.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  influence  exercised  in  France 
or  England  preponderated  much  on 
either  side  ;  in  both,  there  was  the  in- 
terest of  the  court  balanced  against  that 
of  the  church ;  yet  in  each  of  these 
countries  it  was  decided,  that  a  mar- 
riage with  a  brother's  widow  was  con- 
trary to  the  law  of  God,  and  therefore 
null  from  the  beginning.'  The  same 
and  corresponding  answers  were  ob- 
tained from  many  other  universities  and 
learned  individuals.  The  Protestant 
divines  generally  coincided  in  main- 
taining the  illegality  of  the  former  mar- 
riage, but  were  some  of  them  doubtful 
as  to  the  propriety  of  a  new  connection. 
In  order  to  enforce  these  decisions  with 
their  full  weight  on  the  mind  of  Cle- 
ment, a  letter  was  addressed  to  him 
from  England,  which  was  signed  by 
those  chiefly  who  were  immediately 
connected  with  the  king;  yet  the  fears 
by  which  the  mind  of  the  pope  was 
biassed,  made  him  continue  that  system 
of  deceit  which  he  had  carried  on  from 
the  beginning.  The  ready  compliance 
of  the  clergy  in  this  country  may  partly 
be  accounted  for,  in  consequence  of 
their  then  lying  under  an  unjust  prte- 
munire,  for  having  acknowledged  the 
legantine  power  of  AVolsey,  which  Hen- 
ry had  personally  authorized.  In  order 
to  buy  ofT  this,  (1530,)  the  convocation 
consented  to  a  considerable  subsidy; 
and  in  the  bill  which  granted  it,  the 
king's  supremacy  was  asserted  :  it  was, 
however,  with  much  difficulty  that  this 
clause  was  passed,  and  so  little  with  the 
good-will  of  the  Lower  House,  that  after 
the  acknowledgment  a  proviso  was  in- 
serted, quantum  per  Chrisli  legem  licet. 

§  1(54.  The  parliament  at  the  same 
time  objected  to  the  constitutions  framed 
by  the  clergy,'^  which  fell  heavily  on 
the  laity,  with  regard  to  mortuaries, 
probate  of  wills,  &c. ;  and  in  a  later 


'  The  reader  will  find  a  different  account  of  ihe 
matter  given  in  Lingard,  vi.'224.  The  discuspion 
is  important  as  far  as  the  characters  of  the  indivi- 
duals concerned  are  at  issue,  but  of  little  conse- 
quence as  to  the  question  generally.  Henry  may 
appear  more  or  less  guilty  ;  but  his  guilt  affects 
not  the  Reformaiion.  The  Roman  Catholic  may 
reject  him,  but  Protestants  will  hardly  claim  him 
as  iheir  own. 

2  Strype's  Mem.  i.  198. 

t 


session,  (1532,)  made  complaints  against 
the  manner  in  which  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  examined  and  tried  delinquents; 
for  when  brought  before  them  on  no 
definite  charges,  and  without  accusers, 
they  had  no  alternative  but  to  abjure 
opinions  which  possibly  they  had  never 
held,  or  to  be  proceeded  against  as  here- 
tics. But  in  consequence  of  some  of- 
fence which  the  king  conceived  against 
the  House,  for  rejecting  a  bill  about 
wards,  this  motion  was  not  carried  into 
a  law  till  15;34.  This  session  was  also 
marked  by  the  enactment  of  a  law 
against  annates,  by  which  all  persons 
were  forbidden  to  pay  their  first-fruits 
to  the  see  of  Rome.  These  steps  were 
probably  taken  merely  to  alarm  that 
court ;  for  though  Henry  was  deter- 
mined to  proceed,  whatever  might  be 
the  consequence,  yet  at  this  time  he  had 
probably  no  wish  to  produce  an  open 
rupture.  In  this  autumn,  (1532,)  his 
marriage  was  solemnized  with  Anne  Bo- 
leyn,  and  upon  the  death  of  Warham, 
(August,)  the  archbishopric  was  off -red 
to  Cranmer,  whose  modesty,  as  well  as 
unwillingness  to  take  the  oaths  to  the 
pope,  delayed  for  some  time  his  conse- 
cration. These  obstacles,  however,  were 
both  overcome,  (March  30,  1533,)  and 
he  Avas  contented  to  swear  true  obe- 
dience to  the  pope,  with  the  salvo  of  a 
protestation  that  his  so  doing  should 
not  affect  the  duty  which  he  owed  to 
his  God,  his  king,  or  country. 

§  165.  The  first  act  of  his  primacy 
was  the  declaration  of  the  sentence  of 
divorce,  in  conformity  to  the  decision 
of  convocation  :^  which  act  at  this  mo- 
ment seemed  rather  misplaced  ;  for  the 


The  texts  of  Scripture  which  bear  on  this 
question  are  Gen.  xx.xviii.  8,  Deut.  xxv.  5.  which 
direct  ihe  brother  of  a  man  who  died  wiihout  an 
heir  to  raise  up  children  to  his  broiher;  Levii. 
xviii.  16.  which  lorbids  a  man  to  marry  his  bro- 
ther's wife  ;  18,  or  two  sisters;  apd  Lcvil.  xx."21, 
which  threatens,  that  in  that  case  they  shall  die 
childless;  from  whence  it  would  appear,  that  the 
marriage  was  illegal,  except  for  the  purpose  ol 
preventing  the  extinction  of  a  .Jewish  family.  By 
ihe  present  law  of  England,  the  marriage  might 
be, set  aside  during  ihe  lives  of  both  parties,  "ad 
reformandos  mores."  but  if  not  so  .'■et  aside,  it 
would  be  afterwards  good  in  law,  and  the  children 
legitimate.  Calvin  atiempied  lo  reconcile  ihe  dif- 
ference between  Deut.  xxv.  5,  and  Levit.  xviii.  16, 
bv  interpreiing  the  wcird  bral/ierss  a  near  kinsman, 
an  extension  of  wliii  h  it  will  nndoul)tcdly  admit, 
as  in  the  instance  of  Boaz  and  Rulh  ;  bul  to  whit'h 
it  cannot  be  confined,  when  (Jen.  xxxviii.  8,  and 
the  case  of  ihe  seven  breihren  mentioned  in  the 


Chap.  IV.] 

marriage  with  Catharine  must  have 
eilhcT  been  from  the  beginning  ilk'gal, 
and  a  formal  divorce  tlierefore  unneces- 
sarVf  or  the  connection  with  Aime  was 
nothing  h'ss  than  bigamy.  The  king 
himsi'lf  continued,  to  the  very  last, 
anxious  to  preserve  terms  with  Rome, 
and  even  sent  messengers  to  justify  his 
conduct.  One  great  source  of  delay 
in  liie  process  in  Italy  had  arisen  from 
the  refusal  of  Henry  to  appear  in  per- 
son, or  by  proxy,  when  summoned  be- 
fore the  pope  ;  an  act  of  submission 
which  he  declared  to  be  contrary  to  the 
lights  of  an  independent  prince,  and 
esteemed  a  species  of  personal  indig- 
nity. At  the  same  time  the  discussion 
was  involved  in  greater  difficulty,  be- 
cause the  stnength  of  the  argument  in 
favour  of  the  illegality  of  the  marriage 
depended  on  the  total  inadequacy  of 
any  papal  dispensation  to  set  aside  the 
law  of  marriage  established  from  the 
word  of  God,  and  this  argument  the 
pope  would  not  allow  to  be  brought 
forward  in  his  presence.  Yet  all  this 
might  have  been  overlooked,  and  peace 
have  been  preserved  by  mutual  con- 
cessions, had  not  the  imperial  faction 
hurried  on  the  pope  to  give  a  decision 
on  the  case,  when  he  found  that  a  mes- 
senger who  was  expected  from  England 
did  not  arrive.  The  French  and  Eng- 
lisli  authorities  who  were  in  Rome 
(1531)  had  made  strong  remonstrances 
against  such  precipitation,  and  urged 
the  possibility  of  the  messenger's  hav- 
ing been  accidentally  delayed  ;  but  this 
prudent  advice  was  ofTcrcd  in  vain;  and 
the  messenger  who  brought  the  neces- 
sary concessions  (March  2^))  was  met 
on  his  arrival  by  the  rejoicings  of  the 
fmperialists,  who  Avere  exulting  in  the 
victory  which  their  cause  had  gained.* 
Reconciliation  was  now  too  late,  and 
the  apparent  indignity  with  which  his 

gospels,  are  considered.  Second  edition.  This 
has  been  since  changed,  and  the  marriage  is  now, 
ipso  facio,  void. 

'  The  correctness  of  this  account,  whirh  is  taken 
from  Burnet,  is  controverted  !)y  Lingard,  (vi.  267, 
n.  1 53,)  on  the  ground  that  tlie  royal  assent  was 
granted  .March  :30ih  to  the  hill  whii-h  set  aside  the 
authority  of  the  pope,  when  nothing  could  pos- 
sibly have  been  kmiwn  of  the  decision  given  on 
the  23d.    Henry  had  probably  made  up  his  mind 
to  reject  the  authority  of  the  pope  before  this,  yet  [ 
he  might  wish  for  the  snnction  of  the  court  of  [ 
Rome,  with  regard  to  his  marringc.  and  have  ' 
thought  that  the  intimidation  produced  by  these  I 
bills  brought  into  parliament  might  not  have  been  ' 
7 


49 

sincere  endeavours  after  peace  had  been 
treated,  rendered  Henry  more  deter- 
mined than  ever  to  do  away  with  the 
pa})al  authority  within  the  precincts  of 
his  dominions. 

§  The  parliament  was  in  every 
way  willing  to  promote  the  views  of 
Henry  in  opposition  to  the  church  of 
Rome,  for  it  had  already  abrogated  the 
papal  supremacy,  and  established  thai 
of  the  king.'^  (a.  d.  1534.)  Its  other 
acts  were,  one  concerning  the  punish 
ment  of  heretics,  in  which  the  inquisi 
torial  power  of  the  bishops'  courts  was 
destroyed,  inasmuch  as  they  could  now 
only  proceed  in  open  court,  and  by  wit- 
nesses; and  it  was  ordained  that  none 
were  to  be  troubled  for  any  of  the  pope's 
laws  or  canons  :^  another,  relating  to  the 
succession,  in  which  the  children  of  the 

uninfluential  in  promoting  a  favourable  issue.  We 
can  hardly  expect  consistency  of  conduct  from 
such  a  man  as  Henry. 

2  'I  he  nature  of  the  supremacy  which  Hen- 
ry Vni.  claimed  to  himself  is  distinctly  marked 
in  Tonstal's  Letter  to  Pole.  (Burnet,  p.  iii.  Re- 
cords, No.  52.)  He  states.  Thai  no  man  knew 
better  than  the  king  ilie  difTerence  between  the 
duties  of  a  Christian  prince  and  spiritual  persons. 
That  he  pretended  not  to  the  cure  of  souls,  but  to 
that  authority  which,  while  it  vindicated  his  king- 
dom from  a  foreign  and  usurped  power,  would 
compel  all  persons  within  his  dominions  to  con- 
form to  the  laws  of  God. 

^  The  canon  and  civil  law  are  by  Blackstonc 
(Introduct.  §  3,  iii  )  ranked  among  the  lesres  non 
ncriplfp,  because  tiiey  are  received  in  England 
from  custom,  and  not  from  any  intrinsic  auihor- 
iiy  of  their  own:  a  point  expressly  declared  in 
the  statute  25  Hen.  VHI.  c.  21. 

By  the  term  rivil  law  is  cenerally  understood 
the  municipal  law  of  the  Roman  empire,  as  ar- 
ranged from  the  confused  mass  ot  laws,  edicts,  and 
imperial  decrees;  lirst,  by  private  lawyers,  then 
by  Theodosius,  A.  r.  438;  and,  lastly,  by  Justi- 
nian, about  .533.  The  Corpus  Juris  Civills,  as 
com|)iled  under  his  auspices,  consists  of, — 

1.  The  Institutes,  which  contain  the  elements 
or  first  principles  of  the  Roman  law,  in  four  books. 

2.  The  Digests,  or  Pandects,  in  fifty  books; 
containing  the  opinions  and  writings  of  eininent 
lawyers,  digested  in  a  systematic  method. 

3.  A  new  Code,  or  CoUeciion  of  Imperial  Con  ■ 
stitutions,  in  twelve  books;  the  lap.se  of  a  whole 
century  having  rendered  the  former  code  of  Theo- 
dosius imperfect. 

4.  The  Novels,  or  New  Constitutions,  posterior 
in  lime  to  the  other  books,  and  amounting  to  a 
Supplement  to  the  Code  ;  containing  new  decrees 
of  successive  einperors,  as  new  questions  iuip- 
pened  to  arise. 

It  was  these  which  were  found  about  1130,  at 
Amalli,  in  Italy. 

The  canon  law  is  a  body  of  Roman  ecclesiasti- 
cal law  relative  to  such  matters  as  that  church 
either  has,  or  pretends  to  have,  the  proper  juris- 
diction over.  The  Corpus  Juris  Canoni<-i  was 
compiled  from  tlie  opinions  of  the  Latin  fathers, 
the  decrees  of  general  councils,  and  the  decretal 
epistles  and  bulls  of  the  holy  see,  by  Gretian,  an 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


50 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  IV, 


king,  by  Anne  Boleyn,  were  declared 
heirs  to  the  throne  ;  at  the  same  time, 
those  who  oppugned  this  bill  were  ad- 
judged traitors  to  the  king ;  and  an 
oath  was  framed  for  its  observance,  in 
which  a  clause  was  inserted,  that  the 
party  swearing  would  bear  true  faith  to 
no  foreign  authority  or  potentate,  and 
deem  any  oath,  previously  sworn  to  that 
effect,  as  of  no  avail. 

§  1G7.  This  law  was  passed  in  a  ses- 
sion during  the  spring,  (a.  d.  1534,)  and 
though  the  oath  was  readily  taken  by 
the  majority  of  the  nation,  Sir  Thomas 
More  and  Fisher,  bishop  of  Rochester, 
refused  to  do  so,  and  were  in  conse- 
quence committed  to  the  Tower.  Fisher 
seems  to  have  been  a  good  man,  and  a 
sincere  papist,  and  was  at  this  time  very 
old  and  infirm ;  but  he  had  not  conducted 
himself  with  any  great  wisdom  or  pru- 
dence with  respect  to  the  maid  of  Kent. 
Elizabeth  Barton  had  pretended  to  re- 
velations concerning  the  king's  death, 
and,  like  many  impostors,  half-deceiv- 
ing, half-deceived,  had  become  the  tool 
of  some  designing  priests,  who  preach- 
ed her  up  as  a  prophetess,  and  foretold 
the  destruction  of  Henry.  She  and 
some  of  her  accomplices  were  afterwards 
hanged,  and  then  made  a  confession  of 
the  cheat ;  for  which  she  justly  blamed 
her  spiritual  guides,  who  fostered  the 
imposition.  Fisher  had  to  a  certain  de- 
gree promoted  these  proceedings  by  his 
countenance,  and  probably  believed  in 
her  inspiration.  Sir  Thomas  More, 
however,  had  placed  no  confidence  in 
her  predictions. 

It  had  originally  been  in  contempla- 

Italian  monk,  about  1151,  and  has  received  sub- 
Heqiient  additions;  it  consists  of, 

1.  Decrcta  Gratiani. 

2.  Decrdalia  Giegorii  IX. 

3.  l.ibor  Sexius  Decretaliiim,  and  the  Cle- 
mentine Constitutions. 

4.  The  Exiravagants  of  John  XXII.  and  his 
successors. 

Besides  these  pontifical  laws,  there  are  national 
canons  established  in  synods  held  under  the  author- 
ity of  a  Roman  legate,  and  provincial  canons 
established  by  synods  held  in  ihe  provinces  of 
Canterbury  or  York. 

By  the  statute  25  Hen.  VIII.  c.  x\s.  and  2  Eliz. 
r.  i.,  it  was  enacted  that  a  review  should  be  had  of 
the  canon  law;  and  till  such  review  should  be 
made,  all  canoris,  constitutions,  ordinances,  and 
synodals  provincial,  being  then  already  made,  and 
not  repugnant  to  the  law  of  the  land,  or  the  king's 
prerogative,  should  still  be  used  and  executed. 
And  as  no  such  review  has  yet  been  perfected, 
upon  this  statute  now  depends  the  authority  of  the 
canon  law  in  England. 


tion  to  comprehend  both  these  distin- 
guished individuals  in  the  bill  of  attaiu- 
der  by  which  the  other  persons  suffered; 
but  the  declarations  of  Sir  Thomas 
More,'  and  the  fear  of  bringing  the  ques- 
I  tion  before  tlie  House  of  Lords,  saved  him 
]  from  this  unmerited  imputation,-  while 
Fisher's  name  was  inserted  in  the  bill, 
I  though  no  proceedings  were  instituted 
{ against  him.  Both  these  men  were 
therefore  the  objects  of  the  displeasure 
of  the  court  when  the  affair  of  the  oath 
took  place  ;  and  More,  seeing  from  the 
first  that  he  could  expect  no  mercy, 
made  up  his  mind  to  suffer;  for  he  was 
well  aware  of  the  importance  which 
would  be  attached  to  the  refusal  of  a 
man  of  his  own  high  character,  and  of 
the  effect  which  such  an  example  nmst 
have  in  discrediting  the  party  of  his  op- 
ponents. He  is  justly  considered  by 
the  church  of  Rome  as  a  martyr  to  her 
cause,  and  every  one  must  allow  him 
the  credit  of  having  laid  down  his  life  in 
firmly  maintaining  his  sincere  opinions. 

§  168.  His  character  is  singularly 
splendid.  He  had  raised  himself  by  his 
honest  exertions  as  a  lawyer,  and  in 
1523  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  Avhere  he  was  distinguish- 
ed for  his  opposition  to  the  illegal 
attempts  of  the  king's  ministers.  On 
one  occasion,  upon  the  demand  of  a 
supply.  Cardinal  Wolsey  wished  to  have 
received  an  answer  before  he  left  the 
house,  but  the  members  preserved  an 
obstinate  silence,  till  at  last  their  speak- 
er, on  his  knees,  with  many  compli- 
ments,^ so  urged  the  privilege  of  the 
body,  that  the  cardinal  hastily  retired  in 
great  anger.  Upon  the  disgrace  of 
Wolsey,  More  was  made  lord  chancel- 
lor, being  the  first  layman  who  ever 
arrived  at  that  honour,  and  in  this  exalted 
station  retained  the  same  unblemished 
fame  which  had  raised  him  to  it.  It  is 
extraordinary  that  one  who  had  in  his 
writings  expressed  such  liberal  notions'* 

'  Wordsworth's  E.  B.  ii.  174.      ^  Burnet,  i. 
3  Wordsworth's  E.  B.  ii.  77. 
The  Utopians  allowed  of  no  persecution  for 
I  religious  tenets,  264,  and  iheir  priests  had  no  tem- 
poral power,  but  merely  animadverted  upon  the 
evil  doers,  and,  if  necessary,  excommunicated 
!  them,  275.    Sir  T.  More's  Utopia,  Han.  1613. 
12mo.    He  denies  ever  having  caused  heretics  to 
be  beaten  or  ill  treated,  beyond  being  confined. 
(Works,  p.  901.)    But  this  must  be  taken  in  a 
1  very  qualified  sense.    See  Fnx  and  Strype's  Mem 
I  i.  310,  &.C. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


51 


should  have  been  himself  a  persecutor; 
but  he  gloried  in  withstanding  heretics 
by  his  pen  and  power,  and  the  blindness 
of  the  times  prevented  him  from  seeing 
the  practical  advantage  of  that  liberty 
of  which  he  understood  the  theory.  He 
was  tried  on  the  act  passed  November, 
1534,  which  made  those  who  refused  to 
take  the  oath  relative  to  the  succession 
liable  to  the  penalties  of  treason,  con- 
tained in  the  former  bill.  When  con- 
demned, he  received  his  sentence  with 
that  placid  serenity  which  had  always 
marked  his  life.  He  prayed  that  as  St. 
Stephen  and  St.  Paul  were  now  blessed 
saints,  though  one  had  been  present,  and 
consented  to  the  death  of  the  other,  so 
he  in  like  manner,  and  his  judges,  might 
hereafter  meet  in  heaven,  to  their  ever- 
lasting salvation.'  His  playful  disposi- 
tion attended  him  to  the  scaffold,  and  he 
died  in  full  hopes  of  a  blessed  eternity, 
with  a  pleasantry  upon  his  lips.  (158.5.) 
The  death  of  this  wise  and  good  man 
leaves  an  indelible  stain  on  the  charac- 
ter of  Henry,  who,  out  of  self-will  and 
pique,  suffered  his  faithful  servant  to  be 
murdered  by  the  hands  of  an  execution- 
er. Had  the  writer  of  Utopia  acted 
up  to  his  professions  and  opinions,  he 
must  have  proved  a  merciful  and  un- 
persecuting  papist,  if  he  had  not  become 
a  Protestant ;  and  this  was  certainly  the 
character  of  More  after  he  ceased  to  be 
chancellor ;  for  though  so  fixed  in  his 
sentiments,  that  he  was  ready  to  die  for 
them,  yet  he  never  blamed  those  who 
acted  on  diffi-rent  principles.  His  ap- 
parent obstinacy  might  possibly  have 
arisen  from  his  not  rightly  understand- 
ing the  nature  of  the  king's  supremacy. 
He  had  viewed  the  pope  as  his  spiritual 
father,  and  when  the  title  of  supreme 
head  of  the  church  was  transferred  to 
Henry,  he  felt  that  thisspecies  of  author- 
ity could  not  be  vested  in  a  temporal 
prince.    He  would  have  been  willing 


'  This  account  is  taken  from  a  Life  of  Sir  T. 
More,  published  in  Wordsworth's  Vice.  Bios;,  ii. 
213,  in  which  many  intercsliiig  pariicuhirs  of  this 
good  man  are  recordrd.  He  is  there  stated  to 
have  lieen  tried  in  Wesfminsler-hall,  and  con- 
demned on  the  testimony  of  Rich,  the  king's  so- 
licitor. If  these  anecdotes  be  correct,  which  I 
much  doubt,  they  add  much  to  the  injustice  of  his 
death.  But  under  the  second  bill  there  was  no 
necessity  for  any  witnesses  at  all.  It  was  hy  that 
act  treason  not  to  take  the  oath,  which  he  refused 
to  do.    He  was  beheaded  July  6th,  1535. 


to  swear  to  the  succession,''  had  the  pre- 
amble which  restricted  the  papal  author- 
ity been  separated  from  it ;  and  Cran- 
mer'  was  anxious  that  this  concession 
should  have  been  made  to  the  senti- 
ments of  More,  (as  well  as  to  those  of 
Fisher,  who  denied  not  that  the  king 
and  parliament  had  a  right  to  nominate 
a  successor  to  the  throne  ;)  but  he  had 
to  deal  with  a  monarch  who  ill  brooked 
opposition,*  and  who,  after  the  death  of 
the  chancellor,  acknowledged  the  ex- 
cellence of  a  servant  whom  his  cruelty 
had  destroyed. 

§  Itjy.  Fisher  was  detained  in  prison 
above  a  twelvemonth,  and  treated  with 
a  severity  which  nothing  can  excuse ; 
for  at  the  age  of  fourscore  he  was  actu- 
ally in  want  of  botli  clothes  and  fire.* 
The  same  act  of  parliament  under  which 
More  suffered,  terminated  his  misery, 
in  consequence  of  his  speaking  against 
the  supremacy.  The  execution  took 
place  June  22,  L5;}5.'^  He  was  a  learn- 
ed and  devout  man  ;  and  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  to  him  the  two  universi- 
ties owe  the  foundation  of  the  Margaret 
professorships  of  divinity,  which  were 
established  by  the  king's  grandmother, 
Margaret,  countess  of  Richmond,  to 
whom  he  was  confes.sor ;  the  colleges 
of  St.  John's  and  Christ's  Cambridge 
are  of  the  same  foundation.  The  coun- 
tenance which  he  gave  to  the  maid  of 
Kent  may  render  the  soundness  of  his 
judgment  very  dubious ;  and  even  the 
severities  used  by  him  towards  those 
who  differed  from  him  in  opinion  may 
be  attributed  to  sincere,  though  mis- 
taken motives  ;  nor  can  we  fail  to 
respect  the  man  who  would  never  ex- 
change his  small  bishopric  of  Kochester 
for  more  valuable  preferment,  or,  to  use 
his  own  expression,  desert  his  first  wife 
because  she  was  poor. 

§  170.  The  clergy  at  this  time  seem 
to  have  become  the  objects  of  the  hatred 
of  their  fellow-citizens ;  nor  can  this 
surprise  us,  if  we  consider,  not  only  the 
cruelty  which  was  exercised  towards 
heretics,  but  the  liability  under  which 
every  one  lay  of  being  called  before 
the  bishops'  courts,  a  tribunal  of  which 
the  authority  was  almost  unlimited,  till 


2  Wordsworth's  Eccl.  Biog.  ii.  177. 

3  Strype's  Cranmer,  i.  39.  *  Words,  ii.  223. 
«  Fuller,  192,  ^  12.  «  Ibid.  203,  &c. 


53 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CUAP.  IV. 


the  passing  of  the  bill  for  punishing 
heretics.* 

The  limits  of  the  work  will  hardly 
allow  us  to  enter  on  any  detailed  ac- 
count of  those  who  suffered  in  the 
cause;  and  as  an  abridgment  of  the 
history  of  their  deaths  must  destroy  all 
those  minute  traits  which  peculiarly 
interest  and  improve  us  in  the  history 
of  martyrs,  we  must  content  ourselves 
with  a  mere  notice  of  some  of  them. 
Bilney,  a  clergyman  of  Cambridge ; 
Byfield,  a  monk ;  and  Tewkesbury,  a 
citizen  of  London,  were  severally  burnt 
as  relapsed  heretics.^  Bainham,  a  law- 
yer, was  first  whipped  and  tortured,  and 
afterwards  consigned  to  the  flames.' 
The  body  of  William  Tracy  was  dug  up 
and  burnt,  because  in  making  his  will  he 
had  consigned  his  soul  to  Christ,  with- 
out mentioning  the  saints  or  purgato- 
ry. Harding,  Hewett.  and  Frith  were 
subsequently  also  burnt.  Frith  was  a 
young  man  of  considerable  note,  who, 
from  his  character  for  learning  and 
piety,  was  removed  from  Cambridge 
to  the  cardinal's  college  in  Oxford. 
He  wrote  a  book  against  the  corporal 
presence,  which  was  answered  by  Sir 
Thomas  More  ;  and  while  in  confine- 
ment, and  without  books,  he  re])lied 
to  his  opponent.  He  had,  moreover, 
impugned  the  doctrine  of  purgatory, 
against  which  the  attacks  had  of  late 
become  frequent ;  for  it  is  obvious  that 
they  who  controverted  the  papal  su- 
premacy must  either  be  prepared  to 
destroy  this  appalling  weapon  of  super- 
stition, or  have  been  contented  to  find 
themselves  deserted  by  the  mass  of  so- 
ciety, who  would  hardly  bear  patiently 
the  thunders  of  the  Vatican,  while  they 
were  labouring  under  the  dread  of  those 
penal  fires  from  which  the  pope  could 
free  them. 

§  171.  *In  the  Supplication  of  the 
Beggars,^  a  witty  production  by  Simon 
Fish,  of  Gray's  Inn,  the  source  of  the 
Romish  superstitions  is  stated  to  be  the 
belief  in  purgatory ;  and  the  remedy 


1  See  ^  166. 

2  Fox,  ii.  211,  &c.  &c.    Burnet,  i. 

3  There  are  some  interesting  particulars  record- 
ed of  a  visit  paid  by  Latimer  to  Bainham,  the 
night  before  the  execution,  his  anxiety  about  his 
wife,  and  Latimer's  consolation.  Strype's  Eccl. 
Mem.  V.  372. 

*  Fox,  ii.  229,  &c.    Burnet,  i. 

*  This  work  is  printed  at  length  in  Fox. 


which  the  author  recommends  is  not 
the  enactment  of  new  laws,  but  the  dis- 
closing of  the  hypocrisy  of  its  votaries. 
The  church,  he  argues,  has  been  able 
by  power  or  policy  to  obviate  the  effects 
of  all  laws,  but  that,  by  going  to  the 
root  of  the  error,  the  evil  might  be 
easily  eradicated.  The  other  attacks 
are  directed  against  the  obvious  vices 
of  the  clergy,  which  are  very  fully  de- 
scribed. This  work,  by  some  accident, 
found  its  way  into  the  hands  of  tiie  king 
himself;  but  the  wit  which  it  contained 
saved  the  author  from  any  harm.  An- 
other Avork,  of  nearly  the  same  date, 
but  which  is  a  very  superior  produc- 
tion, is  denominated  the  Practice  of 
Prelates."  In  it  the  tyranny  of  the 
clergy  is  strongly  painted.  They  are 
described  as  possessing  in  all  their  es- 
tablishments jails  and  instruments  of 
torture.  He  who  was  once  within  their 
keeping  was  never  allowed  to  escape, 
lest  he  should  convey  to  the  world  ttn- 
seasonable  reports  of  what  he  had  there 
seen.  The  papal  supremacy  is  attacked 
on  the  same  grounds  of  Scripture  as 
would  now  be  employed,  and  with  much 
perspicuity  ;  the  existence  of  purgatory 
is  denied.  It  is  stated,  that  in  the  uni- 
versities they  were  not  permitted  to 
study  the  word  of  God,  till  their  minds 
had  been  perverted  with  some  years' 
previous  study,  with  which  they  were 
"clere  shutt  out  of  the  understandinge 
of  Scripture  ;"  that  auricular  confessioA 
was  made  tiie  tool  of  political  intrig'ue  ; 
and  that  Wolsey  used  Longland  as  a 
spy  and  instrument  about  the  king. 
The  reasoning  is  generally  correct  and 
sound,  though  there  are  some  points 
in  which  we  should  hardly  now  agree 
with  the  writer;  but  the  spirit  of  the 
book  is  excellent,  and  the  address,  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  preface,  to  the 
true  servants  of  Christ,  not  to  resist,  but 
to  endure  persecution,  is  quite  aposto- 
lical. 

§  172.  Such  writings,  when  viewed 
in  combination  with  the  condition  of 
public  affairs,  prove  that  the  seeds  of 
the  Reformation  were  now  secirrely 
sown.  But  there  was  still  the  utmost 
need  of  the  fostering  hand  of  God,  to 

6  The  Practice  of  Papistical  Prelates,  made  bv 
William  Tyndale,  1530,  edited  by  Fox  in  Tyn- 
dale's  Works,  fol,  1573,  reprinted  in  the  works  ft- 
the  reformers. 


Chap.IV.]  church  01 

secure  what  he  had  planted,  against 
the  rude  assaults  of  superstition,  and 
the  vices  incident  to  human  nature. 
The  papal  supremacy  was  indeed  sup- 
pressed, so  that  men  might  safely  ex- 
ercise their  powers  of  reasoning,  in 
disproving  the  grounds  on  which  that 
authority  was  built.  But  the  supre- 
macy of  Henry  was  little  better,  in 
point  of  freedom  of  discussion ;  for  he 
by  no  means  allowed  to  others  that 
liberty  of  seeking  the  truth,  which  cir- 
cumstances had  induced  him  personally 
to  adopt ;  but  these  great  events,  by 
exciting  an  universal  sensation,  had 
taught  the  people  to  reason  for  them- 
selves, and  to  ground  their  own  belief 
on  the  dictates  of  holy  writ and  the 
discussions  arising  from  the  attacks  of 
their  enemies  made  it  necessary  for  the 
church  of  Rome  to  argue,  as  well  as  to 
punish;  and  in  this  species  of  encoun- 
ter, the  superior  abilities  of  even  Sir 
Thomas  More  could  not  conceal  the 
weakness  of  the  cause. 

§  173.  Many  of  the  remedies,  too,  to 
which  the  friends  of  the  established  re- 
ligion had  recourse,  convinced  men 
that  their  spiritual  guides  were  not  the 
ministers  of  good-will  and  peace  ;  and 
the  very  necessity  of  rigorous  persecu- 
tion, while  it  proves  the  unsoundness 
of  the  cause,  .has  always  the  tendency 
of  more  widely  diffusing  the  tenets 
against  which  it  is  directed.  How, 
moreover,  can  the  world  imagine,  that 
the  doctrines  of  Christ  form  the  belief 
of  men  who  were  ever  anxious  to  de- 
stroy copies  of  the  Scriptures  ?  A 
very  ludicrous  instance  of  the  inutility 
of  such  attempts  is  related  of  Tonstal, 
bishop  of  London,  who,  when  in  Flan- 
ders, took  some  pains  to  procure  for 
the  flames  as  many  of  Tyndale's  New 
Testaments  as  he  could.  Tyndale  was 
aware  of  some  errors  in  the  first  edi- 
tion, and  gladly  therefore  allowed  the 
bishop  to  purchase  all  the  copies  which 
were  left,  for  the  purpose  of  finding  the 
necessary  means  for  publishing  a  se- 
cond, and  more  correct  one.  These, 

'  It  was  an  observation  of  Ro'nert  VVhiigift.  ab- 
bot of  the.  black  canons,  at  VVcIlow,  near  Grims- 
by, in  Lincoliisliire,  and  uncle  to  the  archbi?hop, 
that  they  and  their  reliffion  could  never  continue; 
for  that  he  had  read  the  whole  .Scriptures  over  and 
over,  but  could  never  find  therein  that  ilieir  reli- 
gion was  founded  by  God.  Wordsworth's  Eccl. 
Biog.  iv.  318.    Whitgift's  Life,  by  Sir  G.  Paule. 


ENGLAND.  *3 

which  were  thus  bought,  were  carried 
into  England,  and  burnt  in  Cheapside  ; 
and  when  Constantine,  who  had  assist- 
ed Tyndale,  had  brought  over  a  large 
supply  of  the  new  edition,  he  was  seized 
and  examined  before  Sir  Thomas  More, 
who  Avas  particularly  eager  to  discover 
those  who  had  enabled  them  to  under- 
take so  expensive  a  work,  and  promised 
to  show  kindness  in  case  this  informa- 
tion were  readily  communicated.  The 
discovery  that  Tonstal  had  most  efTect- 
ually  befriended  the  publication,  natu- 
rally excited  a  great  laugh. 

§  174.  In  reviewing  the  Reformation 
at  this  point  of  its  history,  the  English 
Protestant  cannot  withhold  the  tribute 
of  thanksgiving  to  the  Author  of  all 
good,  from  whom  this  deliverance 
sprung,  nor  fail  to  remark  its  progress, 
so  contrary  to  the  expectations  of  hu- 
man foresight.  He  will  observe,  that 
the  chief  mover  of  the  Reformation,  in 
this  country,  was  a  king  brought  up 
with  a  high  respect  and  admiration  for 
those  doctrines  which  were  combated 
by  the  reformers  ;  who  had  personally 
embarked  in  their  defence,  and  ac- 
quired the  title  of  Defender  of  the 
Faith  ;  which,^  if  the  vicar  of  Croydon 
may  be  believed,  he  valued  more  than 
London,  and  twenty  miles  about  it,  and 
who  retained  his  predilection  for  most 
of  his  opinions  even  to  the  end  of  his 
life  :  that  one  of  the  greatest  patrons  of 
literature  from  which  the  Reformation 
gained  very  important  assistance,  by 
enabling  men  to  examine  the  basis  on 
which  the  papal  fabric  was  constructed, 
with  his  dying  breath  urged  the  king 
to  beware  of,  and  to  reduce  the  Luther- 
ans f  and  that  he  again,  who  by  his 
writings  and  severe  activity  fanned  the 
flame  of  discussion  which  ultimately 
convinced  the  nation,  laid  down  his  life 
an  honoured  victim  to  that  cause,  which 
he  had  greatly,  though  unwillingly, 
contributed  to  overthrow  :  that  the  cha- 
racter of  the  pope  who,  by  his  intem- 
perate and  illegal  haste  in  pronouncing 
the  decision,  had  made  the  breach  in- 
curable, was  marked  by  caution  rather 
than  heat,  so  that  he  had  before  been 
particularly  careful  to  avoid  coming  to 


2  Praclyce  of  Prelates,  fol.  K.  4.  Strype's 
Mem.  i.  fi2. 
'  Cav.  Wolsey,  .')t3. 

E  2 


94 

extremities  ;  and  that  the  separation 
ultimately  took  place  in  consequence 
of  the  accidental  delay  of  a  messenger: 
who  can  observe  all  this,  and  not  ac- 
knowledge the  shortsighted  policy  of 
earthly  designs  and  prospects  ;  and,  if 
he  rejoice  in  the  Reformation  which 


[Chap.  T. 

these  events  produced,  can  fail  to  thank 
that  almighty  Power  which  setteth 
at  naught  the  wisdom  and  prudence 
of  man,  and  governeth  the  world  ac- 
cording to  those  laws  which  most 
surely  promote  the  interests  of  his 
creatures ! 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  V. 

FROM  THE  DIVORCE  OF  HENRY  VIH.  TO  THE  END  OF  HIS  REIGN,  1534  1547. 

201.  The  commencement  of  the  church  of  England;  the  authority  of  it  vested  in  the  crown;  eccle- 
siastical commission.  202.  Visitation  of  monasteries;  causes  of  the  dissolution  of  them.  203. 
Death  of  Anne  Boleyn.  204.  Bill  of  succession.  205.  Convocation.  Parties.  206.  First  docu- 
ment of  the  church  of  England.  207.  Proclamation  for  reformation.  208.  Henry  summoned  to 
Mantua  hy  the  pope.  209.  Pilgrimage  of  grace.  210.  Reduced.  211.  Dissolution  of  monaste- 
ries. 212.  Surrenders  of  monasteries.  213.  The  Institution  published.  214.  The  sacramentaries 
persecuted.  215.  John  Lambert  tried  and  burnt.  216.  Proclamation  against  the  marriage  of 
priests.  217.  Law  of  the  Six  Articles.  218.  Acts  of  parliament.  219.  Anne  of  Cleves;  Crom- 
well's fall.  220.  His  character.  221.  Divorce,  and  marriage  with  Catharine  Howard  ;  persecu- 
tions. 222.  E.xecuiion  of  Calhaiine  Howard.  223.  Bonner's  injunctions;  acts  of  parliament. 
224.  Persecution  at  Windsor;  English  litany.  225.  Anne  Askew  burnt.  226.  Cranmer  and  the 
queen  in  danger.  227.  Cruelty  of  Henry.  228.  His  character.  229.  Points  gained  in  the  Refor- 
mation. 230.  Evils  still  requiring  reform.  231.  Effect  of  the  Reformation  in  Germany  very 
small.    232.  Intercourse  between  Henry  and  the  German  reformers. 


§  201.  The  existence  of  the  church 
of  England  as  a  distinct  body,  and  her 
final  separation  from  Rome,*  may  be 
dated  from  the  period  of  the  divorce. 
In  the  remaining  part  of  this  reign, 
we  shall  trace  her  progress  towards  her 
present  matured  state,  and  observe  the 
numerous  difficulties  which  she  en- 
countered on  the  way. 

'  The  act  which  immediately  caused  the  sepa- 
ration was  the  bull  of  Paul  III.  published  in 
1538;  (Burnet,  p.  i.  b.  iii.  Rec.  No.  9;)  but  the 
authority  of  the  pope  in  England  had  been  before 
done  away  with  by  the  act  (25  Henry  VIII.  c. 
20)  which  forbade  the  procuring  bulls  or  breves 
from  Rome,  or  the  payment  of  first-fruits  or 
tenths.  (See  ^  103  anil  These  payments  had 
gradually  grown  up  with  the  encroachments  of 
the  papal  see.  (See  Lingard,  iv.  198.)  The  ori- 
gin of  first-fniiis  has  been  referred  to  the  presents 
which  were  made  at  consecration  or  ordination  ; 
and  which,  as  they  were  regulated  by  the  value 
of  the  benefice,  insensibly  grew  to  he.  rated  at 
one  year's  income.  On  this  supposition  they 
would  have  been  paid  by  the  inferior  clergy  of  the 
diocese  to  the  bishop,  and  by  the  bishop  himsell 
to  the  pope,  which  seems  generally  to  have  been 
the  case.  In  England,  Pandulph.  when  bishop 
of  Norwich,  (1222 — 1220,)  is  said  to  have  ex- 
acted, or  to  have  obtained  through  the  pope  this 
tax  from  his  clergy,  on  the  plea  of  the  encum- 
brances with  which  he  found  himself  burdened. 
The  amount  of  the  sums  paid  for  first-fruits  was 
often  unrertain.  Tenths  were  a  tenth  part  of  the 
yearly  value  of  all  benefices  exacted  by  the  pope 
from  the  clergy,  a  tithe  of  the  tithe,  in  imitation 
of  the  same  proportion  paid  by  the  Levites  to  the 
high-priest.    These  were  in  England  sanctioned 


In  looking  back  at  the  events  recorded 
in  the  last  chapter,  it  is  impossible  to 
suppose  that  the  steps  towards  reforma- 
tion should  have  been  acceptable  to  the 
great  mass  of  the  clergy,  whose  privi- 
leges were  directly  attacked  ;  and  the 
opposition  of  some  of  them,  and  secret 
practices  of  others,  irritated  Henry  to 


by  law,  (20  Edw.  1,)  when  Pope  Nicholas  IV- 
granted  them  for  six  years  to  Edward  I.,  under 
the  pretence  of  his  undertaking  a  crusade  ;  but 
they  had  been  long  before  paid,  and  indeed  granted 
by  Innoceent  IV.  to  Henry  III.,  in  1253,  for 
three  years.  The  sums  so  due  had  been  levied 
first  by  a  valuation  made  in  1254,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Walter,  bishop  of  Norwich,  and  therefore 
called  sometimes  the  Norwich  Taxation,  and 
sometimes  Pope  Innocent's  valor  ;  but  upon  the 
fresh  grant  made  to  Edward  I.  a  new  valuation 
took  place,  (1288 — 1292,)  which  is  generally  deno- 
minated Pope  Nicholas's  valuation,  and  is  still 
used  in  estinnating  the  value  of  livings  in  some 
colleges  ;  a  third  valuation  of  a  part  of  the  pro- 
vince of  York  took  place  in  1318,  in  consequence 
of  the  invasion  of  the  Scotch,  entitled  Nova  Tax- 
atio.  By  the  26th  Henry  VIII.  c.  3,  the  first- 
fruits  and  tenths  were  l)oth  transferred  to  the 
crown,  and  a  new  valuation  was  made  by  com- 
missions issued  by  the  king  under  an  act  of  par- 
liament. It  has  been  questioned  whether  from 
the  words  of  this  act  the  crown  has  a  right  to 
frame  a  new  valuation.  See  §  756  ^.  The  words 
are,  "  that  the  chancellor  for  the  lime  being  shall 
have  power  to  direct  commissions"  for  making 
the  valuation;  but  the  meaning  of  the  act  itself 
does  not  appear  to  look  forward  to  above  one  va- 
luation. This  is  called  the  valuation  of  the  libeT 
regis  or  hirtg's  book. 


Chap.  V.] 


CIHIRCII  Ol' 


ENGLAND. 


55 


•exercise  a  severity  which  nothing  can 
excuse.  The  bishops  and  universities 
readily  took  the  oath  of  the  king's  su- 
premacv^  (15;55,)  which  met  with  little 
resistance,  except  from  the  Franciscan 
friars.'  It  was  this  refusal,  or  the  dis- 
covery of  the  secret  proceedings  of  the 
monks,  which  produced  the  general 
visitation  of  monasteries  ;  for  the  car- 
rying on  of  which,  as  well  as  of  other 
reforms,  Cromwell  was  created  first 
vicar-general,  and  afterwards  lord  vice- 
gerent. One  of  the  first  points  which 
fell  under  the  cognisance  of  this  newly 
created  power,  was  with  regard  to  the 
authority  from  which  the  bishops  de- 
rived their  right  of  ecclesiastical  juris- 
diction. The  Roman  church  esteemed 
this  as  communicated  from  Christ 
through  his  vicar  the  pope,  an  idea 
which  must  give  the  bishops  of  Rome 
an  influence  over  all  the  countries  in 
Christendom,  for  which  there  is  not  the 
slightest  foundation  in  Scripture  ;  and 
Henry,  therefore,  Avishing  to  put  an 
end  to  this  error,  now  suspended  all  the 
bishops  from  the  use  of  their  episcopal 
authority,  during  the  visitation  which 
he  purposed  to  institute ;  and  after  a 
lime  the  power  of  exercising  it  was  re- 
stored by  a  commission  to  the  following 
effect,  which  was  granted  to  each  of 
them  on  their  petitioning  for  it :  "  Since 
all  authority,  civil  and  ecclesiastical, 
flows  from  the  crown,  and  since  Crom- 
well, to  whom  the  ecclesiastical  part 
has  been  committed,  is  so  occupied  that 
he  cannot  fully  exercise  it,  we  commit 
to  you  the  license  of  ordaining,  proving 
wills,  and  using  other  ecclesiastical  ju- 
risdiction, besides  those  things  which 
are  committed  to  you  by  God  in  holy 
Scrij)ture  ;  and  we  allow  you  to  hold 
this  authority  during  our  pleasure,  as 
you  must  answer  to  (lod  and  to  us." 
It  must  be  confessed  that  this  commis- 
sion seems  rather  to  outstep  the  limits 
of  that  authority  which  God  has  com- 
mitted to  the  civil  magistrate but  in 


'  See  an  account  of  the  cruel  execution  of  seve- 
ral of  these  in  Strype's  Mem.  i.  302,  &c. 

^  The  original  documents  may  be  seen  in  Col- 
lier, vol.  ii.  Rec.  No.  3i,  41,  and  Burnet,  vol.  i. 
Rec.  iii.  No.  14,  and  vol.  ii.  Rec.  No.  2,  Sirype's 
Cranmer,  1050.  The  discussion  is  one  of  much 
difficulty.  The  authority  in  question  must  have 
flowed  either  from  the  pope,  the  king,  or  the 
word  of  God  ;  and  as  there  is  no  direct  injunction 


this  case  there  was  no  opposition  raised 
on  tlie  part  of  the  bishops,  excepting 
by  Gardiner,'  and  when  the  suspension 
was  taken  off,  they  continued  to  per- 
form the  usual  duties  of  their  office ; 
for  the  visitation  was  really  directed 
against  the  monasteries. 

§  203.  The  king  was  probably  in- 
fluenced in  this  measure  by  the  prospect 
of  plundering  these  wealthy  bodies,  de- 
signing, perhaps,  to  have  expended  the 
money  so  raised  in  the  construction  of 
harbours,  and  the  erection  of  new  bishop- 
rics ;  Avhile  Cranmer  was  equally  eager 
for  their  dissolution,  being  fully  aware 
that  these  establishments  formed  the 
great  bulwarks  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
and  hoping  that  their  property,  turned 
into  a  new  channel,  would  substantially 
advance  the  cause  of  learning  and  reli- 
gion. The  instructions'*  given  to  the 
commissioners  directed  them  to  examine 
into  the  statutes  of  the  several  religious 
houses,  and  the  manner  in  which  they 


on  the  subject  in  the  Scriptures,  as  the  authority 
of  the  pope  was  laid  aside,  the  bishop  could  claim 
hi-i  riglii  of  jurisdiction  from  the  crown  only.  The 
ditficuliy.  however,  consists  in  confusing  things  in 
ilii-mselvcs  disiinci  ;  the  ministers  of  (Jod's  word 
must  derive  from  him  such  auihoriiy  as  shall  ena- 
l)le  them  to  carry  on  a  Christian  church,  inde- 
|)endcnt  of  the  civil  mngisliate  ;  for  ihcre  is  no 
reason  why  such  a  body  may  not  exist  in  a  hea- 
then country;  hut  it  does  not  necessarily  follow 
that  the  same  entire  power  must  belong  to  them 
when  the  government  shall  have  become  Chris- 
tian. The  right  of  ordination,  for  instance,  must 
belong  to  the  church  independcnily  of  the  civil 
power  ;  but  a  Christian  government  may  still 
assign  limits  to  the  exercise  of  it.  It  is  no  in- 
fringemetit  of  the  right  of  ordaining,  to  prevent  a 
bishop  Irom  admitting  candidiites  unless  they  pos- 
sess certain  qualifications.  The  law  cannot  say 
that  the  person  so  ordained  shall  not  be  a  priest, 
but  that  he  shall  not  hold  church  preferment,  and 
at  the  same  time  it  may  puni--h  the  bishop  for 
breaking  the  law  of  the  land.  The  proving  wills, 
&.C.,  must  belong  to  the  civil  magistrate  alone  ; 
and  a  court  of  conscience,  or  ecclesiastical  court, 
seems  to  be  founded  partly  on  the  law  of  God, 
and  partly  on  that  of  man.  If  all  ecclesiastical 
power  were  confined  to  ecclesiastical  matters, 
the  difficulty  would  cease  to  exist.  But  this  can 
hardly  be  the  case;  the  magistrate  ought,  per- 
haps, to  govern  the  temporal  concerns  of  the 
church  entirely ;  but  for  his  own  convenience, 
and  for  the  benefit  of  society,  he  has  committed 
some  portion  of  this  power  to  churchmen,  who 
exercise  a  mixed  authority,  derived  from  God,  in 
part  directly,  in  part  through  the  civil  magistrate. 
Much  information  on  this  subject  may  be  found 
in  the  opinions  delivered  by  the  commissioners, 
\M0.  See  Burnet,  Hist.  Rcf.  i.  B.  iii.  Rec.  xxi. 
qn.  !>,  &c. 

'  Strype's  Mem.  i.  331. 

*  Burnet,  P.  i.  Rec.  B.  iii.  No.  1. 


56 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


[Chap.  V. 


were  observed  ;  to  inquire  into  the  lives 
of  the  members ;  to  enjoin  the  observ- 
ance of  certain  general  rules  ;  and  to 
see  that  the  king's  supremacy  was  duly 
admitted. 

Great  abominations  seem  to  have  been 
discovered  in  some  societies,  which,  to- 
gether wilh  the  prospect  of  avoiding  a 
storm  now  ready  to  fall  on  their  heads, 
induced  several  convents  to  resign  their 
charters  ;  and  in  the  session  of  parlia- 
ment at  the  beginning  of  the  next  year, 
an  act  was  passed  which  dissolved  all 
monasteries  of  which  the  annual  income 
was  under  200/.  (a.  d.  1536.) 

It  is  possible  that  greater  abuses  might 
have  prevailed  in  these  less  extensive 
establishments,  and  that  such  laxity  was 
produced  by  the  freedom  which  a  small 
number  of  persons  must  enjoy,  when 
placed  under  their  own  superintendence: 
but  it  was  easy  to  perceive  that  this 
alienation  was  but  a  step  to  the  total  dis- 
solution of  the  monastic  orders,  and  that 
the  same  avarice  which  had  swallowed 
up  the  weaker  bodies  was  only  restrain- 
ed from  destroying  the  stronger  by  the 
want  of  power.  The  whole  number  of 
monasteries  which  was  included  under 
this  bill  was  much  increased  by  the 
manner  in  which  their  estates  were  let; 
for  from  the  sj^stem  of  fines,'  the  annual 
income  was  generally  reduced  far  be- 


•  When  an  estate  is  let  in  this  manner,  it  is  done 
by  the  lollowiiig  process.  '1  he  properly  is  sold  for 
a  certain  number  of  years,  (at  present,  according 
to  ihc  laws  regulaiing  church  properly  generally, 
for  twp.niy-oni'  years.)  and  the  fine  or  purchase- 
money  so  paid  belongs  to  the  owner  for  the  lime 
being.  But  when  seven  years  have  elapsed,  the 
purchaser  of  the  property  is  allowed  to  renew  his 
lease,  or  to  repurchase  ihe  properly  for  seven 
fresh  years,  to  be  reckoned  at  the  end  of  ihe 
fourteen  years  for  which  he  is  now  possessed  of  ii. 
This,  by  calculation,  is  worth  from  one  and  a 
quarter  to  one  and  a  half  year's  income  ;  and  the 
original  lessor,  or  the  owner  for  the  lime  being,  is 
induced  to  grant  such  a  fresh  lease,  from  the  im- 
mediate want  of  money,  or  from  the  uncertainly 
of  his  own  life  ;  since,  if  he  were  himself  to  die 
during  the  fourteen  years,  he  would  get  nothing, 
and  the  whole  benefit  would  accrue  to  his  succes- 
sor. 'I'hus  an  estate  worih  100/.  per  annum  might 
originally  have  been  sold  for  its  then  value,  and 
when  seven  years  were  expired  the  lease  might  be 
renewed  for  12.^/.  or  150/.,  making  an  average  an- 
nual income  of  from  IS/,  to  221.  instead  of  100/. 
The  same  process  takes  place  when  ibe  property 
islet  on  lives.  The  estate  is  then  originally  solil 
for  60  long  a  lime  as  three  particular  per.sons, 
whose  names  are  inserted  in  the  lease,  shall  eiiher 
of  them  hve ;  and  when  one  of  these  dies,  the 
holder  of  the  property  pays  a  fine,  to  be  allowed 


low  the  real  value  of  their  property. 
These  foundations  are  said  to  have 
amounted  to  the  number  of  375,-  and  to 
have  yielded  an  income  of  30,000/.  per 
annum,  besides  a  large  sum  arising  from 
plate  and  jewels ;  but  the  mass  of  this 
wealth  was  quickly  dissipated.  Arid 
notwithstanding  the  erection  of  a  court 
for  the  express  purpose  of  augmenting' 
the  king's  revenue,^  comparatively  little 
advantage  arose  to  the  crown  from  these 
attacks  on  the  property  of  the  subject. 

§  203.  The  cause  of  the  Reformation* 
met  wilh  a  serious  blow  in  the  death  of 
Anne  Boleyn,  who  had  uniformly  exert- 
ed her  influence  in  its  favour,  and  was 
probably  very  instrumental  in  promot- 
ing the  translation  of  the  Bible  now 
going  forward.  She  had  undoubtedly 
been  guilty  of  indiscretion  in  the  inti- 
macy which  she  had  used  towards  some 
of  her  male  attendants  ;  but  her  real 
crime  consisted  in  her  no  longer  pos- 
sessing the  love  of  Henry,  who  had 
transferred  his  affections  to  Lady  J.  Sey- 


to  renew  the  bargain,  and  to  substitute  some  fresh 
life  in  lieu  of  the  one  deceased.  In  former  limes 
much  of  the  properly  of  the  kinsrdom  was  held  on 
this  tenure;  but  in  modern  days  most  private 
land-owners  have  allowed  these  leases  to  run  out, 
and  have  relet  their  estates  at  annual  rents ;  but 
almost  all  the  property  of  corporate  bodies  is  still 
so  leased.  From  which  circnms'ance  it  is  easy 
to  see  why  the  real  income  is  much  less  than  the 
nominal  properly.  The  original  sale  gfnerally 
took  place  beyond  the  memory  of  man  ;  and  the 
bishop,  ihe  chapter,  or  the  college  cannot  afford  to 
run  the  risk  of  the  loss  of  the  immediate  fine,  in 
the  hopes  of  an  advantage  which  their  successors 
may  probably  reap  ;  so  that  virtually  most  church 
properly  is  morigaged  for  fourteen  years,  in  Eng- 
land ;  and  in  Ireland,  (from  the  custom  of  renew- 
ing every  year,  instead  of  every  seven  years,)  for 
twenty  years.  In  most  of  such  leases,  however, 
ihere  is  also  an  annual  rent  reserved: — Thus,  if 
an  estate  be  worth  150/.  per  annum,  the  fine  shall 
he  set  as  if  it  were  worth  100/.  and  the  tenant  be 
bound  to  pay  50/.  annually  for  the  support  of  the 
esiablishment.  In  estimating,  therefore,  the  va- 
lues of  the  property  of  these  monasteries,  the  re- 

]  served  rents  may  probably  have  alone  entered  into 
ihe  calculation,  and  the  fine  have  been  overlooked, 
as  not  forming  a  part  of  the  income. 

]     2  Fuller,  vi:  312. 

'  The  court  of  augmentations  was  established 
27ih  Henry  VIII.  (Fuller,  vi.  348,)  by  act  of  par- 
liametit,  consisting  of  a  chancellor,  and  many  oihei 
officers  with  high  salaries,  amounting  to  7.249/. 
10."!.  3rl.  They  were  appointed  to  survey  and  go- 
vern the  property  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
crown,  by  the  dissolution  of  monasteries;  but  as 
many  of  the  estates  were  soon  sold  through  the 
necessities  of  the  king,  the  court  was  found  to  be 
unnecessarily  expensive,  was  discontinued,  and 
finally  dissolved,  1°  Mariae,  1553. 

i    *  Burnet,  i. 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


57 


mour ;  and  one  of  the  strongest  argu- 
ments in  favour  of  her  innocence  con- 
sists in  the  nature  of  the  court  before 
which  she  was  arraigned,  and  of  the 
charges  which  were  separately  brought 
against  her.  She  was  first  condemned 
for  adultery,  and  then  divorced  on  ac- 
count of  a  pre-contract  of  marriage, 
which  proved  her  never  to  have  been 
the  wife  of  the  king.  The  evidence  of 
her  guilt  would  not  have  admitted  of 
being  brought  forward  openly,  and  she 
was  tried  in  secret,  condemned,  and 
executed  in  the  Tower,  May  19. 

Her  marriage  with  the  king  was  dis- 
solved by  a  decision  in  the  archbishop's 
court,  and  is  said  by  Burnet  to  have 
been  annulled  in  consequence  of  a  pre- 
contract between  her  and  Lord  Percy, 
which  the  queen  acknowledged.  The 
effect  of  this  proceeding  was  to  rend(!r 
the  princess  Elizabeth  illegitimate  ;  but 
it  is  supposed  that  Anne  was  induced  to 
admit  the  existence  of  such  a  bar  to  the 
marriage,  in  hopes  of  conciliating  the 
favour  of  the  roj-al  father  towards  her 
child  ;  and  it  is  probable,  that  her  con- 
duct in  her  last  moments  was  influenced 
by  the  same  views.'  Blame  has  been 
attached  to  Cranmer  for  his  compliance 
in  this  instance  ;  but  upon  the  admission 
of  the  pre-contract,  he  had  only  to  pro- 
nounce the  sentence  of  the  canon  law ; 
while  the  Reformation  has  been  loaded 
with  the  obloquy  attending  the  presumed 
guilt  of  its  patrons — as  if  the  cause 
must  be  bad  which  had  been  promoted 
by  such  unworthy  instruments.  For 
Ilenry,  little  can  be  said  in  excuse;  yet 
he  always  treated  Elizabeth  with  kind- 
ness ;  and  Mary  was  now  reconciled  to 
him  upon  acknowledging  the  king's  su- 
premacy, renouncing  the  papal  usurpa- 
tions, and  giving  up  all  advantage  which 
might  personally  arise  to  her  from  the 
jurisdiction  of  Rome. 


'  Lingard,  who  wishes  to  est'iblisd  the  guilt  of 
the  queen,  pupposes  that  the  previ(nis  criminal  con- 
nection of  Henry  with  Mary,  the  elder  sister  of 
Anne,  formed  the  ground  of  the  separation.  No 
reason  is  assigned  for  the  divorce  in  the  original  re- 
cord of  it ;  see  VVilkins,  Con.  iii.  801  ;  but  the  letter 
of  the  earl  of  Northumberland,  May  13,  in  which 
he  denies  the  existence  of  any  pre-contract,  at  least 
proves  that  there  was  an  idea  of  proceeding  against 
her  on  this  ground,  and  so  strengthens  the  account 
given  by  Burnet.  See  also  Cavendish's  Life  of 
Wolsev ;  Wordsw.  Ecc.  Biog.  i.  363  ;  Lord  Her- 
bert's Life,  p.  195,  comp.  hist. 


§  204.  On  the  day  after  the  execution 
of  Anne,  Henry  married  Jane,  the 
daughter  of  Sir  John  Seymour;  and  in 
the  parliament  which  met  on  the  Sth 
of  June,  the  act  of  succession  passed, 
which,  after  conferring  the  iniieritance 
of  the  crown  on  the  children  of  the  pre- 
sent marriage,  left  the  king,  in  case  there 
j  were  none,  at  liberty  to  bestow  the 
i  throne  on  whomsoever  he  pleased, 
:  either  by  letters  patent  or  by  his  will. 
I  Nothing  can  more  strongly  mark  the 
absolute  sway  which  this  monarch  main- 
tained over  the  parliament,  than  a  power 
so  vested  in  an  individual;  while  the 
policy  of  the  transaction  equally  de- 
mands our  notice,  for  he  kept  both  his 
daughters  entirely  dependent  upon  him- 
self; and  by  enabling  Mary  to  succeed 
to  the  kingdom,  paved  the  way  towards 
a  reconciliation  with  the  emperor,  and 
through  him,  with  the  court  of  Rome,  if 
any  future  circuinstances  should  dispose 
him  to  entertain  the  wish  of  doing  so. 
It  seems,  indeed,  that  some  overtures 
were  about  this  tiine  made  by  the  pope  ; 
but  two  acts  of  parliament  rendered  the 
attempt  perfectly  nugatory  ;  for  the  first 
subjected  to  a  praemunire  all  emissaries 
of  the  papacy  ;  the  second  destroyed  all 
grants  held  under  bulls,  which  were 
declared  null  and  void ;  and  those  whose 
property  was  on  this  tenure  were  di- 
rected to  bring  the  grants  into  Chancery, 
in  order  that  they  might  be  renewed  by 
the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  acting  for 
the  king. 

§  2Q.5.  Whatever  imjjortance  may  be 
attached  to  the  acts  of  this  session  of  par- 
liament, those  of  the  convocation  demand 
at  least  an  equal  portion  of  our  attention. 
AlexanderAlesse,aScotch  reformer,  had 
fled  his  country  not  long  after  the  per- 
secution of  Patrick  Hamilton  ;  and  hav- 
ing been  kindly  received  into  Crom- 
well's house,  was  here  introduced  to 
the  English  clergy  by  the  lord  vicegerent 
himself.  When  his  opinion  was  re- 
quested, he  argued  strongly  in  favour 
of  rejecting  the  five  sacraments,  and 
was  answered  by  Stokesley,  bishop 
of  London,  who  exhibited  much  learn- 
ing in  the  canon  law;  but  Cranmer 
gave  a  satisfactory  reply  to  his  argu- 
ments, by  adducing  the  authority  of 
the  word  of  God,  and  enforcing  its 
superiority. 


58 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  V 


The  parties  into  which  the  church  1  archhishops,  and  may  be  ranged  in  the 
was  now  divided  were  led  by  the  two  |  following  order: — 


Cranmer,  archbp.  of  Canterbury. 
Goodrich,  bishop  of  Ely. 
Shaxton,  bishop  of  Sarum. 
Latimer,  bishop  of  Worcester. 
Fox,  bishop  of  Hereford. 
Hii.sEY,  bishop  of  Rochester. 
Barlow,  bishop  of  St.  David's. 

After  much  discu.ssion,  certain  arti- 
cles, which  had  been  submitted  to  them 
by  the  king,  were  agreed  upon,  and 
published  by  the  royal  authority  ;  and 
as  they  may  be  deemed  the  first  docu- 
ment of  the  faith  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, they  cannot  be  esteemed  unworthy 
of  peculiar  notice  ;  their  general  outline 
is  as  follows  :' — 

§  20(5.  The  Bible  and  the  three  creeds 
are  laid  down  as  the  basis  of  our  faith. 
Baptism  is  declared  to  be  absolutely 
necessary  ;  that  is,  that  children  dying 
unbaptized  cannot  be  saved. 

Penance,  that  is,  repentance,  is  a  sa- 
crament, and  necessary. 

Confession  to  a  priest  is  necessary 
and  effectual. 

The  corporal  presence  is  necessary 
to  be  believed. 

Though  justification  depend  on  the 
merits  of  Christ,  yet  good  works  are 
necessary  in  order  to  obtain  eternal  life. 

With  regard  to  ceremonies,  it  was 
ordered,  that  images  should  be  retained 
as  examples  to  the  people,  but  idolatry, 
and  the  abuse  of  them,  was  to  be  guard- 
ed against.  Saints  were  to  be  honoured 
as  examples  of  life  and  advancers  of 
our  prayers ;  and  they  were  to  be  ad- 
dressed with  this  view,  but  not  wor- 
shipped. Many  ceremonies,  such  as 
the  use  of  holy  water,  ashes,  palms, 
&c.,  were  to  be  retained  as  typical 
signs  ;  and  praying  for  the  dead  was 
enjoined,  though  the  existence  of  pur- 
gatory is  questioned.  It  should  be  ob- 
served, too,  that  no  mention  is  here 
made  of  the  other  four  sacraments, 

'  'I  hcy  are  printed  in  the  Formularies  of  Faith, 
Oxford,  182,^,  '5i  271,  a,  and  in  Burnet  and  Fuller 
They  rinist  be  considered  as  a  compromise  of 
opinions  between  the  two  parties,  rather  than  as 
expressing  the  entire  sentiments  of  ciiher.  It  is 
indeed  obvious,  that  the  doctrines  of  the  Refor- 
mation had  not  at  this  time  made  any  great  pro- 
gress ;  for  in  a  protestation  of  the  Lower  House, 
consisting  of  67  articles,  (Fuller,  v.  208,  §  28,) 
there  is  hardly  a  point  in  which  the  churches  of 
Rome  and  England  differ,  in  which  the  tenets  of 
the  latter  are  not  reprobated. 


!  Lee,  arohbisliop  of  York. 

S  Stokesi.ey,  bishop  of  London, 

j  'I'oNSTAi,,  bishop  of  Durham, 

i  Gardiner,  bishop  of  Winchester, 

j  LoNGLAND,  bishop  of  Lincoln. 

<  Sherbi'r.v,  bishop  ol  Chichester. 

*  Kite,  bishop  of  Carlisle. 

!  though  the  use  of  them  is  inculcated 
in  several  of  the  doctrinal  works  which 
were  subsequently  published  during  this 
reign.  A  royal  proclamation  was  issued 
immediatelj'  after  the  publication  of 
these  articles,  of  which  the  following  is 
an  abstract. 

§  207.  Thomas  Cromwell,  lord  vice- 

I  gcrent,  directs  the  clergy "  to  observe 
all  the  laws  which  have  been  made 
against  the  papal  supremacy,  and  to 
instruct  their  flocks,  at  least  four  tiines 
in  the  year,  that  the  king  under  God  is 
the  supreme  head  of  the  church.  To 
explain  to  the  people  the  articles  con- 
cerning faith  and  ceremonies,  which 
had  been  lately  put  forth  ;  and  to  per- 
suade their  parishioners  to  observe  the 
ordinance  for  abolishing  many  of  the 
holydays  during  harvest.  To  discoun- 
tenance superstition,  and  preach  that 
obedience  to  God's  commandments,  and 
works  of  charitj',  were  more  acceptable 
than  pilgrimages  and  the  worshipping 
of  relics.  They  were  to  set  up  Bibles 
in  Latin  and  English  in  their  churches, 
and  encourage  the  people  to  read  them; 
to  see  that  the  children  within  their  cures 
were  brought  up  honestly  and  religious 
ly,  and  to  teach  them  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
the  Ten  Commandments,  and  the  Creed, 
in  the  mother-tongue.  Wherever  the 
incumbent  was  non-resident,  he  was  to 
appoint  a  proper  curate  ;  and  all  the 
clergy  are  direc'ed  to  lead  decent  and 
sober  lives.  Non-residents,  on  prefer- 
ments worth  twenty  pounds,  are  to  give 
one-fortieth  of  their  stipend  to  the  poor 
of  the  parish.  Incumbents  of  prefer- 
ments worth  a  hundred  pounds  per 
annum  are  to  keep  a  scholar  at  the 
university ;  and  so  on  for  every  hun- 
dred pounds:  and  in  case  of  dilapi 
dated  buildings,  one-fifth  of  the  income 
was  to  be  expended  on  repairs.  We 
cannot  help  observing  the  sound  sensp 
and  propriety  of  these  injunctions. 

2  Burnet,  P.  i.  B.  iiijRec.  No.  7. 


CnAP.  v.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


59 


§  20S.  During  the  progress  of  the  Re- 
formation, many  appeals  had  been  made 
to  a  general  council  ;  and  Paul  III., 
wisiiing  to  sanction  his  proceedings  un- 
der the  appearance  of  such  an  authori- 
ty, yet  having  no  desire  that  it  should 
be  independent  of  the  influence  of  the 
papal  throne,  assembled  one  at  Mantua. 
Befoi-e  this  tribunal,  Henry  was  cited 
to  appear;  but  wlien  information  of  this 
was  brought  to  the  convocation  by  Fox, 
bishop  of  Hereford,  that  assembly  pro- 
tested against  the  measure,  as  more 
likely  to  gratify  ambition  and  malice 
than  to  satisfy  the  ends  of  justice  and 
truth.  The  king*  also  published  his 
reasons  against  it,  showing  the  absurdi- 
ty of  expecting  a  fair  trial,  when  the 
pope,  one  of  the  parties,  was  to  sit  as 
judge,  and  the  court  itself  was  so  situ- 
ated, that  no  Englishman  could  safely 
make  his  appearance  at  it.  Reginald 
Pole,  who  was  now  resident  at  Padua, 
attac^ced  the  king  in  his  writings  ;  and 
his  book  De  Unione  Ecclesiastica,  ends 
by  comparing  Henry  to  Nebuchadnez- 
zar, and  praying  the  emperor  to  direct 
his  arms  against  so  heretical  a  Chris- 
tian, rather  than  against  the  Turks. 

§  209.  Some  progress  was  made  dur- 
ing this  summer  in  the  dissolution  of 
monasteries  ;  for,  besides  those  founda- 
tions which  the  liberality  of  parliament 
had  already  bestowed  on  the  king,  many 
abbots  made  voluntary  surrenders  of  the 
establishments  under  their  charge,  to  the 
commissioners  of  the  augmentation  of- 
fice, in  hopes  of  obtaining  better  terms 
and  larger  allowances  for  themselves; 
entertaining  little  doubts,  that  the  ra- 
pacity which  had  swallowed  up  the 
smaller,  would  soon  extend  itself  over 
all  such  ecclesiastical  bodies.  Many 
persons  were  thus  deprived  of  all 
means  of  subsistence  ;  for,  besides  their 
actual  retainers,  monasteries  were  in 
the  habit  of  feeding  a  large  portion  of 
the  neighbouring  poor,  while  the  num- 
berof  actual  members  ejected  must  have 
been  considerable.  It  is  not  wonderful, 
then,  that  peisons  influenced  by  passion, 
as  well  as  urged  by  necessity,  should 
endeavour  to  raise  disquiet  against  a 
government  with  which  they  had  so  lit- 
tle reason  to  be  contented.  The  court 
had  indeed  used  some   methods  for 


obviating  these  causes  of  complaint; 
thirty-one  religious  houses  had  been 
refounded,  and  much  of  the  forfeited 
lands  had  been  sold  at  very  easy  rates 
to  the  neighbouring  gentry  ;  but  these 
innovations  had  produced  a  general  dis- 
content, and  their  effects  were  quickly 
manifested  by  a  rebellion  in  Lincoln- 
shire, which  was,  however,  soon  quiet- 
ed by  the  conciliatory  measures  of  the 
duke  of  Suffolk.  This  was  followed 
by  a  much  more  formidable  rising  in 
the  north ;  and  the  insurrection,  from 
the  reliofious  turn  which  was  Gfiven  to 
it,  and  from  their  standards,  consisting 
of  representations  of  the  five  wounds 
of  t^hrist,  and  of  the  cross,  was  deno- 
minated the  pilgrimage  of  grace.  As 
this  event  Ijad  been  produced  in  great 
measure  by  the  clergy,  the  king  issued 
a  strong  letter  to  his  bishops,'-^  enjoining 
the  use  of  zeal  and  discretion  in  their 
own  preaching,  and  ordering  them  to 
publish  the  articles  already  set  forth; 
they  were  also  directed  to  take  care 
that  the  inferior  clergy  did  the  same, 
and  were  not  to  allow  any  one  within 
their  dioceses  to  preach  out  of  his  own 
church,  for  whose  honesty  and  judg- 
ment they  could  not  answer. 

§  210.  The  direction  of  the  military 
operations  was  committed  to  the  duke 
of  Norfolk,  who,  when  he  joined  the 
earl  of  Shrewsbury,  found  the  rebels 
so  strong  and  desperate  that  it  was  ne- 
cessary to  adopt  the  greatest  caution. 
They  were  under  the  command  of  a 
gentleman  of  the  name  of  Aske,  who 
was  well  calculated  for  his  office,  and 
numbered  among  their  ranks  the  arch- 
bishop of  York,  and  Lord  Darcy,  who 
having  been  made  prisoners  at  the  cap- 
ture of  Pomfret  Castle,  had  taken  the 
oath  of  the  party,  viz.,  that  their  object 
was  to  preserve  the  king  from  low-borri 
and  pernicious  counsellors,  and  to  re- 
establish true  religion.  The  rebels  had 
already  taken  Hull  and  York,  and  ad- 
vanced as  far  as  Doncaster;  but  their 
further  progress  was  stopped  by  the 
prudence  of  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  who, 
after  many  delays  and  much  inter- 
course, obtained  for  them  a  general 
pardon,  (a.  d.  1.537.)  Yet  discontent 
soon  manifested  itself  again,  and  break- 
ing out  in  a  fresh  northern  rebellion,  it 


'  Slf  idaii's  Hist.  Ref.  231. 


'■^  Addenda,  ix.  360,  vol.  i.  Burnet. 


60 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  V. 


was  easily  put  down  by  the  forces  still 
under  the  command  of  the  duke  of 
Norfolk  and  Lord  Shrewsbury,  and 
the  chief  offenders  were  executed  ; 
amongst  which  number  were  com- 
prehended Lords  Darcy  and  Hussey, 
Aske,  many  gentlemen  of  considera- 
tion, and  six  abbots.' 

§  211.  The  suspicion  that  this  rebel- 
lion had  owed  its  origin  and  support 
chiefly  to  the  encouragement  of  the 
clergy,  undoubtedly  hastened  the  sup- 
pression of  religious  houses  ;  but  their 
general  dissolution  arose  from  other 
causes,  and  would  probably  have  taken 
place,  had  these  events  never  occurred. 
In  order  to  prepare  the  way  for  this 
fresh  attack  on  church  property,  a  new 
visitation  was  set  on  foot,  and  the  dis- 
orders discovered  in  these  establish- 
ments were  thrown  open  to  the  world  ; 
for,  as  the  visitors  were  charged  with 
receiving  bribes,'  they  found  it  neces- 
sary to  quiet  unpleasant  reports  con- 
cerning their  own  ill  conduct,  by  pub- 
lishing such  scandalous  stories  of  the 
parties  visited  as  fell  within  their  obser- 
vation. 

The  vicious  lives  and  conversations 
of  "  the  religious,"  as  they  were  deno- 
minated,'* were  too  notorious  not  to  call 
forth  the  indignant  animadversions  of 
their  enemies  ;  and,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  the  guilt  of  individuals  en- 
tailed a  great  degree  of  infamy  on  the 
body  in  general.  We  have,  however, 
so  many  authentic  documents  of  their 
gross  profligacy  and  superstitious  kna- 
very, that  little  doubt  can  be  enter- 
tained of  either  their  guilt  or  the  benefit 
which  morals  have  received  by  the  sup- 
pression of  monasteries.*  But  there 
were  several  exceptions  to  this  exten- 

1  Fuller,  313. 

2  There  seems  to  be  good  grounds  for  this  accu- 
sation ;  we  have  several  offers  of  bribes  to  Crom- 
well himself;  when  Laiimer  wrote  lo  him  to  pray 
that  the  priory  of  Malvern  might  be  spared,  he 
offered  five  hundred  marks  for  the  king's  favour, 
and  two  hundred  for  that  of  the  vicegerent. 
(Strype's  Mem.  i.  399.)  So  Sir  Thomas  Eliot 
offers  him  the  first-fruits  of  such  lands  as  should 
be  granted.  (Ibid.  405.)  See  also  Burnet,  vol. 
i.  224,  fol.,8vo.  407. 

'  Strype's  Ecc.  Mem.  i.  eh.  35.  Fuller,316,&c. 

*  The  Roman  Catholics,  on  the  other  hand, 
accuse  the  visitors  of  great  iniquity  in  iheir  pro- 
ceedings; of  having  first  corrupted  and  then  pu- 
nished the  nuns  whom  they  had  debauched,  and 
of  having  brought  untrue  accusations  against  those 
who  had  resisted  their  soUcitations.  (Fuller, 
315.) 


sive  condemnation  and  in  many  of 
the  convents  visited  by  the  commission- 
ers, not  only  were  real  devotion  and 
sound  morality  found  to  exist,  but  the 
liberal  hospitality  and  charitable  mu- 
nificence of  the  members  merited  for 
them  that  love  which  was  felt  towards 
the  monastic  orders  by  a  large  portion 
of  the  community,  particularly  by  the 
common  people. 

§  212.  Many  abbots  now  tendered 
their  resignations,  influenced  by  various 
motives,  as  either  their  fears  of  the  king 
predominated,  or  as  they  entertained 
views  favourable  to  the  Reformation  ; 
while  others  hoped,  by  conciliating  the 
good-will  of  the  ruling  jiowers,  to  ob- 
tain for  their  societies  new  and  more 
useful  foundations.  The  benefit  de- 
rived to  the  crown  by  these  resignations 
fell  infinitely  below  the  amount  at 
which  it  might  probably  have  been 
calculated  ;  for  in  many  cases  the  esta- 
blishments were  found  to  be  in  a  very 
dilapidated  state.  The  several  mem- 
bers of  such  foundations,  foreseeing 
what  was  likely  to  happen,  had  been 
providing  for  the  storm  ;  and  while 
they  consulted  their  own  personal  in- 
terests, had  neglected  the  common  pro- 
perty of  which  they  expected  so  soon 
to  be  deprived.  Several  abbots  were 
attainted  of  treason,  for  having  con- 
verted the  plate  of  their  convents  to  the 
use  of  the  rebels  in  the  north,  and  on 
their  conviction  their  abbeys  were  de- 
clared forfeited  to  the  king.  To  most 
of  the  ecclesiastical  persons  now  ejected 
annuities  were  assigned  out  of  the  reve- 
nues, which  varied  according  to  the 
nature  of  the  foundations  and  the  me- 
rits of  the  individuals.  Religious  frauds 
were  in  many  places  destroyed,  shrines 
defaced,  and  relics  taken  away  ;  so  that 
the  most  effectual  methods  were  adopted 
in  order  to  wean  the  minds  of  the  peo- 
ple from  such  superstitions. 

§  213.  "  The  Bishops'  Book,"  or 
"The  Godly  and  Pious  Institution  of  a 
Christian  Man,"  was  now  first  pub- 
lished it  was  afterwards  printed  in  a 
more  perfect  form  in  1543,  when  it  Avas 
denominated  "The  Necessary  Doctrine 
and  Erudition  for  any  Christian  Man," 
and,  as  put  forth  by  royal  authority, 
was  called  "The  King's  Book,"  ami 

5  Strype's  Ecc.  Mem:  393. 
^  Strype's  Ecc.  Mem.  i.  485. 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


61 


since  the  two  together  form  the  chief 
documents  from  which  the  aiuhorized 
opinions  of  the  church  of  England  dur- 
ing this  reign  can  be  derived,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  examine  them  in  detail ; 
and  the  subject  Avill  more  conveniently 
be  deferred  to  the  end  of  the  chapter.' 

§  til  l.  Thus  far  every  thing  seems 
to  have  favoured  the  Reformation  ;  but 
a  new  line  of  policy,  which  was  adopted 
by  Gardiner  and  the  other  friends  of 
popery,  appears  to  have  created  an  al- 
teration in  the  sentiments  of  the  king, 
and  thus  to  have  given  a  considerable 
advantage  to  the  cause  which  they  ad- 
vocated. This  party  had  generally  ex- 
hibited great  outward  compliance  with 
the  opinions  and  wishes  of  Henry;  and 
by  enlisting  his  vanity  on  their  side, 
they  now  worked  the  ruin  of  many  of 
their  opponents,  and  provoked  him  to 
exercise  much  cruelty  towards  them. 
Among  the  reformers  generally,  there 
was  no  point  on  which  the  minds  of 
many  were  so  little  settled  as  concern- 
ing the  nature  of  "presence,"  by  which 
our  Saviour's  body  is  said  to  be  present 
in  the  elements.  Henry,  in  his  book 
against  Luther,  of  which  he  was  par- 
ticularly proud,  had  maintained  the 
doctrine  of  the  "corporal  presence," 
and  all  the  public  acts  of  the  church  of 
England  had  declared  for  the  same ! 
opinion.  The  subject  itself  is  one  of 
extreme  delicacy,  and  the  political  re- 
lations of  the  kingdom  rendered  addi- 
tional caution  necessary ;  for  if  any 
person  had  been  persecuted  for  tenets 
which  they  held  in  common  with  the 
Lutherans,  this  circumstance  might 
have  subject(>d  the  king  to  the  remon- 
strances and  anger  of  the  princes  of 
Germany  ;  but  towards  the  sacrament- 
aries*  he  was  fettered  by  none  of  these 
scru|)les;  and  they  might  be  attacked 
under  the  vain  expectation  of  reducing 

'  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  remark,  that  there 
were  two  liooks  known  hy  each  of  thppn  names. 
A  declaraiion  against  the  papal  supremacy  in 
1.53(j.  in  ronscquence  of  Pole's  Hook  on  Ecclcsi- 
asiical  Union,  is  called  also  the  Bishop's  Book, 
and  one  puhlished  in  1533,  Dc  DifTerenlia  Regioe 
et  Eeclcsiasiics  Potestatis,  the  King's.  (Strypo's 
Cranrner,  7.'),  vol.  i.) 

There  is,  too,  ronsiderahle  confusion  about  this 
bonk  in  Burnet,  who  is  generally  ignorant  con- 
ccrninc;  printed  hooks,  and  makes  a  confusion  be- 
tween the  Instiiulion  and  Erudi:ion. 

Sec  Appendix,  P.. 

^  The  sacramenlfllftj^  denied  the  corporal  pre- 
sence of  Christ  in  the  euchariat.    (See  ^  313.) 


all  men  to  the  same  opinions  in  religion, 
or  in  order  to  vindicate  the  infallibility 
of  that  supremacy  of  which  he  de- 
prived the  pope,  by  assuming  it  as  his 
own  prerogative. 

§  216.  (a.  d.  1538.)  .John  Lambert,^ 
while  chaplain  to  the  English  cotnpany 
at  Antwerp,  had,  by  his  acquaintance 
with  Frith  and  Tyndale,  advanced  in 
those  religious  opinions  which  he  had 
originally  derived  from  Bilney.  Sir 
Thomas  More  had  directed  the  Ant- 
werp merchants  to  dismiss  him  from 
their  service ;  and,  on  his  return  to 
England,  he  escaped  persecution  only 
by  the  death  of  Archbishop  Warham. 
He  now  kept  a  school  in  London,  and 
having  advanced  some  opinions  con- 
cerning- the  corporal  presence,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  sermon  preached  by  Dr. 
Taylor,  afterwards  bishop  of  Lincoln, 
he  was  brought  before  Cranmer,  and 
unfortunately  appealed  to  the  king. 
Gardiner  seized  the  opportunity,  which 
was  thus  afforded  him,  of  exasperating 
the  royal  theologian  against  heterodox 
opinions,  and  a  public  trial  was  ap- 
pointed to  take  place  in  Westminster 
Hall.  It  requires  but  little  sagacity  to 
determine  how  a  disputation  carried  on 
between  persons  so  dilTerently  circum- 
stanced was  likely  to  terminate.  On 
the  one  side  sat  the  king,  surrounded 
with  his  bishops,  at  once  disputants  and 
judges;  on  the  other,  an  heretical 
schoolmaster,  supported  only  by  a  con- 
viction of  the  truth,  and  reasoning  on  a 
tojjic  wherein  the  learned  have  differed, 
and  concerning  which  pious  Christians 
have  disagreed.  The  poor  man  was 
after  a  tiine  silenced,  and  on  this  con- 
viction sentenced  to  be  burnt.*    At  the 


^  His  real  -name  was  Nicholson ;  he  adopted 
this  for  the  sake  of  concealment,  in  consequence 
of  having  been  before  in  trouble  about  religion. 
(Strype's  Cranmer,  i.  92.) 

Cranmer,  iint'ortnnately,  on  this  occasion  ar- 
gued against  Lambert  in  favour  of  the  corpora! 
presence.  lie  was  at  this  time  a  believer  in  tran- 
subsianiiation,  an  error  which  he  did  not  reject 
till  1.516,  in  consequence  of  a  conference  with 
Ridley.  (Strype's  Cranmer,  i.  OG  )  It  has  been 
asserted  that  Cranmer  successively  held  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Romanist,  the  Lutheran,  and  the 
Calvinist,  on  this  point.  (Laurence,  Hampt. 
Lect.  Hi  and  202,  10.)  But  this  he  positively 
denied  in  his  examination  before  Martin,  (Fox.) 
The  mistake  probably  arose  from  his  publishing 
the  Catechism  of  Justus  .fonas  in  P^,)iglisli,  in 
1548,  which  might  be  supposed  to  contain  the 
opinions  of  the  Lutherans.  (Oxford  edit.  20H.; 
But  the  point  is  there  treated  of  so  generally,  that 

F 


63 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  V. 


execution,  in  Smithficld,  after  his  legs 
were  consumed,  his  body  remained 
alive,  and  was  at  h>ngth  put  into 
the  fire  by  the  halberts  of  the  civil 
officers,  while  his  last  words  were, 
"  iNone  but  Christ,  none  but  Christ." 
The  king  was  as  much  pleased  with 
the  affiiir  as  the  party  who  duly  mag- 
nified it ;  and  they  now  began  to  obtain 
a  considerable  influence  at  court. 

§  210.  One  of  the  first  effects  of  their 
success'  was  the  issuing  a  proclamation 
which  reprobated  the  marriage  of  priests 
without  "  a  common  consent  of  his  high- 
ness and  the  realm,"  and  prohibited 
those  who  ventured  to  marry,  or  retain 
their  wives  openly,  from  the  perform- 
ance of  any  sacred  ofiice,  under  pain  of 
losing  all  their  ecclesiastical  privileges  ; 
but  we  may  observe  that  the  document 
Avas  so  worded  as  to  screen  Cranmer 
from  any  danger,  whose  wife  was  at  this 
time  living  secretly  with  him  ;  while  it 
held  out  the  prospect  of  a  change  in  the 
law  respecting  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy ; 
and  Bishop  Ponet,  or  whoever  else  was 
the  author  of  the  Defence  of  Priests' 
Marriage,  assures  us,  that  the  king  in- 
tended to  grant  this  liberty,  but  was  hin- 
dered by  the  advice  of  certain  counsel- 
lors, who  pretended  that  his  sanction  to 
such  an  innovation  would  occasion 
offence  among  the  peO[)le. 

§  '2\7.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the 
unwillingness  exhibited  by  the  Protes- 
tant party**  to  allow  the  king  to  dispose 
of  all  the  churcK  pro])erty,  might  have 
contributed  to  increase  his  inclination  in 
favour  of  their  opponents  ;  for,  in  a  com- 
mittee of  the  parliament  '  which  now  sat, 
(a.  d.  the  parties  were  so  ba- 

lanced, that  neither  side  could  hope  to 
carry  matters  entirely  according  to  their 
wishes  ;  and  after  eleven  days'  useless 
discussion,  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  the  great 
patron  of  the  papal  opinions,  proposed 
for  their  consideration  Six  Articles,  to 
the  following  effect : — 

1st,  "That  in  the  sacrament  of  the 
altar,  after  the  consecration,  there  re- 


(houeh  the  Luilicran  doctrine  appears  to  be  main- 
tained, yet  Mcitiier  of  tiie  other  parlies  need  be 
much  offended  at  it.    (See  also  *  280.  ".l 

'  Strype's  Cranmer,  i.  98.       2  ibjd.  i.  103. 

^  In  this  parhament,  writs  were  issued  to  the 
mitred  abbots ;  it  met  April  2Sih.  Sirype  says 
(Mem.  i.  542)  that  the  same  questions  were  agitated 
in  convocation,  and  decided  in  the  same  manner. 

<  Speed,  780,  31  Henry  VIII.  c.  4. 


mainelh  no  substance  of  bread  and  wine, 
but  under  these  forms  the  natural  body 
and  blood  of  Christ  are  present. 

2d,  That  communion,  in  both  kinds- 
is  not  necessary  to  salvation  to  all  per- 
sons, by  the  law  of  God  ;  but  that  both 
the  flesh  and  blood  of  Christ  are  together 
in  each  of  the  kinds. 

8d,  That  priests,  after  the  order  of 
priesthood,  may  not  marry  by  the  law 
of  God. 

4th,  That  vows  of  chastity  ought  to 
be  observed  by  the  law  of  God. 

5th,  That  the  use  of  private  masses 
ought  to  be  continued,  which,  as  it  is 
agreeable  to  God's  law,  so  men  receive 
great  benefit  thereby. 

(ith,  That  auricular  confession  is  ex- 
pedient and  necessary,  and  ought  to  be 
retained  in  the  church. 

Cranmer  argued  against  the  admis- 
sion of  them  with  all  the  eloquence  and 
force  of  which  he  was  possessed  ;  but 
the  king  himself  publicly  advocated 
their  adoption,  and  spoke  in  their  favour,* 
so  that  the  enemies  of  the  Reformation 
were  finally  successful,  and  the  law  of 
the  Six  Articles  passed.  The  penalties 
affixed  by  this  bill  were  cruel  and 
severe.  He  who  wrote  or  spoke  against 
the  first  of  these  articles  was  to  be  pu- 
nished by  being  burnt:  if  he  contro- 
verted any  of  the  others,  by  perpetual 
imprisonment ;  but  if  the  opposition 
were  wilful,  and  he  preached  against 
them,  he  was  liable  to  be  condemned 
to  death.  The  punishment  affixed  to 
the  non-observance  of  religious  chastity 
was,  for  the  first  offence,  the  loss  of 
benefice,  as  well  as  goods  and  chattels; 
for  the  second,  death.  This  cltiuse  was 
said  to  have  been  inserted  by  Cromwell, 
that  the  severity  of  the  act  might  be  felt 
by  both  parties. 

§  218.  Another  act  passed  for  the 
suppression  of  all  monasteries ;  and 
though,  in  this  session,  eighteen  abbots 
were  present  in  the  House  of  Lords,  yet 
no  protestation  Avas  recorded.  The 
object  of  this  bill  was,  in  reality,  to 
legalize  the  previous  surrenders,  and  no 
additional  steps  were  taken  in  conse- 
quence of  it.  This  was  followed  bj'' 
one  for  the  erection  of  more  bishoprics,* 

5  Strype's  Crantner,  i.  104. 

6  N.  B.  Westminster  was  erected,  1540;  Ches 
ter,  Gloucester,  O.xford,  Peterborough,  1541 
Bristol  in  1542.    Henry  had  many  plans  for  erect 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


63 


and  another,  which  gave  to  the  king's 
proclamations,  under  certain  limitations, 
the  force  of  law. 

It  is  extraordinary  that  the  proceed- 
ings which  followed  the  passing  the  act 
of  the  Six  Articles  affected  Cranmer  in 
a  very  trifling  degree,  though  he  had 
openly  opposed  them,  and  at  the  king's 
desire  had  written  a  treatise  against 
them  :  yet  such  was  the  love  and  confi- 
dence which  Henry  entertained  towards 
the  archbishop,  that  he  would  never 
even  receive  an  accusation  against  him. 
The  archbishop  sent  his  wife  into  Ger- 
many privately,  and  continued  in  the 
performance  of  his  ecclesiastical  duties. 
He  disliked  several  of  the  articles,  and 
abhorred  the  severity  of  the  act ;  but  his 
opinions  were  not  now  diametrically 
contrary  to  the  first  article,  and  he  com- 
plied. Latimer  and  Shaxton,  on  the 
other  hand,  esteemed  it  contradictory  to 
the  word  of  God,  and  conscientiously 
resigned  their  sees. 

One  point,  however,  was  gained  to 
the  cause  of  the  Reformation :  a  pro- 
clamation was  issued  for  the  printing 
of  the  Bible,  which  at  the  same  time 
allowed  the  free  use  of  it  to  individuals. 

§  219.  The  death  of  Jane  Seymour 
had  left  the  king  a  widower  in  October 
14,  1.V37  ;  and  though  the  birth  of  Ed- 
ward had  provided  him  with  an  heir  to 
the  crown,  it  was  not  probable  that  a 
man  of  his  temperament  should  remain 
long  in  this  solitary  condition.  He  had 
heard  much  of  the  beauty  of  Anne  of 
Cleves  ;  and  Cromwell  was  well  pleased 
to  promote  a  match  which  was  so 
likely  to  prove  beneficial  to  the  cause 
of  the  Reformation.  When  the  king 
and  the  minister  were  both  in  favour  of 
the  marriage,  it  is  natural  that  advan- 
tageous reports  concerning  every  thing 
connected  with  it  should  predominate, 
and  that  the  charms  of  a  future  queen 
should  be  described  in  favourable  co- 
lours. The  disappointment,  therefore, 
of  tienry  was  the  greater,  when  he  be- 
held his  destined  bride  ;  and  though  he 
was  married  to  her,  (Jan.  Gth,  1510,) 
yet  this  consort  seems  never  to  have 
possessed  the  slightest  portion  of  his 
affection.  The  fall  of  Cromwell  was 
probably  owing  to  this  circumstance  ; 

ing  more.  (Mem.  ii.  No.  106.)  One  scheme  is 
given  in  Strype,  wherein  the  number  amounts  to 
twenty. 


for  though  the  outward  appearance  of 
favour  was  continued,  and  though  he 
sat  in  this  parliament  as  lord  vicegerent, 
yet  on  June  13th  he  was  arrested  by 
the  duke  of  Norfolk,  and  sent  to  the 
Tower.  His  fate  was  instantly  decided ; 
for  few  wished  to  save  him  ;  and  no 
one,  excepting  Cranmer,  ventured  to 
plead  his  cause.  He  was  condemned 
by  an  attainder,  on  some  very  extraor- 
dinary evidence  of  having  threatened 
the  king's  life,  and  the  sentence  was  put 
in  execution  on  July  28. 

§  220.  Thus  fell  one  great  instrument 
of  the  Reformation,'  whose  talents  had 
raised  him  to  the  highest  station  attain- 
able by  a  subject,  and  whose  fall  was 
more  owing  to  the  changeful  disposition 
I  of  his  master,  than  to  any  fault  of  his 
own.  His  exaltation  from  the  lowest 
rank  of  life  had  exposed  him  to  the  envy 
and  hatred  of  the  noble  and  powerful, 
while  the  papal  party  looked  on  him  as 
the  great  enemy  of  their  cause.  De- 
prived, therefore,  through  this  imfor- 
tunate  marriage,  of  the  favour  of  the 
king,  on  which  alone  he  could  depend 
for  support,  and  particularly  obnoxious 
to  those  towards  whom  the  affections  of 
Henry  were  at  this  moment  directed,  he 
felt  the  unjust  force  of  an  attainder, 
where  he  was  unable  to  answer  for  him- 
self, and  of  which  unfortunately  he  had 
introduced  the  precedent.'*  Nothing  of 
any  serious  nature  was  laid  to  his 
charge  ;  from  whence  it  may  fairly  be 
inferred  that  no  such  evidence  could  be 
adduced  ;  for  had  it  existed,  there  was 
nothing  to  hinder  its  production.  His 
great  merit,  independent  of  his  own 
industry  and  abilities,  consisted  in  bring- 
ing forward  men  on  account  of  their 
talent  rather  than  interest.^ 

§  221.  This  was  the  first  step  towards 
the  dissolution  of  the  objectionable  mar- 
riage, which  was  afterwards  brought 
before  the  convocation,  and  annulled 
on  the  plea,  that  the  king's  consent  to 
it  had  not  been  inward  and  full,  a  circum- 
stance which  was  absolutely  required 
to  make  the  sacrament  complete,  and 
upon  the  further  ground  that  the  mar- 
riage had  never  been  consummated. 
This  decision,  however  absurd  in  itself, 
seems  to  have  perfectly  satisfied  the 
princess,  who  was  contented  to  be  treated 

'  Burnet,  i.  "  See  ^  227.  ~ 

3  Strype,  Ecc.  Mem.  i.  562. 


C4 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  V. 


as  a  sister,  and  to  reside  in  Eng-Iand 
on  a  pension  of  three  thousand  pounds 
a  year.  She  wrote  to  her  brother,  the 
duke  of  Cleves,  signifying  her  full  con- 
currence in  all  these  proceedings. 

The  king  was  married  immediately 
after  to  Catharine  Howard  ;  an  event 
which  gave  additional  power  to  the 
papal  cause,  for  she  was  niece  to  the 
duke  of  Norfolk,  whom  every  one  re- 
garded as  the  chief  patron  of  that  party. 
Add  to  which,  that  those  Protestants, 
who  had  previously  shared  the  favour 
of  this  variable  monarch,  were  now  in 
too  much  danger  for  themselves  to  come 
forward  in  the  defence  of  others,  so  that 
the  attainder  of  Barnes  for  heresy  passed 
M'ithout  any  opposition,  and  he  was 
burnt  in  Smithfield,  without  even  know- 
ing the  grounds  on  which  he  was  con- 
demned. He  had  indeed  preached  at 
St.  Paul's  Cross  against  Gardiner;  but 
this  offence  had  apparently  been  for- 
given ;  and  Barnes,  as  well  as  Jerome 
and  Gerard,  who  suff„^red  with  him,  had, 
after  a  conference  with  the  king,  re- 
nounced errors  which  they  probably 
never  entertained.  But  this  could  not 
save  them  ;  the  spirit  of  persecution  was 
now  let  loose,  and  its  effects  were  felt 
by  many  of  the  advocates  of  the  gospel. 

It  is  the  observation  of  Lord  Her- 
bert,' that  "these  punishments  did  but 
advance  their  religion;"  and  "it  was 
thought  they  had  some  assistance  from 
above,  it  being  impossible,  otherwise, 
that  they  should  so  rejoice  in  the  midst 
of  their  torments,  and  triumph  over  the 
most  cruel  death."  The  cruelty  of  the 
king,  however,  was  not  confined  to  the 
reformers  ;  on  the  same  day  an  %qual 
number  of  Roman  Catholics  were  exe- 
cuted for  denying  the  supremacy. 

§  222.  (a.  d.  1541.)  No  one  had  now 
any  very  material  influence  over  the 
mind  of  Henry  ;  and  the  cause  of  the 
Reformation  met  with  different  success, 
according  to  accidental  circumstances, 
and  the  changing  opinions  of  the  king. 
In  May  the  Bible  was  printed,  and  or- 
dered to  be  set  up  in  all  churches. 
This  was  not  in  itself  any  very  import- 
ant step,  for  the  same  injunction  had 
been  before  made  ;  but  every  procla-  [ 
mation  of  this  sort  increased  the  facility  { 
of  access  to  the  word  of  God  :  and  I 


'  I,ife  of  King  Henry,  p.  226. 


wherever  the  Bible  is  in  the  hands  of 
the  mass  of  the  people,  their  teachers 
cannot  long  impose  on  them  the  doc- 
'  trinesTJf  men  instead  of  the  command- 
ments of  God. 

(a.  d.  1542.)  The  discovery  of  the 
I  former  ill  life  of  the  queen  led  to  the 
attainder  of  herself  and  her  accom- 
I  plices ;  and  an  enactment  was  made,' 
'  not  more  remarkable  for  its  severity 
'  than  folly  ;  as  if  laws  could  provide  for 
female  chastity,  while  the  conduct  of 
j  the  other  sex  tended  to  overthrow  the 
i  bulwarks  of  the  sacred  institution  of 
i  marriage. 

[  An  attempt  was  made  in  convoca- 
tion to  suppress  the  English  Bible, 
against  which  great  objections  were 
raised,  on  the  grounds  of  its  incorrect- 
ness ;  and  Gardiner  presented  a  list  of 
words  which  did  not  admit  of  transla- 
tion." But  Cranmer,  knowing  that  the 
correction  of  inaccuracies  would  pro- 
ceed but  slowly,  in  the  hands  of  those 
who  were  adverse  to  the  general  distri- 
bution of  any  translation  at  all,  used  his 
influence  with  the  king  ;  and,  to  the 
great  displeasure  of  the  clergy,  the 
examination  of  the  Bible  was  referred 
to  the  universities. 

§  223.  In  the  injunctions  which  were 
now  set  forth  by  Bonner  for  the  diocese 
of  London,"  and  which  probably  corre- 
spond with  those  of  other  bishops  at 
the  same  period,  there  are  many  good 
directions  given  to  the  clergy,  with  re- 
spect to  their  own  lives,  and  the  per- 
formance of  the  pastoral  duties ;  and 
they  are  particularly  forbidden  to  allow 
any  one  to  preach  in  their  cures,  who 
had  not  been  licensed  by  the  bishop  or 
the  king.'  The  evil  which  might  thus 
have  arisen  to  their  flocks  from  the 
want  of  preachers  Avas  obviated,  as  far 


2  It  was  enacted,  that  if  the  king  were  about  to 
marry  a  woman  whom  lie  esteemed  a  maid,  and 
she,  not  being  so,  did  not  reveal  it,  that  she  should 
be  adjudged  guilty  of  treason  ;  and  that  any  other 
persons,  who  were  cotisrious  of  tlie  same,  and 
concealed  it,  should  be  esteemed  guilty  of  mispri- 
sion of  treason. 

^  They  consist  of  about  one  hundred,  of  which 
the  great  mass  are  pirfccily  capable  of  being 
translated  without  any  loss  of  meaning.  In  some 
few  cases,  the  original  words  are  retained  in  out 
present  translation;  as  'I'etrarch,  Synagogue, 
Gentile,  Pagan,  Parable,  &c.  See  Fuller,  Ch 
Hist,  p.  238;  Lewis,  14.5,  &c. 

"  Burnet,  P.  i.  B.  iii.  Coll.  No.  26. 

6  Ibid.  i.  317,  fol.,  575,  fvo. 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


US 


as  possible,  by  a  set  of  liomilics  now 
published  ;  a  useful  step  in  a  period 
of  so  iniicli  irritation,  and  calculated  to 
calm  the  angry  passions,  which  so 
greatly  injured  the  cause  of  true  reli- 
gion.' lJuring  these  troublous  times, 
such  of  the  clergy  as  were  licensed  lo 
preach  were  so  frequently  attacked  on 
account  of  their  expri'ssions,  that  many 
adopted  the  custom  of  writing  their  ser- 
mons, which  has  since  generally  pre- 
vailed. 

(a.  d.  1543.)  An  act  was  passed  dur- 
ing the  early  part  of  this  year,  of  a 
very  mixed  and  heterogeneous  charac- 
ter, which  is  said  by  Burnet-  to  have 
been  framed  by  Cranmer,  and  yet  had 
a  tendency  to  suppress  the  use  of  the 
Bible.  It  contains  internal  evidence 
of  the  conflicting  interests  and  divided 
power  which  belonged  to  the  two  par- 
ties in  the  kingdom,  and  strongly  marks 
the  distracted  state  of  religion  at  this 
period.  It  favoured  the  Protestant,  by 
ordaining  that  spiritual  persons  should 
not  be  burnt  for  heresy  till  after  the  third 
conviction;  that  laypersons  should  in 
that  case  be  subjected  only  to  the  loss 
of  their  goods  and  chattels,  and  to  per- 
petual imprisonment ;  and  that  all  par- 
ties, when  accused,  should  possess  the 
privilege  of  vindicating  themselves  by 
witnesses.  On  the  other  hand,  Tyn- 
dale's  translation  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testament^  was  prohibited,  and  as 
there  was  no  Bible  printed  which  did 
not  contain  some  part  of  this  version, 
it  was  almost  impossible  for  any  one  to 
be  free  from  danger,  if  he  possessed  a 
printed  copy  of  the  Scriptures.  At  the 
same  time,  the  free  use  of  the  Bible 
itself  was  confined  to  persons  of  a  cer- 
tain rank,  while  others  were  restricted 
to  the  Primer,  and  such  other  books  as 
had  been  or  should  be  set  forth  by  his 
majesty  since  1540.  Two  provisoes, 
however,  did  in  reality  confer  on  the 
king  the  power   of   doing  what  ^he 

'  Of  these  there  is  an  imperfect  copy  in  the 
Rndlcian  ;  the  liile  is,  "The  Episiies  nnd  fJos- 
pels,  «ilh  a  brief  postel  upon  the  same,  It 
is  recognised  hy  Richard  'I'nverncr,  and  printed, 
cum  piivih/rio,  by  Richard  Bankcs.  '1  he  copy 
in  Lord  Ppenccr's  hbrary  has  tlic  date  of  1540, 
but  the  title  appears  not  lo  be  exactly  llio  same. 

2  It  should,  however,  be  observed,  tliat  Bnrnet 
is,  wiili  regard  to  this  act,  more  tlian  ordinarily 
inaccurate.  Burnet,  i.  321,  fol.,  583,  8vo.  Lewis, 
148. 

'  Lewis,  148. 

9 


pleased  ;  for  the  Act  of  the  Six  Articles 
was  declared  to  be  still  in  force,  and 
the  king  was  permitted  to  alter  any 
part  of  this  act.  Subsequent  events 
soon  proved  how  insufficient  these  en- 
actments were,  as  a  safeguard  against 
the  bigotry  of  the  bishops,  and  the  re- 
ligious tyranny  of  the  throne. 

This  was  followed  by  another  more 
important  step,*  the  revision  and  re- 
publication of  the  Institution  of  a  Chris- 
tian Man,  v.'hich  now  appeared  under 
the  title  of  The  Necessary  Doctrine  and 
Erudition  of  any  Christian  Man,  and 
was  denominated  the  King's^  Book,  as 
being  put  forth  by  royal  authority. 

§  224.  Catharine  Parr,  whom  the 
king  married  in  July,  was  a  secret 
friend  of*  the  new  doctrines  ;  but  her 
influence  was  not  sufficient  to  guard 
some  unfortiznate  men  against  a  perse- 
cution which  took  place  at  Windsor,* 
where  there  existed  a  small  society  of 
favourers  of  the  Reformation.  Four 
of  them  were  brought  before  a  jury, 
composed  of  tenants  of  the  church,  and 
being  convicted  of  heresy,  on  frivolous 
pretences,  three  of  them  were  burnt. 
In  consequence  of  some  evidence  which 
transpired  at  this  trial,  a  plot  was  formed 
against  certain  members  of  the  royal 
household  ;  but  the  framers  of  it  were 
convicted  of  perjury,  and  suffered  for 
that  crime.  These  accusations  did  not 
end  here  ;  for  Cranmer  himself  was  se- 
cretly attacked  and  Henry,  who  bore 
him  a  sincere  love,  suffered  the  project 
to  be  carried  so  far  as  to  discover  the 
authors  of  this  accusation  against  the 
archbishop :  and  they  Were  many  of 
them  persons  to  whom  his  grace  had 
shown  much  kindness;  yet  he  took  no 
further  notice  of  their  ingratitude  than 
to  require  of  them  repentance  and  a 
confession  of  their  fault;"*  for  no  one 
was  ever  better  acquainted  with  the 
precepts  or  practice  of  forgiving  inju- 
ries than  Cranmer. 

(a.  d.  1.541.)  Before  the  expedition 
against  France  in  which  Boulogne  was 
taken,  a  litany  in  English  had  been 
published,  which  corresponds  with  our 
present  one  in  almost  every  particular, 
except  that  the  invocation  of  saints  and 


*  Strype's  Ere.  Mem.  i.  581. 

5  Pee  Appcndi.\  H.  ^  271.  &c. 

*  Fox,  ii.  4fi8.  7  Strype's  Cranmer,  i.  c.  xxvi. 
'  Strypc,  174. 

F  3 


66 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  Y. 


angels  was  still  retained,  and  there  was 
a  petition  against  the  tyranny  of  the 
pope.  To  this  work,  psalms  and  pri- 
vate devotions  were  added  ;  and  in  the 
preface  the  utility  of  private  prayer  in  the 
mother-tongue  is  particularly  insisted 
on.  The  correct  notion  also  of  Christ's 
presence  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  seems  to  be  delivered,  in  an 
explanation  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  as  a 
paraphrase  to  the  fourth  petition.'  In 
the  following  year,  (154,5,)  a  collection 
of  prayers  was  published,  which  was 
formed  hy  the  new  queen  herself. 

§  2*25.  Several  reformers  were  about 
this  time  advanced  to  the  bench,  so  that 
the  party  among  the  heads  of  the 
church,  which  was  more  immediately 
connected  with  Cranmer,  acquired  con- 
siderable strength.  Holgate  was  made 
archbishop  of  York,  Kitching  supplied 
his  place  at  Llandaff,  Heath  was  trans- 
lated to  Worcester,  Holbeach  became 
bishop  of  Rochester,  Sampson  went  to 
Litchfield  and  Coventry,  and  Day  suc- 
ceeded him  at  Chichester. 

In  the  parliament  of  this  year,  all 
chapels,  chantries,  and  fraternities  were 
given  to  the  king,  under  which  titles 
the  universities  conceived  that  they 
might  possibly  be  comprehended  ;  but 
on  a  representation  made  to  the  king, 
he  confirmed  them  in  their  privileges. 
The  answer  which  the  king  made  to 
the  speaker,  when  he  presented  these 
bills,  breathes  nothing  but  good  sense 
and  moderation  ;  advising  the  people  to 
lay  aside  that  virulence  which  had  been 
shown  on  religious  subjects,  exhorting 
them  to  live  peaceably,  to  further  and 
advance  all  useful  instruction,  to  have 
chari  y  one  towards  another,  and  to 
love  and  serve  God.  After  such  ex- 
pressions as  these,  it  is  wonderful  that, 
in  the  next  year,  (1.540,)  the  same  man 
should  exercise  a  violent  and  unjust 
persecution   against  fellow-creatures, 

'  The  words  are."  The  lively  l)read  of  the  bless- 
ed body  of  our  Saviour  Jcsu  Christ,  and  the  sacred 
tnip  of  the  precious  and  blessed  blood  which  was 
shed  for  us  ou  tlie  cross ;"  not  as  he  is  in  heaven, 
hut  as  he  was  on  the  cross,  and  therefore  as  a  type 
iw  meriiorial  of  a  past  event.  (Burnet,  i.  331,  fol.. 
8vo.  600;  iii.  118.  fol.,  Svo.  283.)  Strype  says  he 
never  saw.  the  book  ;  and  Burnet's  account  of 
books  m«st  always  be  taken  with  great  caution. 
I  do  not  know  whence  the  words  are  taken. 
'Vhey  do  not  occur  in  Marshall's  or  any  oiher 
Primer  that  I  am  acquainied  wi'h  ;  nor  in  the 
Bishop's  or  King's  Book. 


who  were  at  least  harmless,  however 
erroneous  in  their  opinions  he  miffht 
esteem  them.  Shaxton  had  been  for 
some  time  a  prisoner  in  the  counter  in 
Bread  street,  and  was  accused  of  hav- 
ing denied  the  corporal  presence ;  for 
this  he  was  condemned  to  the  stake  ; 
but  he  confessed  his  error,  recanted, 
land  preached  a  sermon  at  the  execu- 
tion of  Anne  Askew,  who  was  soon 
after  burnt  in  Smithfieli).  It  was  sus- 
pected that  this  gentlewoman  was  fa- 
voured by  certain  ladies  at  court,  with 
many  of  whom  she  was  acquainted  ; 
so  that  Chancellor  Wriothesly,  who  was 
a  vehement  persecutor  of  the  reform- 
ers, hoped  to  have  obtained  some  infor- 
mation from  her  with  reference  to  this 
point  ;  but  having  endured  the  rack,' 
which  the  chancellor  is  said  to  have 
inflicted  on  her  himself,  she  confessed 
nothing,  and  suffered  with  three  others, 
under  the  act  of  the  Six  Articles. 

§  238.  On  this  occasion,  too,  the  same 
attack  was  directed  against  Cranmer;' 
and  Henr}',  to  try  how  far  the  malice 
of  his  enemies  would  go,  allowed  him 
to  be  summoned  before  the  council, 
having  beforehand  provided  him  with 
his  own  signet,  in  order  that  he  might 
appeal  to  the  royal  judgment.  When 
he  was  about  to  be  brought  before  this 
prejudiced  tribunal,  he  Avas  treated 
with  so  much  disrespect,  that  though 
a  member  of  the  council  which  was  to 
examine  him,  he  was  suffered  to  remain 
some  time  standing  in  the  lobby  among 
the  footmen  and  messengers.  For  this 
disgraceful  piece  of  neglect,  Henry 
very  severely  rebuked  his  council,  and 
strongly  testified  the  affection  which  he 
bore  towards  his  most  faithful  servant. 
The  queen  also  was  in  very  immi- 
nent peril  from  a  conspiracy  formed 
against  her;  her  prudence,  and  a  for- 
tunate discovery  with  respect  to  the 
plot,  enabled  her  to  preserve  herself. 
Gardiner  had  spoken  to  her  prejudice, 
in  consequence  of  her  frequently  dis- 
puting on  religious  topics  with  the 
king;  and  when  he  had  excited  the 
suspicions  of  his  majesty,  Henry  agreed 
that  she  should  be  apprehended  and 
examined  ;  which  were  but  other  names 
under  which  total  ruin  was  concealed. 

2  Fox.  ii.  488 

'  N.  B. — Strype,  xxviii.  places  this  two  years 
earlier.    See  ^  •224. 


Chap.  V.  j 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


67 


By  the  carelessness  of  ihe  chancellor, 
ihe  queen  became  possessed  of  a  paper 
containing-  an  account  of  these  projected 
steps.  She  soon  after  introduced  the 
subject  of  divinity,  while  in  conversa- 
tion with  her  husband  ;  and  when  he 
hinted  at  her  having  opinions  of  her  own, 
she  parried  the  blow,  and  said  that  if, 
in  conversation,  she  had  assumed  more 
upon  herself  than  became  her  sex  and 
station,  it  was  but  to  entice  him  to  a 
subject  on  which  she  obtained  so  much 
information. 

§  227.  The  execution  of  the  earl  of 
Surrey  (Jan.  19,  1547)  may  be  con- 
sidered as  the  last  act  of  this  reign  ;  for 
though  the  attainder  of  the  duke  of 
Norfolk  was  subsequent,  yet  the  death 
of  the  king  (Jan.  27)  himself  prevented 
the  execution  of  tiie  sentence.  It  was 
remarkable  at  once  for  cruelty  and  in- 
justice, and  affords  another  instance  of 
the  danger  of  admitting  a  trial,  where 
the  parties  are  not  suffered  to  confront 
the  witnesses  who  are  brought  against 
them.  This  evil  example  was  set  in 
the  case  of  those  who  were  attainted 
with  the  marchioness  of  Exeter  and 
countess  of  Salisbury ;  in  which  case 
Cromwell  consulted  the  judges,  who 
answered,  That  it  was  a  dangerous 
question :  that  the  parliament,  which 
should  be  an  example  to  other  courts, 
ought  carefully  to  observe  the  strictest 
justice  ;  but  that  as  it  was  itself  su- 
preme, Avhatever  it  decided  must  be  the 
law :  the  precedent  was  followed  in 
many  other  cases,  and  Cromwell  him- 
self fell  by  it.  The  number  of  persons 
who  were  executed  in  this  reign  was 
very  considerable  for,  independent 
of  those  who  fell  in  the  cause  of  reli- 
gion, the  king  himself  was  sanguinary 
towai-ds  those  who  were  about  him ; 
and,  excepting  in  the' case  of  Cranmer, 
he  seems  to  have  instantly  forgotten  the 
services  of  men  oii  whom  he  had  be- 
stowed his  confidence ;  and  no  sooner 

'  And  for  lestimonies  in  tliis  kind,  some  urge 
two  queens,  one  cardinal  (in  prnrincfu,  al  least) 
or  two;  (lor  Pole  wan  condemned,  though  ab- 
sent ;)  dukes,  marf|uises,  earls,  and  earls'  sons, 
twelve  ;  barons  attd  knights,  eighteen  ;  abbots, 
priors,  monks,  and  priests,  seventy-seven  ;  of  the 
more  common  sort,  between  one  religion  and  an- 
other, husje  multitudes.  (Lord  flerbcrt's  Life  of 
Henry  VIIL  2f)7.)  The  countess  of  Salisbury 
was  mother  to  Cardinal  Pole  ;  and  her  execution, 
two  years  after  her  attainder,  has  left  an  indelible 
tain  on  the  character  of  Henry. 


did  they  become  the  objects  of  suspi- 
cion, than  they  experienced  the  selfish 
severity  of  their  master.  He  appears 
indeed  to  have  been  sensible  of  the 
merits  of  his  ministers,  and  few  kings 
have  been  more  fortunate  in  this  par- 
ticular ;  but  the  good  opinion  which  he 
entertained  of  them  was  no  security 
against  a  change  in  his  affections,  and 
this  was  generally  followed  by  perse- 
cution from  their  political  opponents, 
and  ended  in  a  tragical  falL 

§  228.  Henry  possessed  considerable 
natural  abilities,  and  these  had  been 
improved  by  study;  so  that,  in  point  of 
understanding,  few  monarchs  seem  to 
have  been  better  calculated  for  the  per- 
formance of  an  important  part ;  the 
sentiments  of  his  heart  appear  to  have 
been  originally  noble  and  generous,  yet 
all  these  qualities  were  destroyed  or 
rendered  pernicious,  by  the  want  of 
self-restraint,  of  which  he  was  the  vic- 
tim. Possessed  of  power  at  an  early 
age,  and  unfettered  by  any  constitu- 
tional restrictions,  he  soon  found  that 
his  own  will  was  law  ;  and  where  this 
point  was  or  might  be  questioned,  he 
bore  down  all  semblance  of  opposition 
by  the  severity  of  his  measures.'^  Wol- 
sey  was  the  early  minister  of  his  plea- 
sures, as  well  as  the  guide  of  his  po- 
litical conduct ;  and  the  secret  by  which 
he  ruled  his  self-willed  pupil  was  by 
making  him  unable  to  govern  himself. 
The  flattery  of  applauding  churchmen 
prevented  him  from  being  contented 
with  the  character  of  a  learned  iheoTo- 
gian,  to  which  he  had  much  claiin,  and 
transformed  him  into  a  bigoted  dog- 
matist. And  yet  to  the  last  he  pos- 
sessed great  liberality  of  sentiment, 
where  he  was  not  irritated  by  having 
his  vanity  offended ;  but  whenever  he 
was  contradicted  in  matters  of  religion, 
or  when  his  own  desires  were  thwarted, 
he  became  ungovernable  and  cruel ;  on 
such  occasions  he  overruled  justice,  and 
proved  himself  a  capricious  tyrant,  in 
spite  of  all  the  estimable  qualities  with 
which  nature  had  bountifully  supplied 
him.  But  even  his  very  vices  were  by 
the  providence  of  God  made  the  instru- 

^  If  it  be  asked  how  Henry  became  possessed 
of  power  to  do  this,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
the  crown  and  the  church  had  destroyed  the 
power  of  the  aristocracy,  so  that  when  tlie  church 
was  humbled,  the  king  stood  alone. 


m 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


[Chap.  Y 


ments  of  beneficial  results:  his  desire  | 
to  divorce  Catharine  destroyed  the  pa- 
pal power  in  England  :  his  tyranny  and 
the  influence  which  he  exercised  over 
his  subjects,  enabled  him  to  dissolve 
the  monastic  establishments ;  a  power 
which  must  have  impeded  every  step 
towards  reformation,  had  they  been 
continued  in  existence;  and  with  re- 
gard to  their  destruction,  if  he  had  been 
troubled  with  a  very  scrupulous  con- 
science, he  would  never  have  resorted 
to  the  means  by  which  he  accomplished 
this  stupendous  work.  Had  all  the 
property  thus  taken  from  the  patrimony 
of  the  church  been  vested  in  the  crown, 
it  would  have  rendered  it  independent 
of  parliamentary  grants,  and  have  fur- 
nished the  means  of  continuing  a  ty- 
ranny as  injurious,  perhaps,  to  the 
country  as  that  of  a  foreign  power, 
balanced  by  the  royal  authority  ;  but 
the  profusion  of  the  king,  and  the  ra- 
pacity of  his  court,  entirely  freed  the 
country  from  any  danger  on  this  head, 
and  ultimately  threw  the  wealth  which 
their  forefathers  had  so  grossly  misap- 
plied, into  the  hands  of  individuals, 
who  are  the  safest  guardians  of  the 
public  property. 

§  229.  It  may  be  convenient,  in  this 
part  of  the  history,  to  mark  the  points 
which  had  been  gained  in  the  Reforma- 
tion, as  well  as  to  enumerate  such  par- 
ticulars as  still  wanted  alteration. 

The  power  of  the  papacy  in  England 
was  for  the  time  annihilated,  not  merely 
by  legislative  enactments — for  acts  of 
parliament  had  always  proved  inade- 
quate to  curb  an  authority  which  set 
law  at  defiance — not  merely  by  taking 
away  the  wealth  of  the  supporters  of  so 
monstrous  a  scheme  of  oppression,  but 
by  breaking  the  charm  which  had  given 
energy  to  the  whole,  by  weakening  the 
force  on  which  this  machine  depended 
for  its  motion.  The  superstitions  of  the 
church  of  Rome  had  been  attacked  in 
their  very  origin,  and  many  of  the  more 
C^ross  of  her  idolatries  had  been  put 
down  by  the  civil  power;  but  the  me- 
thod which  had  been  most  successfully 
adopted,  was  that  of  allowing  the  people 
to  think  and  judge  for  themselves.  The 
Bible  and  the  three  Creeds  had  been 
declared  to  be  the  rule  of  faith  ;  the  use 
of  the  Bible  had  been  granted  to  the 
people,  and  they  were  directed  to  read 


the  word  of  God,  and  to  learn  from  it 
their  duty  towards  Him  and  their  neigh- 
bour. The  wealth  of  the  monastic  or- 
ders was  taken  from  the  former  posses- 
sors most  unjustly  ;  but  they  were  legi- 
timately dejjrived  of  the  real  source  of 
their  riches,  when  the  notion  of  purga- 
tory was  discountenanced,  and  when  in 
the  instructions  delivered  to  the  people 
no  mention  was  made  of  this  doctrine, 
from  whence  the  influence  of  the  church 
of  Rome  is  derived.  The  translation 
of  the  Bible  was  authorized  by  the  go- 
vernment;  copies  of  it  were  distributed 
throughout  the  kingdom;  and  the  lita- 
ny was  published  in  the  mother-tongue. 
The  people  had  now,  then,  the  means 
of  instruction  ;  and  to  the  rising  gene- 
ration these  blessings  were  insured  by 
the  injunction,  that  the  children  in  every 
parish  should  be  instructed  in  the  Ten 
Commandments,  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
and  the  Belief,  and  that  these  element- 
ary subjects  should  be  fully  explained 
to  them  by  their  spiritual  guides. 

§  239.  But  the  act  of  the  Six  Articles 
was  still  in  force.  Still  was  it  a  capital 
offence  to  deny  the  corporal  presence 
of  Christ  in  the  Lord's  Supper  :  the  cup 
was  still  denied  to  the  laity  ;  an  unne- 
cessary and  compulsatory  restraint  was 
imposed  on  the  marriage  of  the  clergy  ; 
and  those  who  had  taken  vows  of  chas- 
tity were  still  obliged  by  law  to  con- 
tinue in  their  single  state.  To  this,  per- 
haps, as  individuals,  they  had  no  right 
to  object ;  but  to  the  body  politic,  a 
forced  celibacy  is  apt  to  become  a  state 
of  real  licentiousness.'  The  use  of 
private  masses  was  continued,  the  ne- 
cessity of  auricular  confession  was  still 
sanctioned,  and  the  Latin  language  still 
used  in  the  mass.  The  power  of  the 
ecclesiastical  courts  was  still  continued, 
and  the  nature  of  such  tribunals  was 
most  oppressive  to  the  subject.  It  was 
not  that  they,  armed  themselves  against 
vice  and  immorality,  or  were  formidable 

'  As  a  confirmation  of  ihis  assertion,  the  reader 
may  not  be  displeased  at  seeing  an  answer  of  Mr. 
T.  Lawney,  to  the  dul\e  of  Norfolk,  upon  the 
passing  of  ihe  act  of  the  Six  Articles:  "  O,  my 
Lawney,  (said  his  grace  to  his  old  chaplain,  know- 
inehim  of  old  much  to  favour  priests'  matrimony.) 
whether  may  priests  now  have  wives  or  no?  If 
it  please  your  grace,  (replied  he,)  I  cannot  well  tell 
whether  priests  may  have  wives  or  no  :  but  well 
I  wot.  and  am  sure  of  it,  for  all  your  act,  that 
wives  will  have  priests."  (Strype's  Cranmer,  c. 
viii.  p.  49.) 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


69 


to  the  evil-doer ;  but  their  processes 
were  so  indefinite,  that  no  one  could 
esteem  himself  secure  against  the  sen- 
tence of  such  a  court :  and  those  church- 
men who  possessed  any  authority  under 
these  jurisdictions  were  enabled  to  exer- 
cise oppression  to  an  unlimited  amount, 
since  they  could  enforce  by  civil  penal- 
ties the  spiritual  decisions  of  the  church. 
Confession  put  the  clergy  in  possession 
of  the  secrets  of  society,  and  continued 
an  influence,  injurious  even  if  exercised 
on  Christian  principles ;  which  makes 
one  man  the  keeper,  and  not  the  adviser 
of  another's  conscience  ;  which  deprives 
the  laity  of  that  sense  of  personal  re- 
sponsibility to  God  which  a  future  judg- 
ment will  require;  which  makes  the 
priesthood,  in  their  desire  to  guide  the 
actions  of  their  flock,  convert  religion 
into  an  opua  operatum,  and  change 
Christianity  into  a  system,  in  which  the 
unimportant  devices  of  men  are  more 
regarded  than  the  love  and  the  fear  of 
God — that  love,  which  gives  obedience 
its  charm,  and  renders  our  imperfect 
performances  acceptable  at  the  throne 
of  grace. 

§  2'-H.  It  it  be  asked  what  effect  the 
Reformation  in  Germany  had  on  that  in 
England,  and  why  so  little  notice  has 
been  taken  of  the  events  which  were 
passing  there,  it  must  be  answered  in 
excuse,  that  the  limits  of  the  work  ne- 
cessarily confine  our  researches  to  those 
topics  which  affected  our  own  church, 
and  that  the  history  of  the  foreign 
churches  scarcely  came  under  this  de- 
nomination during  the  reign  of  Henry 
VIll.  If  we  except  that  secret  influence 
which  the  alterations  in  religion,  which 
then  took  place,  must  have  had  on  the 
minds  of  any  people,  who  were  at  all 
connected  with  them,  these  foreign 
changes  probably  little  retarded  or  ad- 
vanced the  corresponding  steps,  with 
the  details  of  which  we  have  been  en- 
gaged. The  dispute  between  Henry 
and  Luther  had  alienated  the  good-will 
of  the  monarch  from  those  proceedings 
which  he  himself  was  about  so  soon  to 
imitate  ;  and  the  opinions  concerning 
the  divorce  expressed  by  many  of  the 
German  divines  (viz.,  that  though  the 
marriage  were  unlawful,  they  did  not 
approve  of  the  divorce)  had  not  tended 
to  conciliate  him.  Yet  when  he  was 
embarked  in  an  opposition  to  the  author- 


ity and  power  of  Bume  the  common 
interests  of  both  parties  naturally  dis- 
posed each  of  them  to  connect  them- 
selves with  the  other. 

§  233.  After  the  publication  of  the 
confession  of  Augsburg  in  1530,'  the 
Protestant  princes  assembled  at  vSmal- 
calde  wrote  in  1531  to  the  kings  of 
France  and  England,-'  with  the  view  of 
obviating  the  ill  effects  which  false 
reports,  concerning  what  had  been  done 
in  Germany,  might  have  produced  in 
the  good  opinions  of  these  sovereigns. 
Henry  sent  them  a  very  civil  and  cha- 
racteristic answer,  in  which  he  acknow- 
ledges the  necessity  of  some  reforma- 
tion, expresses  his  anxiety  for  it,  and 
his  wish  that  a  general  council  might  be 
assembled,  but  points  out  the  danger  of 
admitting  such  violent  remedies  as  some 
levellers  had  desired  to  introduce. 

In  1535,  Fox,  Heath,  and  Barnes, 
were  sent  ambassadors  to  Smalcalde,'' 
where  proposals  were  made  to  them  by 
the  Protestant  princes,  that  the  king 
should  approve  the  confession  of  Augs- 
burg, and  become  the  patron  or  defender 
of  a  league  established  for  its  support; 
that  they  should  endeavour  to  promote 
the  calling  of  a  council,  which  might  be 
really  free,  and  there  advocate  their 
doctrines;  that  they  should  oppose  the 
authority  of  the  pope  ;  should  engage 
in  certain  conditions  of  mutual  defence  ; 
and  when  matters  were  more  advanced, 
should  send  a  learned  embassy  to  Eng- 
land. Henry  agreed  to  most  of  these 
terms,  (1,53{;,)  but  was  probably  rather 
disposed  to  receive  an  embassy  of  di- 
vines, in  order  that  they  might  alter  their 
own  confession  according  to  his  ad- 
vice, than  inclined  to  model  his  own 
faith  in  unison  with  their  decisions. 
He  was,  however,  particularly  anxious 
that  Melancthon  might  visit  him  in 
England. 

In  March,  1538,  the  Protestants  met 
at  Brunswick,*  and  Henry  sent  C. 
Mount  there,  to  learn  their  object  in 
meeting,  and  to  discover  whether  they 
were  likely  to  send  the  embassy  and 
Melancthon.  They  on  their  part  wished 
to  learn  his  objections  to  the  Augsburg 
confession,  but  gave  a  commission  to 
their  agents  now  sent,  to  discuss  these 

'  See  it  in  the  Sylloge  Confessionum. 

2  Sleidan.  145.  ^  Strype's  Mem.  i.  348. 

*  Lord  [Iciberi's  Life,  213. 


70 

topics  with  the  English  divines.  Burgrat 
and  his  colleagues  had  much  communi- 
cation on  the  subject,  and  probably 
agreed  better  with  Cromwell  and  Cran- 
mer  than  with  the  sentiments  of  the 
king  himself.  The  discussion  was 
ended  by  a  letter'  addressed  by  them  to 
Henry,  in  which  they  object  to  three 
points — the  denial  of  the  cup  to  the  laity 
— the  continuance  of  private  masses — 
and  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy.  An 
answer  was  sent  them  in  the  name  of 
the  king,  drawn  up  by  Tonstal,  bishop 


[Chap.  V. 

of  Durham,  who  defends  each  of  these 
particulars.  Melancthon  wrote  to  Henry 
early  the  next  year  in  remonstrance, 
and  the  German  orators  were  again  sent 
to  renew  the  conference^  (1539) ;  but 
the  act  of  the  Six  Articles  was  passed 
soon  after,  and  subsequently  no  real 
progress  was  made  in  the  Reformation 
during  the  reign.  Whatever  effect, 
therefore,  might  be  produced  by  this 
connection,  in  the  next  reign,  we  can 
hardly  trace  any  benefit  arising  from  it 
in  the  present. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


DATES  RELATIVE  TO  THE  DISSOLUTION  OF  MONASTERIES. 

1535.  The  visitation  of  monasteries  began  in  October. — Burnet,  184,  fol. 

Aov.  13.  The  first  resignations  are  dated  this  day. — Burnet,  Rec.  iii.  No.  3. 

1536.  Before  April  14,  the  act  for  the  dissolution  of  the  smaller  monasteries 

passed. — Burnet,  194,  fol. 

1537.  A  new  visitation  of  monasteries. — Burnet,  235,  fol. 

1539.  An  act  legalizing  the  dissolution  of  monasteries  and  granting  them  to  the 

king.— Burnet,  200,  fol. 

1540.  .^pril  22.    The  knights  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  suppressed. — Burne 


1545.  Colleges  and  chantries  gix,en  to  the  king.  The  universities  are  confirmed. 
—Burnet,  338,  fol. 


APPENDIX  A.  TO  CHAP.  V. 

ON  THE  DISSOLUTION  OF  MONASTERIES. 

241.  Questions  to  be  discussed.  242.  IMonasteries,  originally  beneficial  to  society.  243.  Benefits  of 
sanctuary.  244.  Monasteries  practically  beneficial.  245.  Architecture.  Books.  Trades.  246, 
Monasteries,  by  degrees,  become  less  useful.  247.  Are  favoured  by  the  people.  The  efi'ect  of 
celibacy  with  respect  to  thgm.  248.  Monasteries  overturned  by  Henry's  rapacity.  Plans  for 
employing  this  wealth.  249.  Education  for  diplomacy.  250.  Impropriations.  251.  General 
education.  252.  Property  more  valuable  by  distribution.  253.  Evils  felt  at  the  dissolution  of 
monasteries.  254.  The  transfer  of  property  ultimately  produced  good.  255.  Much  evil  was  pro- 
duced at  the  time.  256.  Libraries  were  destroyed.  257.  Labourers  unemployed.  258.  Amount 
and  efiecis  of  this  transfer  of  property.  259.  The  ultimate  result,  beneficial.  Benefits  of  a  church 
establishment. 


§  241.  The  dissolution  of  the  monas- 
tic establishments  in  this  countrj'  forms 
so  striking  a  feature  in  the  reformation 
of  the  church,  that  the  subject  seems  to 
claim  a  more  full  and  distinct  discussion 
than  has  been  already  given  to  it. 


The  whole  question,  perhaps,  belongs 
to  the  civil,  rather  than  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal historian,  as  affecting  in  a  greater 
degree  the  temporal  than  the  spiritual 
concerns  of  the  country ;  but  in  our 
happy  constitution  the  interests  of  the 


'  Burnet,  i.  Addenda.  No.  vii. 


I 


^  Strype's  Mem.  i.  526. 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


71 


church  and  the  state  are  so  vitally 
blended,  that  any  event  which  con- 
siderably affects  the  one,  cannot  fail  to 
be  of  <^reat  importance  to  the  other. 

In  this  case,  it  is  indeed  possible  that 
the  monasteries  might  have  been  re- 
tained, and  the  original  objects  of  the 
foundations  have  been  complied  with, 
under  such  modifications  as  were  ad- 
mitted into  our  colleges  ;  the  Reforma- 
tion might,  on  this  supposition,  have 
proceeded  as  it  did  ;  and  the  same 
prejionderance  of  property  have  been 
retained  in  the  hands  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal persons,  without  preventing  those 
changes  which  took  place  in  the  doc- 
trine and  discipline  of  the  church.  But 
it  may  be  useful  to  inquire  what  por- 
tion of  these  alterations  is  in  any  way 
due  to  the  transfer  of  property  itself, 
and  whether,  without  it,  these  changes 
would  have  taken  place  at  all.  And, 
again,  whether,  if  the  property  had 
been  retained  in  mortmain,  and  appro- 
priated to  other  general  purposes,  the 
body  politic  would,  or  \vould  not,  have 
been  benefited ;  in  short,  to  see  the 
effect  which  monasteries  had  on  Eng- 
land, and  to  trace  the  political  alterations 
which  their  dissolution  has  produced. 

§  242.  In  reviewing  the  earlier  pe- 
riods of  our  history,  we  shall  probably 
be  compelled  to  admit  the  utility  of 
monastic  societies.  While  the  country 
was  a  prey  to  barbarism,  and  the  ra- 
vages of  war  were  continually  over- 
turning every  approach  to  security, 
the  veneration  paid  to  religious  houses 
must  have  tended  to  soften  and  human- 
ize the  mind,  as  well  as  to  form  a  bar- 
rier against  the  actual  destruction  of 
property. 

Among  the  Saxons,  the  introduction 
of  Christianity  was  accompanied  by 
these  establishments,  which  polished 
the  rude  institutions  of  the  inhabitants 
of  England,  while  the  religion  itself 
contributed  more  effectually  to  the  same 
end,  by  working  on  the  hearts  of  the 
individual  converts.  When,  then,  the 
Danes  commenced  their  system  of 
plunder,  the  monasteries,  which  had 
become  numerous,  formed  the  chief 
points  against  which  their  attacks  were 
directed."  Superstitious  hatred  might, 
it  is  true,  have  guided  the  invaders  to 
the  places  dedicated  to  the  worship  of 
a  God  whom  they  despised;  but  the  I 


fre(juent  recurrence  of  the  same  sa- 
crilege arose,  more  probably,  from 
avarice  ;  and  these  pirates  learnt,  by 
experience,  that  the  habitations  of  the 
monks  contained  the  riches,  as  well  as 
the  religion  of  the  country ;  while  the 
feeble  efl'brts  which  were  generally 
made  in  their  defence  promoted  the 
recurrence  of  the  same  aggressions. 

§  243.  The  conversion  of  the  Danes 
to,  Christianity  restored,  in  some  de- 
gree, the  dilapidated  monasteries,  and 
re-established  them  in  their  ancient 
rights  and  privileges  ;  a  step  which 
would  hardly  have  been  taken,  unless 
the  idea  of  utility  had  been  connected 
with  such  foundations  ;  for  the  very 
privileges,  which  afterwards  became  so 
injurious  to  society,  were  then  of  mate- 
rial advantage  to  it;  and  when  the  want 
of  law  and  civilization  armed  the  hand 
of  every  man  against  all  who  OiTended 
him,  the  reverence  which  was  paid  to 
the  rights  of  sanctuary  provided  a  pow- 
erful remedy  against  the  violence  of 
passion.*  In  all  this  we  may  trace  a 
strong  resemblance  to  the  institutions 
of  the  early  Greeks,  among  whom  the 
same  evils  were  guarded  against,  by 
provisions  corresponding  in  many  re- 
spects. The  Conquest  was  so  far  from 
rendering  these  safeguards  unnecessa- 
ry, that  the  power  of  the  clergy,  par- 
ticularly of  the  monastic  orders,  formed 
a  most  salutary  check  on  the;  ferocious 
tyranny  of  the  barons  ;  and  the  terrors 
with  which  the  church  was  armed  by 
its  property,  as  well  as  the  influence  of 
the  court  of  Rome,  not  only  prevented 
acts  of  aggression,  but  proved  a  con- 
tinual restraint  on  men  who  needed 
every  check  which  might  retain  them 
within  the  bounds  of  civilized  inter- 
course, and  the  humanities  of  life. 

§  214.  Every  lay  fief,  held  upon  the 
tenure  of  military  service,  was,  in  real- 
ity, a  premium  upon  war.  In  invasion, 
it  formed  the  prize  towards  which  the 
soldier  looked  :  in  seasons  of  tranquilli- 
ty, it  provided  the  soil  on  which  fresh 
troops  might  be  raised,  either  for  the 
defence  of  the  kingdom  or  the  extension 
of  conquest.    All  ecclesiastical  proper- 


'  By  Alfred's  laws,  it  appears  that  asylum  was 
only  afl'ortlcd  in  the  sanctuary  for  a  time  appoint- 
ed by  law,  and  varying,  according  to  iho  circum- 
stances, trom  three  io  more  nights.  See  Johnson's 
Canons,  a.  v.  877,  §  2,  &c. 


7-2  HISTORY 

ty,  on  the  other  hand,  tended  to  promote 
the  cuhivation  of  peace :  it  was  the  price 
paid  by  the  public  to  those  who  fostered 
the  arts,  and  who  possessed  the  only 
learninrr  of  which  the  nation  could  boast. 
The  object  for  which  such  donations 
were  made,  was,  it  is  true,  supersti- 
tious, but  their  ordinary  effects  must 
have  been,  in  some  degree,  beneficial ; 
for  mankind  would  otherwise  have 
more  quickly  seen  through  the  delu- 
sion on  which  such  foundations  rest ; 
and  would  never  have  continued  to 
promote  establishments,  which  not  only 
employed  a  large  portion  of  the  wealth 
of  the  kingdom,  but  of  which  the  prac- 
tical tendency  must  have  been  daily 
broun-ht  before  their  eyes. 

§  '2io.  English  architecture  may  be 
said  to  owe  its  origin  to  ecclesiastical 
bodies,  not  only  because  they  required 
extensive  places  of  worship  for  their 
use,  and  were  possessed  of  wealth  ade- 
quate to  their  construction,  but  the  de- 
signs and  execution  of  the  work  itself 
were  frequently  furnished  by  the  mem- 
bers of  monastic  fraternities.  The  whole 
of  the  book  learning  of  the  countrj'  was 
in  their  hands ;  and  to  this  they  added 
those  arts  which  are  connected  with  or- 
namenting AISS.,  artificial  penmanship, 
and  minute  painting  and  gilding  for 
illuminations.  Their  talents  were  also 
often  directed  to  objects  of  more  obvi- 
ous and  immediate  use  ;  for  they  fre- 
quently superintended  certain  species 
of  manufactures  within  their  walls,  and 
converted  the  raw  materials  with  which 
their  lands  furnished  them  into  articles 
ready  for  the  market.  In  all  this,  the 
sanctity  which  was  attached  to  the  reli- 
gions body  answered  the  great  end  of 
all  political  institutions,  the  security  of 
property ;  and  at  a  period  when  every 
other  tenure  was  uncertain,  religion, 
deformed  as  it  was  in  many  respects, 
provided  a  safeguard  against  violence, 
which  enabled  the  monastic  orders  to 
cultivate  the  substantial  good  of  the 
country. 

§  24().  Society,  in  the  different  stages 
through  which  it  passes,  requires 
changes  of  institutions  corresponding 
with  the  advancement  of  civilization, 
or  the  progress  of  the  arts.  Chartered 
companies,  for  instance,  may  have  ena- 
bled a  number  of  persons  to  engage  in 
trades,  and  to  enter  into  speculations, 


OF  THE  [Chap.  V. 

I  to  which  individually  they  might  have 
been  unequal;  but  when  the  commerce 
has  long  been  in  existence,  the  regula- 
tions of  such  a  company  may  become 
injurious  to  the  further  improvement  of 
it.  l"he  same  observations  will  a])ply, 
probabl}',  to  establishments  calculated 
to  foster  civilization  ;  and  thus  the  pre- 
valence of  the  monastic  orders  may 
have  prevented  those  improvements  in 
manufactures  and  moral  habits,  which 
their  existence  originally  promoted. 
As  the  law  became  strong  enouoh  to 
protect  the  innocent,  sanctuaries, which 
had  previously  answered  this  purpose, 
furnished  an  asylum  for  the  guilty  only, 
and  counteracted  the  force  of  legal  au- 
thority, in  aid  of  which  they  had  been 
established.  For  a  time,  the  arts  flou- 
rished within  such  foundations;  but  the 
very  nature  of  them  precluded  that 
healthful  activity  which  constitutes  the 
wealth  of  a  nation,  and  can  alone  con- 
tinue to  diffuse  throughout  a  country 
the  advantages  of  real  information.  In 
these  bodies,  on  the  contrary,  the  road 
to  honour  and  preferment  was  so  con- 
fined by  the  prejudices  of  the  ruling 
powers,  that  they  contributed  little  to 
the  dissemination  of  general  know- 
ledge. The  countless  multitudes  who, 
by  the  increasing  superstition  of  the 
times,  were  admitted  into  the  religious 
orders,  became  a  burden  to  the  state, 
inasmuch  as  their  pursuits  w"ere  directed 
to  objects  little  beneficial  to  mankind. 
The  number  of  teachers  who  can  be 
employed  to  advantage  must  soon  be 
limited  by  the  population  of  a  country; 
the  services  of  religion  are  supplied  by 
a  comparatively  small  number  of  func- 
tionaries; and  learning,  if  confined  to 
the  walls  of  a  convent,  and  not  brought 
forward  by  competition,  or  applied  to 
the  purposes  of  general  life,  Avill  soon 
degenerate  into  trifling  and  superficial 
pedantry,  and  he  sought  no  further 
than  as  it  may  deceive  the  vulgar.  In 
the  very  manufactures  which  were  ex- 
ercised under  the  superintendence  of 
the  monks,  the  accidental  advantages 
which  they  possessed  enabled  them  to 
create  monopolies ;  and  their  power 
and  influence  in  procuring  a  market 
stood  in  the  way  of  that  freedom  of 
trade  which  is  the  only  sure  basis  of 
internal  prosperity. 

§  247.  These  establishments,  then. 


Chap.  V,] 


CHURCH  OF  EiNGLAND. 


73 


had  in  their  origin  been  most  useful 
to  the  nation  ;  but,  as  the  aheration  of 
circumstances  made  them  less  necessary, 
the  influence  of  superstition  produced  a 
continued  increase  to  their  numbers,' 
while  their  augmented  power  still  added 
in  an  alarming  degree  to  the  extent  of 
the  evil.  It  was  in  vain  to  expect  a 
remedy  from  new  laws  ;  for  the  effect 
of  every  enactment  will  invariably 
become  paralyzed,  whenever  it  acts 
against  the  immediate  interests  of  the 
ruling  part  of  society.  The  nobility 
could  not  be  restrained  from  contribut- 
ing to  the  support  of  foundations,  where 
their  children  received  their  education, 
and  where  the  younger  branches  of  the 
family  found  a  ready  asylum,  when  the 
resources  of  the  paternal  estate  were 
inadequate  to  their  support.  To  the 
rest  of  the  kingdom,  the  power  of  the 
church  formed  as  it  were  a  barrier 
against  the  tyranny  of  the  great ;  and 
the  lands  of  monasteries  were  generally 
let  on  terms  so  advantageous,  that  the 
tenant  found  his  duty  and  interest  com- 
bined in  the  defence  of  his  ecclesiasti- 
cal lord.  The  policy  of  the  church  of 
Rome  kept  this  enormous  body  as  dis- 
tinct as  possible  from  the  rest  of  the 
nation  ;  and  celibacy,  by  which  this 
end  was  principally  effected,  though  it 
exposed  the  clergy  to  various  tempta- 
tions, and  lowered  them  in  general 
esteem,  could  not  fail  to  direct  all  their 
energies  to  the  glory  and  augmenta- 


'  The  following  Table  will  give  some  general 
idea  of  the  number  of  religious  houses  founded 
in  each  reign.  (  Tanner's  Notiiia,  p.  viii.) 

Collepes 
io  the  Uoi- 
p.  a.  versities. 

2,25 
2,41 
4,08 


William  I.  . 
William  II.  . 
Henry  I. 
Siepheti   .  . 
Honry  IT.  . 
Richard  I.  . 
.lohn    .    .  . 
ilenry  III.  . 
Hdward  I.  . 
Kdward  II.  . 
Kdward  III. 
Kichard  II.  . 
Ilcnry  IV.  . 
Ilenry  V. 
Henry  VI.  . 
Edward  IV. 
Edward  V. 
Richard  III. 
Henry  VII.  . 
Henry  VIII . 


20 
13 
35 
18 
31 

9 
17 
56 
34 
19 
50 
22 
13 

9 
38 
22 

2 
23 
37 


10 


Monant. 
Founded. 

45 
29 
143 
146 
163 
52 
81 
211 
107 
42 
74 
21 
12 
4 
33 
15 


few 


1178 


8,11 
4,79 
5,77 
4,76 
4,78 
3,01 
2,21 
1,48 
1, 

0,92 
0,44 
0,86 
0,68 


tion  of  that  society  to  which  they  be- 
longed. 

§  248.  The  ostensible  plea  on  which 
this  property  had  been  acquired,  chiefly 
de[)ended  on  a  false  idea  of  a  state  of 
purgatory  ;  and  if  the  majority  of  the 
clergy  were  sincere  in  such  a  belief,  (a 
point  which  we  can  hardly  doubt,)  these 
innovations,'-  which  must  have  at  once 
alarmed  the  consciences  and  the  worldly 
interests  of  ^o  large  a  number  of  per- 
sons, could  hardly  have  been  intro- 
duced without  the  application  of  much 
external  force.  It  seems  probable,  then, 
that  unless  the  rapacity  of  Henry  and 
his  courtiers  had  previously  scattered 
the  wealth,  and  thus  destroyed  much  of 
the  worldly  power  of  the  church,  the 
Reformation  would  hardly  have  taken 
place  at  this  time.  It  was  avarice 
which  led  them  to  make  this  attack  on 
the  property  ;  but,  in  attempting  to  de- 
fend their  conduct,  they  examined  the 
grounds  on  which  these  foundations 
were  laid,  and  soon  found  the  instability 
of  a  building  which  had  neither  sound 
reason  in  its  favour,  nor  the  revealed 
word  of  God  for  its  support.  Had  this 
step  never  taken  place,  we  might  still 
have  been  blessed  with  the  Reforma- 
tion ;  but  it  would  probably  have  been 
delayed,  or  have  been  effected  with  a 
violence  which  might  have  swept  away 
with  it  many  of  our  most  valuable  insti- 
tutions. 

It  was  the  wish  of  many  of  the  re- 
formers, that  the  wealth  of  the  sup- 
pressed monasteries  might  have  been 
applied  to  some  useful  endowments; 
and  the  scheme  is  in  itself  so  plausible, 
that  few  can  have  thought  much  on  the 
history  of  the  Reformation  without  hav- 
ing sketched  out  some  ideal  plan  which 
might  have  employed  a  portion  at  least 
of  these  large  revenues.  What  was 
done  in  this  way,  viz.,  the  erection  of 
six  bishoprics,  and  the  foundation  of 
fifteen  chapters,^  several  hospitals,  and 


^  It  may  be  observed,  that  the  transfer  of  pro- 
perty from  one  religious  purpose  to  another  was 
not  iiow  introduced.  (Collier,  i.  650.)  In  1414, 
all  alien  priories  not  conventual  were  dissolved  by 
an  act  of  parliament  ;  many  colleges  owe  much 
of  their  wealth  to  this  source,  before  the  time  of 
Wolsey,  (Tanner,  Notitia,  xxxiii.  &,c.,)  whose 
liberality  of  foundation  chiefly  consisted  in  sup- 
pressing monasteries  to  found  a  college  to  his  own 
honour. 

'  Bristol,  Canterbury,  Carlisle,  Chester,  Dur- 
ham, Ely,  Gloucester,  Norwich,  Peterborough, 
G 


"4 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  V. 


the  two  coiieges'  which  are  the  glory 
of  our  sister  universities,  so  strongly 
plead  in  favour  of  such  an  application, 
that  to  maintain  a  contrary  hypothesis 
may  seem  to  be  an  affectation  of  para- 
dox, if  indeed  it  be  not  chargeable  with 
ingratitude,  in  one  who  has  passed  the 
best  years  of  his  life  within  one  of  these 
establishments,  and  derived  from  that 
connection  the  means  of  performing 
the  greater  part  of  that  little  good  which 
he  has  been  able  to  do  in  his  generation. 

§  249.  Henry  certainly  intended  to 
have  supplied  many  of  the  wants  of  the 
nation  from  this  fund ;  but  through  the 
facility  with  which  he  granted  it  away, 
he  defeated  his  own  designs.^  Some 
of  it  was  employed  in  the  construction 
and  improvement  of  harbours;  hut  I 
have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  what 
portion  of  it  was  thus  expended.  It 
was  the  wish  of  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon, ^ 
that  some  provision  should  have  been 
made  for  the  education  of  youth  for  the 
purposes  of  diplomacy,  and  that  they 
should  thus  have  been  prepared  for 
serving  their  country  among  foreign 
nations.  But  it  may  well  be  doubted 
whether  liberal  instruction  on  general 
principles  be  not  the  most  useful  prepa- 
ration for  every  line  of  life  :  and  whe- 
ther the  early  direction  to  a  peculiar 
branch  of  study  has  not  the  tendency 
of  confining  the  views  of  the  student. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  the  sum  thus  expended 
would  have  been  small,  and  the  diffi- 
culty of  the  question  at  issue  depends 
on  the  extent  of  the  wealth  so  to  have 
been  applied. 

§  2.50.  There  is,  however,  one  point 
which  every  well-wisher  to  the  church 
must  deplore  :  I  mean  the  continuance 
of  those  impropriations  which  had  trans- 
ferred much  of  the  property  of  the  se- 
cular clergy  into  the  hands  of  the  mo- 
nastic orders.  While  the  society  so 
endowed  furnished  the  parish  with  a 
spiritual  pastor,  there  was  some  plea  for 
the  transfer  of  the  income  from  the  in- 

Rochester,  Westminster,  Winchester,  Windsor, 
Worcester,  Wolverhampton ;  the  annual  value 
of  these  was  rated  at  less  than  X'COOO.  (Speed.) 

'  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  Christ 
Church,  Oxford. 

2  Henry,  with  all  the  wealth  which  passed 
through  his  hands,  was  so  improvident,  that,  be- 
fore the  end  of  his  reign,  he  had  recourse  to  that 
dishonest  and  most  impolitic  measure  of  debasing 
his  coin.    (Camden's  Ehzabelh,  p.  49.) 

'  Burnet,  i  269. 


dividual  to  the  body  of  which  he  was 
the  representative  ;  but  when  the  whole 
establishment  was  granted  to  a  layman, 
the  impropriation  ought  to  have  been 
restored  to  the  person  who  had  the  cure 
of  souls.  The  want  of  this  arrangement, 
so  obviously  just,  has  been  of  infinite 
injury  to  the  country,  by  rendering 
many  pieces  of  preferment  inadequate* 
to  support  a  clergyman  in  that  rank  of 
life  in  which  he  has  been  placed  by  so- 
ciety. This  evil  is  now  very  sensibly 
diminished  by  the  liberality  of  the  crown, 
and  by  grants  from  parliament;  but  its 
existence  has  been  one  cause  of  the 
prevalence  of  pluralities,  while  for  a 
long  time  it  contributed  to  make  the 
body  less  respected  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world  ;  for  it  must  never  be  forgotten 
that  mankind  will  jtidge  by  external 
circumstances,  that  a  poor  establishment 
will  naturally  be  subject  to  contempt ; 
and  that  men  who  are  despised  will 
often,  by  ceasing  to  respect  themselves, 
become  really  despicable. 

§251.  But  to  recur  to  the  question 
at  issue.  If  it  be  asked,  whether  the 
property  so  seized  might  have  been 
employed  in  a  way  more  beneficial  to 
the  nation?  it  must  be  confessed,  that 
in  some  points  it  most  certainly  might; 
but  as  a  whole,  it  has  probably  fallen 
into  hands,  in  which  the  greatest  ad- 
vantage has  been  derived  from  it.  We 
are  not  speaking  of  the  justice  of  its 
application,  but  T)f  its  ultimate  utility. 
Some  of  it  might  have  been  applied  to 
promote  education,  particularly  if  we 
look  to  the  northern  parts  of  England; 
but  real  education  is  more  truly  pro- 
moted by  exciting  general  activity 
through  the  division  of  property  than  by 
any  other  means ;  by  assisting  those 
who  are  otherwise  destined  for  learned 
professions,  and  thus  enabling  them  to 
receive  an  education  superior  to  that 
which  their  own  pecuniary  resources 
would  supply.  Where  the  expense  of 
a  classical  education  is  wholly  provided 
for  the  indigent,  the  youth  whose  lot 
was  cast  in  a  lower  sphere  of  life  is 


It  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  observe,  that  the 
stipend  of  the  secular  clergy  was  itself  lessened 
by  the  Reformation,  as  nmch  of  the  pay  of  the 
curate  depended  on  what  he  obtained  by  saying 
masses  for  the  poor,  and  on  different  small  fees 
which  the  various  offices  of  the  church  of  Rome 
greatly  multiplied.  All  personal  tithes  gradually 
ceased  to  be  oaid  after  the  Reformation. 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


75 


forced  up  into  an  unnatural  competition 
with  his  superiors.  For  the  aid  of  talent 
and  genius,  when  found  among  the 
lowest  ranks  of  life,  charitable  founda- 
tions are  a  national  blessing  ;  but  surely 
in  this  point  we  abound  ;  and  though 
some  of  the  wealth  in  question  might 
have  been  advantageously  turned  into 
this  channel,  yet  we  are  speaking  of  the 
enormous  revenues  of  the  church  which 
were  then  dissipated,  and  which  were 
much  larger  than  these  objects  could 
require.  In  academical  establishments 
much  was  accomplished  by  Henry,  so 
that  as  far  as  the  universities  are  con- 
cerned, the  south  of  England  has  rather 
reason  to  be  thankful  for  what  has  been 
done,  than  to  repine  that  this  branch 
was  less  extensive.  This  observation, 
however,  cannot  be  extended  to  the 
northern  counties  ;  and  in  these,  a  place 
of  academical  education  seems  a  great 
desideratum,  particularly  for  the  clergy, 
as  the  general  poverty  of  the  benefices 
will  not  allow  those  who  are  candidates 
for  them  to  incur  the  ordinary  expenses 
of  either  of  the  present  universities.' 

§  2.53.  The  blessings  which  have 
flowed  from  the  London  hospitals  seem 
clearly  to  prove,  that  much  might  have 
been  usefully  applied  to  similar  pur- 
poses in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom  ; 
but  public  munificence  has  amply  sup- 
plied this  want,  and  no  one  can  doubt 
that  where  such  places  of  relief  owe 
their  origin  and  support  to  subscriptions, 
they  possess  a  greater  likelihood  of  pro- 
moting the  end  for  which  they  are  des- 
tined. The  question  does  not  simply 
resolve  itself  into  the  discussion,  whether 
such  and  such  sums  might  not  have 
been  beneficially  employed  in  education 
and  charity  ;  but  whether  the  conse- 
quences of  the  distribution  of  property 
have  not  converted  a  larger  sum  to  these 
very  purposes,  and  provided  that  all  the 
money  thus  employed  should  be  more 
properly  applied.  Landed  property  be- 
longing to  bodies  corporate  is  generally 
much  less  really  productive  than  the 
same  quantity  in  the  hands  of  an  indi- 
vidual. The  temporary  nature  of  the 
tenure  on  both  sides  prevents  any  very 
strenuous  exertions  towards  improve- 
ment ;  neither  are  willing  to  forego  pre- 

'  'I'his  was  written  some  time  before  the  splen- 
did plan  of  the  church  of  Durham  was  pubhshed 
to  the  world. 


sent  advantage  for  the  sake  of  future 
gain  ;  so  that  the  property  itself  becomes 
more  valuable  by  the  change  of  masters, 
while  the  growing  wants  of  increasing 
prosperity  will  turn  as  much  wealth  into 
^  the  course  of  education  and  charily  as 
I  would  have  been  employed  in  it  upon 
the  other  scheme  ;  add  to  which,  that 
the  suppljr  of  an  open  competition  is  not 
only  more  sure  to  be  adequate  to  the 
demand,  but  the  very  freedom  of  it  pre- 
vents that  lethargy  of  repletion,  under 
which  wealthy  bodies  are  but  too  apt  to 
suffer. 

§  253.  The  estates,  of  which  the 
church  was  deprived,  were  thrown  into 
the  hands  of  those  who  could  not  be 
entitled  to  them  upon  any  plea ;  and 
while  at  the  moment  the  nation  was  the 
loser,  the  court  favourite  alone  derived 
advantage  from  the  spoil.  The  poor 
were  robbed  of  the  rude  hospitality  with 
which  the!  monasteries  abounded  ;  they 
were  no  longer  provided  with  the  same 
number  of  spiritual  guides,  who,  with 
all  their  imperfections,  must  at  least 
have  equalled  in  point  of  information 
their  lay  contemporaries,  and  who,  by 
being  scattered  through  the  country, 
must  have  furnished  employment  to  a 
large  portion  of  the  lower  orders.  The 
farmer  lost  a  kind  and  indulgent  land- 
lord, whose  place  was  frequently  sup- 
plied by  a  griping  spendthrift;  at  the 
hospitable  board  which  his  own  farm 
supplied,  he  was  always  a  welcome 
guest,  whenever  he  chose  to  partake  of 
the  liberality  of  the  convent :  the  new 
proprietor,  under  whom  he  held,  was 
occupied  with  the  affairs  of  the  nation 
and  the  court  ;  and  was  scarcely  known 
to  him,  but  as  the  receiver  of  his  hard- 
earned  rents.  The  higher  orders,  who 
were  not  directly  benefited  by  the  plun- 
der, felt  the  Avant  of  corrodies  for  their 
old  servants,"  and  were  often  distressed 
in  providing  for  younger  children,  who 
would  have  been  otherwise  destined  for 
the  church. 

§  254.  With  all  this  in  their  favour, 
it  seems  wonderful  that  monasteries 
could  have  been  overthrown  with  so 
much  ease  and  rapidity;  and  for  this 
difficulty  we  shall  hardly  find  a  solution, 
unless  we  consider  the  arbitrary  power 

2  The  founder,  or  his  representative,  had  ge- 
nerally a  reserved  right  of  quartering  a  certain 
number  of  persons  on  the  convent. 


76 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  V. 


of  Henry,  and  how  much  the  clergy  had 
made  themselves  the  objects  of  hatred 
among  the  people  by  their  vices,  their 
superstition,  and  their  tyrannical  per- 
secutions. As  it  was,  the  change  pro- 
duced a  most  formidable  rebellion  ;  and 
if  the  people  could  have  foreseen  the 
extent  of  the  evil  which  this  transfer  of 
property  was  likely  to  produce,  they 
would  have  resisted  any  such  alteration  ; 
but  fortunately  they  did  not:  for,  had 
their  resistance  been  effectual,  the  coun- 
try would  in  all  probability  have  been 
injured  as  to  its  true  interests.  Those 
who  had  become  thus  easily  possessed 
of  property  were  in  the  course  of  time 
forced  to  part  with  their  ill-acquired 
wealth  ;  and  it  is  an  observation  worthy 
of  attention,  that  few  families  really 
profited  by  church  lands.'  This  effect 
need  not  be  attributed  to  the  immediate 
vengeance  of  Heaven,  (for  the  land  of 
laymen  may  be  as  truly  dedicated  to 
God  as  that  of  the  church,)  but  arose 
from  this  principle,  that  the  rapacious 
are  generally  prodigal ;  and  that  however 
property  may  be  divided  for  a  time,  the 
industrious  and  virtuous  will  sooner  or 
later  become  its  possessors.  And  thus, 
before  the  expiration  of  many  years, 
the  spoils  of  the  church  were  thrown 
into  those  hands  in  which  they  would 
produce  the  greatest  good  to  the  body 
politic. 

§  255.  But  the  immediate  effect  was 
not  at  all  that  of  promoting  the  welfare 
of  this  land.  It  was  not  the  quiet  trans- 
fer of  wealth,  accompanied  by  activity 
and  prudence  ;  but  the  forced  dissolution 
of  the  right  of  property,  and  attended 
with  waste  and  destruction.  The  tenants 
of  the  monastery  were  in  many  cases 
deprived  of  their  leases,  and  the  rents 
forced  up  to  an  unprecedented  height. 
Those  persons  who  possessed  reserved 
rents  on  the  lands  of  religious  houses 
found  such  difficulty  in  obtaining  their 
rights,  when  the  property  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  king,  or  a  powerful  subject, 
that  they  were  often  obliged  to  relinquish 
the  claim  ;  and  where,  as  was  frequently 
the  case,  the  family  of  the  founder  had 
retained  legally,  or  by  tacit  consent,  the 
right  of  presentation  to  the  preferments, 
the  new  owners  of  the  soil  deprived 
them  of  their  privilege.   Attempts  were 


indeed  made  to  obviate  these  evils  ;  but 
who  shall  be  bold  enough  to  presume 
to  set  limits  to  violence,  when  the  first 
principles  of  justice  are  destroyed?  Or 
who  shall  check  the  rapacity  of  plunder, 
Avhen  the  rights  of  property  are  systema- 
tically disregarded  ? 

§  256.  Barbarism  seems  to  have  joined 
hand  in  hand  with  avarice  in  the  work 
of  destruction  ;  the  movable  parts  of 
religious  houses  were  quickly  carried 
off  and  sold,  and  the  dismantled  build- 
ing left  to  the  pitiless  ravages  of  time, 
a  lasting  monument  of  how  much  the 
Reformation  cost  us !  The  contents, 
as  well  as  the  fabric,  suffered  in  the 
storm ;  the  libraries  were  left  to  the 
ignorant  possessor  of  the  soil,  or  pil- 
laged for  the  sake  of  the  parchment 
and  paper  which  they  contained ;  so 
that  the  loss  to  English  history  is  be- 
yond conception  ;  for  the  monks  Avere 
the  only  historians  of  the  times,'-  and  in 
almost  every  monastery  a  record  was 
kept,  not  only  of  the  transactions  of  the 
society,  but  the  political  events  of  the 
period  were  regularly  inserted  ;  and 
when  we  have  passed  beyond,  com- 
paratively speaking,  modern  times,  the 
monastic  chronicles  form  the  only  docu- 
ments for  history. 

§  257.  The  improvements  in  agricul- 
ture did  not  of  course  keep  pace  with 
the  alteration  in  the  state  of  property, 
and  the  holders  of  large  estates,  in  or- 
der to  obtain  the  highest  rents,  found  it 
necessary  to  convert  much  of  their  land 
into  pasture.  This  circumstance  re- 
duced the  ancient  cultivators  of  the  soil 
to  a  miserable  state  of  precarious  exist- 
ence, and  greatly  promoted  vagrancy 
and  disorders,  for  which  succeeding 
legislators  in  vain  sought  a  remedy,  till 
the  establishment  of  the  poor  laws,  in 
the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  connect- 
ed the  prosperity  of  the  lower  orders 
with  the  interests  of  the  landlord.  By 
the  dispersion  of  so  much  property, 
many  individuals  were  forced  to  earn 
their  bread  by  labour,  who  would  other- 
wise have  wasted  their  lives  in  sloth 
and  inactivity;  but  the  mass  of  persons 
who  were  thus  driven  to  exertion  were 
not  provided  by  education  for  cultivat- 
ing any  higher  branches  of  even  manual 
labour,  and  the  nation  found  itself  over- 


•  See  Spelman  on  Sacrilege. 


2  Fuller,  334. 


CnAP.  v.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


77 


burdened  with  ag^ricultural  workmen  at 
a  time  when  the  population  did  not 
amount  to  one-half  its  present  num- 
bers. 

§  258.  We  may  easily  conceive  that 
this  must  have  been  the  case,  when  we 
consider  the  amount  of  the  sum  trans- 
ferred, which,  accordini^  to  Speed,  was 
not  less  than  an  income  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  pounds,  scarcely  if 
at  all  below  that  of  all  the  other  church 
property.'  In  our  own  days  we  have 
experienced  the  stagnation  and  distress 
produced  by  the  change  from  a  state 
of  war  to  peace,  and  an  alteration  in 


the  value  of  money,  tocfether  with  the 
want  of  employment  which  such  causes 
have  occasioned,  and  this  accompanied 
with  no  violence,  and  laking  place  at  a 
moment  when  the  diffusion  of  know- 
ledge had  opened  every  avenue  for 
adventure.  We  may  conceive,  then, 
a  forcible  transfer  of  property,  not  re- 
latively less  than  what  the  church  at 
present  possess  in  this  kingdom,  at  a 
period  when  the  employment  of  re- 
sources was  little  understood,  and  when 
the  religion,  with  the  rites  of  which 
these  establishments  were  connected, 
was  one  which  occupied  many  indi- 


'  There  is  much  difficuhy  in  forming  an  accu- 
rate esiimate  of  the  value  of  the  property  so 
transferred  ;  but  in  tlie  absence  of  substantial  in- 
formation, some  readers  may  be  pleased  with 
having  even  an  approximation  to  the  real  sum 


placed  before  them,  and  will  excuse  the  author 
for  presenting  such  data  as  are  within  his  reach, 
defective  as  they  are.  Speed  says  Henry  trans- 
ferred 161,109/.  9s.  Hd.  to  temporal  uses. 


According  to  his  abstract  of  dissolved  monasteries,  they  amounted  to 
1,100  in  number,  and  their  value  was,  per  annum,      -       -  ■ 

Among  these,  I  believe  that  seven  cathedrals  are  enumerated,  (Canter-"^ 
bury,  Durham,  Ely,  Gloucester,  Westminster,  Winchester,  Wor-  J- 
cester,)  the  income  of  which  amounted  to  ....  J 


£ 

171,312 


d. 


Reducing  the  sum  total  of  the  suppressed  monasteries  to 

Subsequent  foundations: 
Five  bishoprics:  Bristol,  Chester,  Gloucester,  Oxford,^ 

Peterborough,  at  the  value  in  the  king's  book,  5 
Westminster,  at  the  saine  average   -       -       -  . 
Sixteen  chapters  (the  stalls)  including  Christ  Church,  ^ 

Oxford,  (Speed)  ^ 


£l,8r^S  11 
371  14 
5,942  8 


G 
2 


13,826  8  7| 
157,483  15  7i 


8,172  13  Hi 


Leaving,  independent  of  Trinity  Cambridge,  and  the  London  hospitals    -    149,311    1  8 
The  approximation  to  the  value  of  the  other  church  preferment,  at  the  same  date,  is  as  follows: — 

8331  benefices  (in  Speed)  X"108,182    G  3 

Bishoprics  and  stalls  (at  one-eighth  of  this)        .....  13,522  15  0 


i;i21.705 

(The  one-eighth  is  taken  as  an  approxiination  to  the  present  proportion.) 


1  3 


Mr.  Nasmith,  in  this  edition  of  Tanner's  No- 
titia,  has  sriven  us  from  the  Liber  Rceis,  and  other 
sources,  (Lingard,  vi.  Note  E.  p.  503.)  as  accurate 
an  account  as  can  be  expected  of  the  annual  reve- 

No.  of  tiouaes. 

186 
20 
9 


nue  of  all  the  monastic  houses.  The  result  is  the 
following.  (N.  B.  This  must  regard  the  larger 
monasteries  only.) 


Orlen. 

Benedictines, 
Cluniacs. 


101 
173 
32 
25 
3 
3 
1 
2 


Cistercians, 
Austins, 

Prcmonstratensians, 
(rilherlins, 
Fontpvraud  nuns, 
Minoresscs, 
Bridgettinos, 
Bonhommes, 
Knights  hospitallers, 
Friars, 


Larger  M.  555 

Smaller     375  with  a  clear  revenue  of 


Revenue. 

£05,877 

14 

0 

4,972 

9 

2^ 

2.947 

15 

4i 

18,fi91 

12 

G 

33,027 

1 

11 

4,807 

14 

1 

2,421 

13 

9 

825 

8 

G* 

.548 

10 

G 

1,731 

8 

91 

859 

5 

11* 

5,394 

6 

■H 

809 

11 

H 

142,914 

12 

9i 

30,000 

0 

0 

172,914 

12 

H 

930 

(Fuller,  p.  312.) 

This  result,  drawn  from  sources  totally  difTercnt  I  no  very  considerable  error  has  been  committed  in 


from  the  former,  is  sufFicienlly  near  to  show  that  |  the  investigation. 


g3 


78 


HISTOR V 


OF  THE 


[ClIAI.  V. 


viduals  in  its  services,  and  those  of 
every  different  rank  in  society,  and  wo 
shall  be  able  to  form  some  idea  of  the 
evils  and  difficulties  with  which  this 
change  was  for  the  time  attended. 
The  acts  by  which  it  was  brought 
about  were  undoubtedly  legal,  for  they 
were  sanctioned  by  the  parliament ; 
and  the  supreme  body  in  a  kingdom 
must  have  the  right'  to  dispose  of  the 
property  of  any  of  its  members ;  but 
the  dissolution  was  carried  on  in  opposi- 
tion to  every  principle  of  sound  policy, 
with  a  spirit  which  nothing  can  justify, 
and  produced  effects  at  the  moment 
highly  prejudicial  to  society. 

§  259.  The  ultimate  result  was  un- 
questionably beneficial  ;  for  it  turned 
all  this  wealth  from  a  channel  in  which 
it  was  giving  birth  to  little  activity,  either 
of  mind  or  body,  into  the  hands  of  pri- 
vate possessors,  who  are  of  all  people 
the  most  likely  to  promote  the  pros- 
perity of  the  community.  It  is  indeed 
probable  that  a  larger  portion  might 
have  been  emploj'ed  with  advantage 
on  hospitals  and  places  of  education, 
but  that  this  sum  ought  not  to  have 
been  considerable  ;  and  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  England  would  have 
been  richer,  had  the  impropriations 
been  restored.^  I  mention  this,  be- 
cause I  believe  that  the  value  of  a  pro- 
per provision  for  the  parochial  clergy 
is  often  not  understood,  and  often  mis- 
represented. Had  we  never  heard  of 
such  an  establishment,  and  did  we  first 
meet  in  some  Utopian  scheme  with 


'  The  word  rifrlil  is  iispd  in  its  oxireme  Sfnse. 
They  have  a  power  which  no  aiiihoriiyin  Enp- 
land  ciin  contradict.  'I'he  law  docs,  under  certain 
circiiinsiances,  deprive  an  individual  of  his  pro- 
perly, (as  in  cases  of  treason  ;)  it  occasionally 
forces  hiin  to  sell  it.  The  question  in  reality  is 
one  of  policy  ;  hiit  sound  policy  and  justice  are 
the  same  thing.  It  is  in  this  sense  that  the  par- 
liament have  the  disposal  of  the  revenues  of  the 
chu  rch. 

2  ."See  some  good  ohscrvations  on  the  ill  effects 
of  impropriations  in  Speaker  William's  speech, 
January  15ih.  1.5()3;  (Strype's  Ann.  i.  437;)  and 
in  the  rough  drali  of  a  reformation  in  erclesiasiical 
law,  under  the  head  of  Better  Providitig  for  the 
Poorer  Clergy,  impropriations  are  said  to  he  radix 
omnium  malorum.    (Strype's  Ann.  i.  479.) 


such  a  project  as  the  following,  we 
should  probably  hardly  imagine  any-' 
thing  more  perfect  :  that  in  every 
small  district  of  the  country  a  certain 
quantity  of  property  was  set  apart,  in 
order  that  some  individual  of  the  com- 
munity, selected  from  any  class,  might 
be  educated  in  a  superior  manner,  and 
appointed  to  the  superintendence  of  the 
spiritual  and  temporal  wants  of  this  lit- 
tle community  ;  that  he  was  furnished 
with  a  residence  among  them,  and  with 
the  means  of  relieving  the  poor ;  and 
that  all  this  was  provided  by  a  grant 
from  the  landed  property  of  the  coun- 
try, made  so  long  ago  that  it  existed 
before  any  tenure  at  present  on  record. 
I  imagine  that  if  this  plan  were  thus 
offered  to  our  notice,  no  one  Avould 
doubt  of  its  utility  or  wisdom;  and  if 
in  practice  it  b(!  found  less  pure  than  it 
seems  in  theory,  if  the  least  promising 
of  his  sons  be  selected  by  the  lay  pro- 
prietor to  hold  the  family  living,  if  large 
preferments  be  given  to  unworthy  per- 
sons, it  should  not  be  forgotten,  that 
directly  or  indirectly  the  laity  are  the 
patrons  of  the  great  mass  of  preferment 
in  this  country.  Nor  ought  we  to  over- 
look this  fact  also,  that  a  large  portion 
of  the  livings  of  England  are  inade- 
quate to  repay  the  actual  expenses  of 
such  a  liberal  education  as  is  gene- 
rally bestowed  on  the  clergy  of  this 
land. 

It  would  be  absurd  to  expect  that  a 
body  possessed  of  such  power  and 
wealth  as  has  been  granted  to  ecclesi- 
astical persons  should  be  free  from 
numerous  assaults,  in  a  country  where 
free  discussion  on  every  subject  is  al- 
lowed ;  but  it  cannot  be  inconsistent 
with  toleration,  which  is  the  s}ory  of 
our  church,  or  with  charity,  which  cha- 
racterizes our  religion,  to  pray,  that  the 
attacks  of  our  enemies  may  induce  the 
church  to  remedy  the  evils  which  exist 
among  us ;  and  that  those  who  are 
ignorant  enough  to  revile  our  establish- 
ment, may  be  convinced  of  their  error 
by  the  benefits  which  they  shall  receive 
from  their  spiritual  guides. 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


79 


APPENDIX  B.  TO  CHAP.  V. 

STATE  OF  RELIGIOUS  OPINIONS  IN  THE  CHURCH  AT  THE  END  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 

HENRY  VIII. 

271.  Three  works  published  by  authority.  272.  The  arrangement  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  fol- 
lovvud.  273.  The  Trinity.  274.  Standard  of  faith.  275,  27G.  Points  of  faith  referring  to  indivi- 
dual Christians.  277.  Points  referring  to  the  church.  278.  The  Seven  Sacrainenls.  279.  Pe- 
nance ;  Orders;  Contirtnation  ;  Extreme  Unction.  280.  Lord's  Supper;  Matrimony.  281. 
Tradiiions  ;  supremacy  of  the  king.    282.  Observations.    283.  Points  still  wanting  reformation. 


§  271.  This  abstract  is  made  from 
works  put  forth  by  authority,  which 
are  in  number  three  : 

I.  Articles  devised  by  the  Kinges 
Highnes  Majestie,  to  stablyshe  Christen 
quietnes  and  unitie  amonge  us — 1-536. 

II.  The  Institution  of  a  Christian 
Man,  &c.,  1.537.  This  was  dedicated 
by  the  bishops  to  the  king,  and  is  there- 
fore called  the  Bishops'  Book. 

III.  A  Necessary  Doctrine  and  Eru- 
dition for  any  Christian  Man,  set  forth 
by  the  King's  Majesty  of  England,  &c., 
1543.  This  was  addressed  by  the  king 
to  his  people,  and  is  therefore  called 
the  King's  Book.' 

It  seems  to  be  the  generally  received 
opinion,^   that   the    doctrines   of  the 

'  The  three  have  been  of  late  printed  in  one 
volume,  under  the  direction  of  the  late  bishop  of 
Oxford,  (Dr.  Lloyd,)  at  the  university  press,  and 
are  thus  placed  within  the  reach  of  every  student 
in  theology.  They  are  entitled.  Formularies  of 
Faith,  put  f)rth  by  authority  during  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIIL  8vo.  Oxford,  1825.  In  these  ob- 
servations. No.  II.  is  called  the  Institution,  III. 
the  Erudition.  In  the  preface  to  the  Three  Pri- 
mers, printed  1834,  by  my  late  friend  Dr.  Burton, 
Reg.  Prof  of  Div.  (Jxf ,  he  shows  that  many 
parts  of  William  Marshall's  Primer,  1535,  have 
been  introduced  into  the  Insiituiion,  No.  II. 

2  Probably,  among  those  who  had  access  to 
the  Scriptures,  the  opinions  of  the  reformed 
church  were  gaining  ground.  The  king  had 
made  a  great  and  hasty  political  step,  which  was 
likely  to  introduce  doctrinal  changes,  to  which  he 
had  no  inclination,  and  therefore  retraced  those 
steps  which  he  had  apparently  taken.  (Burnet,  i. 
274,  286,  and  Rec.  No.  21,  fol.)  In  1540,  be- 
tween the  dales  of  these  pu!)lic:itions,  two  com- 
missions had  been  appointed,  one  for  the  exami- 
nation of  the  doctrines  ;  the  other,  of  the  cere- 
monies of  the  cliurch.  The  first  sent  in  nume- 
rous answers  concerning  the  sacraments,  their 
n\imber,  nature,  and  efficacy  ;  Confirmaiion,  and 
the  use  of  (Jhrism  therein  ;  the  nature  of  Ordina- 
tion, and  the  difference  between  Bishops  and 
Priests;  Confession  and  Excommunication,  and 
Extreme  Unciion.  These  contain  a  fund  of  in- 
formation. The  other  committee  drew  up  a  Ra- 
tionale of  ihe  Church  Service,  (.Sirype,  E.  M.  ii. 
Rec.  No.  109.)  a  sort  of  Explanation  of  the  mean- 
ing of  the  Ceremonies  used  in  the  church  of 
Rome,  (Collier,  ii.  191  ;)  but  it  does  not  appear 


church  of  England  were  retrograde 
during  the  period  in  which  these  trea- 
tises were  written  ;  so  that  we  might  ex- 
pect to  find  the  last  of  the  three  the  least 
distant  from  the  tenets  of  the  Roman 
church  ;  and  these  expectations  upon 
examination  are  in  some  degree  real- 
ized. With  regard  to  the  two  latter 
woi'ks,  which  in  all  material  points  are 
the  same,  it  will  be  useful  to  specify 
the  most  marked  differences  as  we  pro- 
ceed in  discussing  the  general  contents 
of  the  latter,  which  was  the  standard 
of  faith  when  Henry  died. 

§  272.  The  Articles  themselves  are 
in  a  great  measure  inserted  verbatim, 
or  nearly  so,  into  the  Institution,  and 
from  thence  copied  into  the  Erudition ; 
but  in  one  case,  in  which  a  material 
alteration  is  observable,  it  consists  of 
the  introduction  of  opinions  which  are 
less  at  variance  with  the  doctrines  of 
our  church.  In  the  exposition  of  the 
honour  to  be  paid  to  saints,  the  Chris- 
tian is,  in  the  Articles,  1536,  directed  to 
address  them,  as  advancers  of  our  pray- 
ers to  Christ,  the  only  Mediator  ;  where-, 
as  what  is  said  in  the  latter  tracts'*  places 
the  intercession  of  the  saints  in  heaven* 
on  the  same  ground  as  that  of  the  mi- 
nisters of  Christ's  church  on  earth.* 

that  any  use  was  ever  made  of  this,  (Strype  in- 
deed supposes,  i.  546,  that  it  was  quashed  by 
Cranmer,)  unless  it  served  to  direct  those  who 
made  some  alteration  in  the  service  book,  "  Por- 
lifbrium  secundum  usum  Sarum  noviter  impres- 
sum,  et  a  plurimis  purgatum  mendis.  In  quo 
nomen  Romano,  Pontiiici  ascriptum  omitlitur, 
una  cuin  aliis,  quce  chrisiianissimo  nostri  Regis 
Slatuto  repugnant.  Excussum  Londini  per  Ed- 
vardum  Whylchurch,  1541." 

3  Formularies,  14.  i  Ibid.  70,  237. 

^  With  regard  to  Good  Works,  there  is  perhaps 
a  slight  alteration,  (99,  372,)  in  which  the  Erudi- 
tion is  nearer  to  the  church  of  England;  and  an 
.expression  of  the  "  merits"  of  the  saints  being 
conveyed  to  the  whole  body  of  Christians,  in  the 
Institution,  (53  and  58,)  which  is  left  out  in  the 
Erudition.  The  power  of  priestly  absolution  is 
more  strongly  marked  in  the  Institution,  (98, 


80 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  V. 


The  very  dates,  indeed,  would  lead 
us  to  expect  no  great  difference  between 
the  two  first  works,  thoug-h  the  change 
of  opinion  indicated  by  the  passing  of 
the  act  of  the  Six  Articles,  in  1539, 
might  direct  us  to  look  for  it  between 
the  Institution  and  the  Erudition. 

The  order  which  it  will  be  desirable 
to  adopt  in  the  following  investigation 
is  probably  that  of  the  Thirty-nine  Ar- 
ticles of  our  own  .  church  ;  for  the  stu- 
dent in  divinity  will  thus  more  readily 
discover  the  points  in  which  we  disa- 
gree. The  tract  itself  is  arranged  on 
a  totally  difftjrent  principle.  It  explains 
successively  the  Creed,  the  Seven  Sa- 
craments, the  Ten  Commandments,  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  the  Ave  Maria,  and 
finishes  with  the  exposition  of  certain 
articles  on  Freewill,  Justification,  Good 
Works,  and  the  praying  for  souls  de- 
parted. The  elementary  nature  of  the 
subject-matter  explained  prevents,  on 
many  points,  any  great  difference  of 
opinion  ;  and  the  difficulty  which  ne- 
cessarily exists  in  marking  the  shades 
of  progressive  alterations  must  be 
pleaded  ■'in  excuse,  if  in  any  particulars 
these  distinctions  should  appear  to  be 
incorrectly  laid  down  in  the  following 
pages.' 

§  273.  I. — V.  In  the  first  division  of 
the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  there  is  of 
course  no  material  difference,  as  the 
church  of  Rome  holds  the  doctrine  of 
the  Trinity  in  common  with  the  church 
of  England. 

§  274.  VI.— VIII.  In  the  second  divi- 
sion, wherein  the  basis  or  groundwork 
of  our  faith  is  marked  out,  the  Erudi- 
tion coincides,  in  fact,  to  a  great  degree, 
with  the  church  of  England,  though  in 
principle  it  differs  from  it  most  widely. " 
As  a  standard  of  faith,  it  admits  the 
whole  body  and  canon  of  the  Bible, ^ 
(i.  e.,  the  Apocrypha  and  all,)  the  three 
Creeds,  the  decisions  of  the  four  first 

2f)0.)  and  ihe  uiileariied  are  in  the  Enidiiion  di- 
reLMed  in  say  the  Pater-iiosier  in  their  mother 
tongue,  (33n.)  '1  here  is  also  an  excellent  tract 
on  Freewill  in  the  Erudition,  (359.)  vvhirh  does 
not  exist  in  the  other  ;  as  to  the  particulars 
wherein  the  Erudition  had  gone  back  towards  the 
see  of  Rome,  see  S'  283. 

'  'The  doctrines  of  the  church  of  England  arc 
not  here  staled,  since  they  may  be  found  by  coii- 
Eulling  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  which,  as  they 
are  printed  in  the  Prayer  Book,  must  be  within 
the  reach  of  every  reader. 

2  Form.  5,  61,  227. 

» Ibid.  324,  160,  210,  375. 


councils,  and  directs  that  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  word  of  God  shall  take 
place  according  to  the  meaning  of  the 
words  of  Scripture,  and  as  the  holy 
and  approved  doctors  of  the  church  do 
agreeably  entreat  and  defend.'  The 
church  of  England  neglects  not  the 
assistance  of  the  holy  fathers  in  the  in- 
terpretation of  Scripture:  it  merely  re- 
jects the  authority  of  such  interpreta- 
tion, and  receives  the  Creeds,  not  upon 
tradition,  but  because  they  do  agree 
with  the  Bible. 

The  authority  of  the  moral  law  is 
established  in  the  adoption  of  the  Deca- 
logue as  a  rule  of  conduct;  and  in  the 
rejection  of  the  ceremonial  ritual,  all 
Christian  churches  agree.  There  is, 
however,  one  observation  which  is 
worthy  of  attention,  in  which  it  is  asserted 
that  the  fourth  commandment  does  not 
now  pertain  to  Christians,  though  Chris- 
tians are  bound  by  it  to  the  observance 
of  the  Sunday,  and  other  holydays 
appointed  by  the  church.^  It  is  not  in- 
deed very  clear  what  is  meant  to  be 
conveyed  by  this  exposition  ;  for  if  it 
only  refers  to  the  change  in  the  day  of 
the  week,  the  alteration  has  been  ad- 
mitted since  the  times  of  the  apostles, 
but  as  it  now  stands,  it  might  certainly 
be  extended  to  a  length  which  few 
Christians  would  be  willing  to  admit. 

§275.  IX.— XVIII.  In  the  third 
class  of  articles,  in  which  points  of  faith 
referring  to  individual  Christians  are 
treated  of,  it  will  be  necessary  to  examine 
each  separate  article. 

IX.  The  doctrine  of  original  sin  is 
fully  admitted,"  though  the  exposition 
of  it,  in  the  Institution,  is  much  more 
precise  and  copious,'  in  declaring  the 
corruption  of  man's  heart  always  abid- 
ing in  him. 

X.  Freewill'  is  fully  explained  in  an 
excellent  little  tract  at  the  end  of  the 
Erudition,  in  which  the  positions  cor- 
respond with  our  present  article  :  I  can- 
not help  recommending  it  to  the  atten- 
tion of  my  readers,  particularly  the  con- 
cluding paragraph:  "  All  men  be  also 
to  be  monished,  and  chiefly  preachers," 
that  in  this  high  matter,  they,  looking 
on  both  sides,  so  attemper  and  moderate 
themselves,  that  neither  they  so  preach 

Form.  227,  Gl.  5         306,  142. 

6  Ibid.  331,  363,  1l9.  '  Ibid.  171. 
8  Ibid.  359,  "  Ibid.  363. 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


81 


the  grace  of  God,  that  they  take  away 
thereby  freewill,  nor,  on  the  other  side, 
so  extol  fretnvill  that  injury  be  done  to 
the  jrrace  of  God." 

XI.  Justification  is  attributed  to  the 
free  mercy  and  grace  of  God,  through 
Jesus  Christ,  as  its  final  and  efficient 
cause  and  repentance,  or  penance, and 
a  lively  faith,  are  declared  to  be  neces- 
sarj'  to  our  receiving  of  the  same  :  but 
on  this  point  the  Institution  is  more 
clear.'^  It  asserts,  that  the  justification 
of  mankind^  could  not  be  brought  to 
pass  by  any  works  of  our  own,  but  by 
faith  in  the  name  and  power  of  Jesu 
Christ,  and  by  the  gifts  and  graces  of 
his  Holy  Spirit.  That  our  acceptance 
hereafter  will  take  place,*  not  through 
works  of  righteousness  which  we  shall 
have  done,  but  by  the  only  grace,  good- 
ness, and  mercy  of  God,  and  by  and  for 
the  redemption  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus. 

XII.  Although  rather  more  efficacy 
may  be  attributed  to  good  works  than 
in  our  Article,*  yet  the  total  inability  of 
man  to  do  any  thing  pleasing  to  God  of 
his  own  power  is  distinctly  and  clearly 
declared.'' 

XIII.  ,  XIV.  Of  works  before  justifi- 
cation, and  of  supererogation,^  nothing 
is  said;  for  though  it  be  asserted  in  the 
Institution,"  that  the  graces  and  merits 
of  the  church  shall  be  applied  to  every 
menlber,  yet  the  words  do  not  necessa- 
rily imply  anj'^  idea  of  supererogation. 
In  these  articles,  XII. — XIV.,  the  Eru- 
dition is  the  nearest  to  the  opinions  of 
our  church. 

§  27(5.  XV.  The  universal  sinfulness 
of  man  is  frequently  implied;  the  effi- 
cacy of  Christ's  offering,  as  it  were, 
assumes  his  freedom  from  sin  ;  and  the 
doctrine  itself  is  distinctly  asserted. ^ 

XVI.  The  general  efficacy  of  repent- 
ance, through  Christ,  pervades  the  whole 
of  what  is  said  on  penance  ;  and  that 
the  justified  may  fall,  and  rise  again  to 
newness  of  life,  is  asserted.'" 

XVII.  In  the  doctrine  of  predestina- 
tion, there  is  a  difference  between  the 
two  tracts  :  neither  of  them  asserts  it  in 
that  distnict  manner  in  which  it  is  con- 

'  Form.  368.       2  See  ^  283.       '  Form.  36. 

4  Ibid.  60.  Mbid.  91).  ^  ibid,  372. 

*  They  are  indirecily  rcji'clcd,  when  it  is  said, 

hy  good  works  we  mt  ari  not  llie  superstitious 
works  of  men's  own  invention,"  (K.  370,)  wherein 
many  called  religious  have  trusted. 

»  Form.  53.  ^  Ibid.  6!).  67,  232.  '°  Ibid.  367. 
11 


tained  in  this  article,"  but  the  Institution 
admits  the  principle ;  the  Erudition 
teaches  it  not,  because  it  is  not  clearly 
taught  in  Scripture  and  the  doctors.'* 
The  universality  of  the  offer  of  grace 
and  redemption  is  stated,'^  so  that  it  is 
the  fault  of  men  themselves,  that  they 
reject  and  resist  grace. 

XVIII.  The  article  of  obtaining  sal- 
vation only  through  Christ  is  implied, 
though  not  asserted  totide.m  verbis.'* 

On  this  class  of  articles,  then,  we 
may  observe,  that  the  doctrines  here 
established  nearly  resemble  those  of 
our  own  church,  though  in  some  parti- 
culars the  propositions  are  not  advanced 
with  that  uncompromising  distinctness 
of  attributing  all  to  God's  mercy,  with- 
out the  intervention  of  man's  works, 
which  a  further  study  of  the  subject 
dictated.  Whatever  was  vitally  im- 
portant on  these  subjects  is  asserted; 
but  the  writer  often  seems  to  attribute 
an  importance  to  man's  own  co-opera- 
tion in  his  justification,  which  he  sub- 
sequently modifies,  so  as  to  give  the 
whole  glory  to  God;'*  yet  the  fear  of 
admitting  Antinomian  laxity,  in  estab- 
lishing Christian  faith,  must  plead  a 
substantial  excuse  for  those  who  had 
not  yet  practically  learnt  that  good 
works  do  spring  out,  necessarily,  of  a 
true  and  lively  faith. 

§  277.  In  the  fourth  division  of  the 
Articles,  it  will  probably  be  advisable 
to  continue  the  same  method  of  examin- 
ing them. 

XIX.  — XXI.  The  doctrines  contained 
in  the  nineteenth  article'"  are,  to  a  cer- 
tain degree,  in  accordance  with  those  ex- 
pressed in  the  Erudition,  excepting  that 
the  breach  with  the  church  of  Rome  is, 
in  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  distinctly 
brought  forward ;  whereas  the  framer 
of  the  Erudition  wished,  if  possible,  to 
have  preserved  a  communion  with  her, 
as  far  as  was  consistent  with  his  ideas 
of  the  truth.  There  is,  therefore,  no 
mention  of  the  errors  of  the  church  of 
Rome  in  matters  of  faith;"  and  whi'e 
the  independence  of  each  national  church 
is  asserted,  it  is  added,  that  a  diversity 
of  rites  does  not  destroy  the  unity  of  the 
whole.     The  remaining  positions  of 


"  Form.  53,  52. 
'3  Ibid.  360,  365. 
'«  Ibid.  368,  37 J  ?. 
"  Ibid.  ?'17. 


2  Ibid.  22 1. 
<  Ibid.  36,  363. 
Ibid.   45,  55. 


82 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  V. 


these  Articles  are  not  touched  upon ; 
for  at  this  time  no  doubt  was  entertained 
of"  the  authority  of  the  church  [i.  e.  the 
king)  to  ordain  what  she  pleased,  and 
nothing  is  said  of  general  councils. 

XXII.  The  people  are  directed  to 
abstain  from  reasoning  on  purgatory,* 
inasmuch  as  the  state  of  the  dead  is  un- 
certain, and  pardons  from  Rome  are 
called  abuses,  and  unequivocallj'  re- 
jected ;  but  prayers  for  the  dead,  masses 
and  exequies  for  the  whole  Christian 
community  of  the  quick  and  dead,  are 
denominated  charitable  works,  and 
approved  of.  In  the  remaining  part  of 
the  Article,  the  Erudition  speaks  a  lan- 
guage at  total  variance  with  our  church. 
Images  are  allowed  of  as  books  for  the 
unlearned.-  and  no  objection  is  made 
to  adoration  or  prayer  made  before 
images,  provided  it  be  addressed  to  God. 
The  invocation  of  saints,'  that  is.  the 
asking  for  their  prayers,  is  approved  of, 
as  corresponding  with  a  request  of  a 
similar  nature,  addressed  to  the  minis- 
ters of  God's  word,*  or  a  faithful  Chris- 
tian brother  who  was  still  on  earth. 

XXIII.  .  XXIY.  Concerning  minister- 
ing in  the  congregation,  there  was,  at 
that  time,  no  difference  of  opinion  ;  and 
excepting  in  the  translation  of  the  litany 
in  the  king's  Primer,  the  use  of  the  La- 
tin service  had  not  been  altered. 

§  278.  XXV.  The  Erudition  still  re- 
tains the  use  of  the  seven  sacraments 
but  it  must  not  be  forsrotten,  that  this 
question  is,  in  a  great  degree,  merely 
concerning  the  name,  for,  at  the  same 
time,  it  makes  a  distinction  as  to  the 
necessitj-  of  the  sacraments,  and  quali- 
fies what  it  says  about  them,  so  as  to  be 
much  less  distant  from  the  church  of 
England  than  might  be  supposed  at 
first  sight. ^  The  three  necessar}-  sacra- 
ments are.  Baptism.  Penance,  and  the 
Lord's  Supper.  The  other  four  are,  as 
divina  institutions,  called  sacraments. 
but  are  not  binding,  of  necessity,  on 

«  Form.  375.  211.  2  Ibid.  299.  137. 

Mbid.  237,  70.  /■  See  ^  272. 

'  This  pan  of  the  Erudition  differs  considerahly 
!  ■  point  of  form  and  arrangement  from  the  Insii- 
(iltion,  but  the  doctrines  do  not  seem  to  be  ma- 
t<>rially  ahercd.  According  to  Burnet.  (Rec. 
So.  21,  book  iii.)  the  whole  subject  had  been 
examined  with  great  care  by  a  committee  of  di- 
vines, whose  answers  upon  each  head  are  severally 
recorded,  and  strongly  mark  the  judicious  caution 
with  which  this  work  was  carried  on. 

«  Form.  293,  129. 


every  one.  The  minister  of  the  church 
of  England  would  say.  that  baptism, 
repentance,  and  the  Lord's  supper,  were 
necessary  for  all  men,  though  he  would 
esteem  repentance  merely  as  a  Christian 
state  of  mind,  and  totally  different  from 
the  other  two  ;  and  he  would  acknow- 
ledge that  the  other  four  were,  when 
divested  of  some  superstitious  non- 
essentials, relig-ious  observances,  which 
the  church  of  England  has  done  well  in 
retaining  among  her  services.  Whether 
we  denominate  any  or  all  of  them  sacra- 
ments,  must  be  allowed  to  be  a  question 
of  human  prudence.  The  term,  pro- 
perly speaking,  is  not  used  in  Scripture, 
and  if  ^ivsrrpioi"  be  applied  in  an  eccle- 
siastical sense,  as  equivalent  to  sacra- 
ment, it  is  given  to  matrimony  alone. 
The  question  really  is.  whether  the  dif- 
ference of  being  instituted  by  Christ 
himself,  personally,  constitutes  such  a 
distinction  as  to  warrant  the  church  in 
affixing  a  separate  name.  In  this,  the 
Erudition  differs  from  the  church  of 
England. 

In  baptism,  the  only  difference  which 
exists^  consists  in  retaining  the  use  of 
the  chrism. 

§  279.  It  should  be  observed  concern- 
ing penance,  or  its  almost  equivalent 
term,  repentance,^  that  the  sacramental 
part  consists  in  the  absolution  eiven  by 
the  priest ;  and  that  absolution  'pro- 
nounced authoritatively  to  an  indivi- 
dual, unless   it   be  accompanied  bv 
confession,  or  at  least  a  declaration  of 
the  grounds  of  confidence  in  the  peni- 
tent, is  but  a  mockery  of  religion. 
When,  therefore,  I  have  stated  what 
my  own  idea  of  the  doctrine  of  the 
!  church  of  England  is  on  this  point,  (for 
i  I  believe  that  many  men,  equally  coo  l 
I  judges  of  the  subject,  might  differ  from 
i  me  herein,)  I  shall  proceed  to  point  out 
the  differences  Avhich  the  Erudition  ex- 
hibits. 

In  order  that  sinners  may  be  made 
partakers  of  the  only  remedy  for  sin. 
the  death  and  merits  of  our  Lord  and 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ,'"  the  conviction 
of  sin  within  ourselves,  and  the  humble 
acknowledgment  of  it  to  God,  is  abso- 
lutely necessarj- ;  for  which  purpose, 

7  Ephes.  V.  32. 

«  Form.  292.  127.  '  'bid.  257. 

Service  of  the  Vi.^itaTion  of  the  Sick ;  and  EIx- 
hortation  to  the  Lorri'.s  Supper. 


Chap.  V.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


83 


the  confessing  our  transgressions  to 
our  brethren,  particularly  to  the  minis- 
ters of  God's  word,  is  frequently  use- 
ful ;  and  in  cases  where  the  mind  is 
troubled,  the  special  declaration  of 
God's  merciful  pardon  to  the  individual 
may  beneficially  be  made  by  those  to 
whom  "the  word  of  God"  {i.  e.  "the 
keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven")  has 
authoritatively  been  intrusted. 

The  church  of  Rome  would,  I  believe, 
say,  that  the  confession  and  absolution 
were,  humanly  speaking,  absolutely  ne- 
cessary for  salvation.  The  medium 
which  the  Erudition  observes  is  this ; 
contrition  would  send  the  penitent  to 
the  priest,'  he  would  confess  his  sins, 
submit  himself  to  discipline,  as  a  part 
of  the  satisfaction  for  them,  in  order  to 
show  his  willingness  to  return  to  God  ; 
always  understanding  that  the  real  and 
whole  satisfaction  depended  on  the  me- 
rits of  Christ,  while  what  he  did  himself 
was  but  the  fruit  of  a  contrite  heart; 
and  that  upon  this  he  would  receive 
absolution  authoritatively  pronounced. 
At  the  same  time  the  confession  to  the 
priest  is  said  to  be  commanded  by  the 
church  from  its  utility;^  and  the  uni- 
versal efficacy  of  repentance,  even 
without  absolution,  (in  the  absence  of 
a  priest,)  or  of  good  works,  (provided 
ther.e  be  no  time  for  the  sinner  to  per- 
form them,)  is  fully  declared. 

On  this  view  of  the  subject,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  Erudition  is  much  nearer 
to  the  church  of  Rome  than  to  ourselves, 
and  the  point  is  of  much  more  import- 
ance than  it  appears  at  first  sight ;  for 
though  in  practice  our  church  may  too 
much  neglect  confession,  and  the  con- 
sequent exercise  of  the  priestly  author- 
ity, yet  the  opposite  extreme  is  far 
more  dangerous,  as  it  converts  the 
priesthood  into  the  judges,  not  the 
guides,  of  the  people  ;  since  the  undue 
influence  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy 
over  their  flocks  does  in  reality  hinge 
on  the  necessity  of  absolution  in  ordi- 
nary cases. 

Tlie  question  concerning  Orders,  be- 
tween the  church  of  England  and  the 
church  of  Rome,  regards  chiefly  the 
name,  whether  or  no  they  shall  be 
called  a  sacrament ;  but  on  this  subject 
there  is  a  point  which  requires  observa- 


'  Form.  259.  ?IbiJ.  261. 


tion,  as  the  Institution  and  Erudition 
differ  from  both,^  in  declaring  that 
there  are  only  two  orders  mentioned 
in  Scripture,  those  of  deacons  or  minis- 
ters, and  of  priests  or  bishops  ;  and  the 
Institution*  seems  to  speak  of  bishops 
as  a  human  appointment,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  jurisdiction  of  archbi- 
shops, metropolitans,  &c.,  over  bishops, 
is  declared  to  be  an  arrangement  made 
by  men  :  the  papal  supremacy  is  totally 
rejected,  and  kings  are  exhorted  to  re- 
duce it. 

In  Confirmation,  which  was  still  called 
a  sacrament,  the  use  of  the  chrism  was 
retained.^ 

Extreme  unction  was  so  called,  as 
being  the  last  unction  used  by  the 
church ;  the  others  are  given  at  Bap- 
tism and  Confirmation ;  but  if  we  ex- 
cept the  anointing,  nothing  is  said  of 
this  sacrament  which  a  Protestant  might 
not  adopt  with  regard  to  our  correspond- 
ing service,  the  Visitation  of  the  Sick. 

§  280.  XXVIIL— XXXI.  The  Eru- 
dition retains  the  whole  of  the  doctrine 
of  transubstantiation,^  and  the  denial 
of  the  cup  to  the  laity.  It  allows,  too, 
of  the  utility  of  masses''  performed  for 
the  universal  congregation  of  Christian 
people,  quick  and  dead. 

With  rejT-ard  to  matrimony,  the  dif- 
ference between  the  churches  of  Rome 
and  England  is  merely  as  to  the  name. 
We  call  it  a  religious  rite,  confirming 
the  civil  contract;  they,  a  sacrament. 

XXXII.  Of  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy 
nothing  is  said  in  the  Institution,  and  it 
is  only  indirectly  mentioned  in  the  Eru- 
dition :^  but  we  must  remember,  that 
in  the  mean  time  it  had  become  a  part 
of  the  law  of  the  land,  by  the  enactment 
of  the  act  of  the  Six  Articles. 

§  281.  XXXIV.  The  doctrine  con- 
cerning traditions  and  ceremonies  is 
nearly  the  same  as  ours,  viz.,  that  it  is 


3  Form.  281.  105.  Ibid.  118. 

5  Ibid.  290,  95. 

'  III  ihe  Ariidcs  and  Insiilution,  ilie  corporal 
pre.sence  is  S|)okcii  of  in  surli  general  term.s  as 
mii^lit  be  used  by  a  Lutheran  as  well  as  a  Roman 
Catholic.  (Form.  p.  100.)  This,  however,  could 
hardly  have  arisen  from  any  change  of  opinion, 
but  must  be  attributed  to  the  obscurity  of  the 
subject,  or  at  most  to  a  desire  to  draw  as  near  as 
possible  to  the  Lutherans;  while  the  distinct  as- 
sertion of  this  doctrine  in  tlie  Erudition  may  have 
arisen  from  the  persecution  against  the  sacrament- 
aries  which  had  since  taken  place.    Form.  263,  5. 

'Form.;S7G.  »  Ibid.  293. .  • 


84 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chaf.  V 


not  necessary  that  they  should  be  the 
same  in  every  place,  and  that  they  can- 
not be  correct,  if  contrary  to  the  word 
of  God.'  Of  the  two  next  articles  of 
course  nothing  could  be  said,  as  the 
Homilies  and  Ordination  Service  were 
not  then  put  forth. 

XXXVII.  The  king's  supremacy  is 
frequently  and  strongly  enforced,-  and 
it  is  curious  to  remark  how  much  more 
this  is  attended  to  in  the  King's  Book 
than  it  is  in  the  Bishops' ;  at  the  same 
time  the  authority  of  the  see  of  Rome 
is  frequently  declared  to  be  usurped. 
In  the  remaining  articles  we  do  not  dif- 
fer from  the  church  of  Rome.  And  on 
those  subjects  on  which  nothing  is  said 
in  the  formularies,  the  mention  of  the 
Articles  referring  to  them  has  been 
omitted. 

§  '282.  In  estimating  the  steps,  then, 
which  our  church  had  advanced  at  this 
period,  we  cannot  but  observe  that  in 
point  of  doctrine  very  little  had  been 
effected.  In  that  class  of  our  Articles 
which  pertain  to  the  salvation  of  the  in- 
dividual, there  is  a  very  marked  agree- 
ment with  the  tenets  of  our  church. 
But  it  must  not  be  forgotten,  that  the 
Roman  Catholic  differs  more  from  the 
Protestant,  as  to  the  means  whereby 
the  convert  may  be  made  partaker  of 
the  blessings  of  God's  grace,  than  as  to 
the  source  from  which  that  grace  and 
mercy  flow ;  so  that  the  general  posi- 
tions of  both  correspond  much  more 
nearly  than  is  commonly  supposed. 
The  acknowledgment  of  the  helpless- 
ness of  man,  without  the  aid  of  God,  is 
common  to  us  both  ;  nor  do  either  deny 
that  there  is  no  remission  of  sins,  or 
salvation,  but  through  Jesus  Christ. 
As  to  the  ordinary  means  of  obtaining 
this  grace,  the  Erudition  coincides  more 
with  the  church  of  Rome  than  with  our- 
selves ;  and  the  only  real  point  gained 
is  the  denial  of  the  papal  infallibility,  a 
doctrine  which  prevents  investigation, 
and  hangs  like  a  dead  weight  on  every 
improvement  or  reform  which  religion 
or  prudence  would  desire  to  introduce. 
It  forms  a  barrier  without  an  outlet, 
but  which  God  enabled  his  servants  to 
break  down,  through  the  ambition  and 
evil  passions  of  Henry  VIII. ;  and  when 
this  was  once  done,  even  in  those  points 


•Form. 246, 56.     2Ibid.286,  120,304,310,  311. 


in  which  the  tenets  of  popery  were 
concerned,  and  in  which  Cranmer  was 
prevented  from  expressing  his  genuine 
opinions,  the  principle  is  often  in  fact 
surrendered,  while  the  name  is  retained, 
and  many  portions  of  those  doctrines, 
which  had  been  found  by  experience  to 
be  productive  of  evil,  are  mitigated  and 
explained  away. 

§  2s:3.  At  the  end  of  the  fifth  chapter 
a  brief  account  was  given  of  those  points 
wherein  the  church  still  needed  reform, 
and  it  may  be  useful  here  to  state  some 
of  the  particulars  in  which  the  Reform- 
ation had  gone  backward  between  the 
periods  at  which  these  two  tracts  were 
published.  The  advances  which  had 
been  made  may  be  seen  §  272,  and 
note 

With  regard  to  transubstantiation, 
the  point  introduced  was  the  statement^ 
that  "the  substance  of  the  bread  and 
wine  do  not  remain  after  consecra- 
tion a  question  of  fact,  which,  like 
the  miracles  performed  by  our  Saviour, 
must  be  judged  by  the  senses. 

The  cup,  too,  was  denied  to  the 
laity. ^ 

The  expression  of  praying  for  the 
"  quick  and  the  dead"^  is  introduced  ; 
there  was  no  change,  excepting  in  the 
use  of  the  words. 

Many  ceremonies  are  specified,  about 
which  nothing  is  said  in  the  Institution." 
"As  the  hallowing  of  the  font,  of  the 
chalice,  of  the  corporace,  of  the  altar, 
and  other  like  exorcisms  and  benedic- 
tions." In  speaking  of  justification  by 
faith,  the  Erudition  calls  God  "  the 
principal  cause  and  chief  worker  of  this 
justification  in  us,"'  but  "it  pleaseth 
the  high  wisdom  of  God  that  man" 
shall  be  also  "a  worker  by  his  free 
consent  and  obedience  to  the  same." 
Expressions  which  ^re  indeed  after- 
wards qualified. 

To  these  Ave  must  add  the  compul- 
satory  celibacy  of  the  clergy. 

Upon  the  whole,  then,  we  must  con- 
clude, that  in  doctrinal  points  the 
church  had  gone  backward,  and  that 
the  discussions  which  had  taken  place, 
and  the  examinations  of  the  several  sub- 
jects, had  been  outbalanced  by  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Roman  Catholic  party,  and 
the  passions  and  prejudices  of  the  king. 


3  Form.  263. 
6  Ibid.  310. 


1  Ibid.  265. 
'  Ibid.  364. 


5  ibid.  375. 


Chap.  VI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


8fr 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD  VI.,  FROM  1547  TO  1553. 

301.  Lord  Hartford  protector.  302.  Images  pulled  down.  303.  Cau.ses  which  retarded  the  Refor- 
mation. 304.  Royal  visitation.  305.  Hoinilies.  306.  Gardiner  and  Bonner.  307.  Acts  of  par- 
liament. 308.  Communion  service.  309.  Confession.  310.  Gardiner  imprisoned ;  Cranmer'3 
Catechism  311.  Celibacy  of  the  clergy.  312.  Acts  of  parliament;  the  attainder  of  the  admiral. 
313.  Transubsianiiaiion ;  consubstantiation  ;  doctrine  ot  the  church  of  England.  314.  Disputation 
on  transubstantialion.  31,5.  Anabap'isis.  316.  New  iiiurgy.  317.  Rising.s  among  the  p  opie. 
318.  Bonner  deprived.  319.  Fall  of  the  protector  ;  Ordinaiion  service.  3'^0.  (iardiner  deprived. 
321.  Hooper;  non-conformity.  322.  Review  of  the  Common  Prayer.  323  Ridley's  visila'ion. 
324.  Foreign  churches,  and  foreigners  in  England.  325.  The  lorty-t  wo  ariicles.  32(3.  King's  preach- 
ers. 327.  Mary  refused  the  use  of  the  mass.  328.  Character  of  the  protector.  329.  Acts  of  par- 
liament. 330.  Poverty  of  the  church.  331.  See  of  Durham  dissolved.  332.  Edward's  three 
foundations  in  London.  333.  Lady  Jane  Grey.  334.  Character  of  Edward.  335.  Stale  of  the 
■church.  336.  Erastianism  of  the  church  of  England.  337.  Opinions  of  Cranmer.  338.  His  plan 
of  reforming ;  the  civil  power  finally  established  the  alterations.  339.  The  commissions  ol  the 
bishops,  and  conduct  of  Cranmer.  310.  He  saved  episcopacy.  341.  Docuineiils  of  the  church  of 
England  of  Lutheran  origin.  342.  Wisdom  with  which  the  documents  of  our  church  were 
drawn  up. 


§  301.'  Edward  VI.,  who  was  in  his 
tenth  year,  (Jan.  2S,  1547,)  when  the 
death  of  Henry  VIII.  called  him  to  the 
throne,  was  by  his  father's  will  placed 
under  the  Gfuidance  of  a  council,  the 
several  members  of  which  were  in- 
vested with  equal  powers  ;  but  the  pre- 
ponderating influence  of  Edward  Sey- 
mour, earl  of  Hartford,  and  maternal 
uncle  to  the  king,  who  was  created 
duke  of  Somerset,  soon  enabled  that 
noble.man  to  acquire  a  decided  supe- 
riority over  his  colleagues,  and  to  obtain 
for  himself  the  chief  authority  in  the 
kingdom,  under  the  title  of  protector. 
The  retiring  disj)Osition  of  Cranmer 
made  him  less  inclined  to  interfere  in 
temporal  affairs,  and  Wriolhesley,  by 
putting  the  Court  of  Chancery  in  com- 
mi-ssion,  in  order  that  he  might  attend 
to  the  concerns  of  the  slate,  gave  such 
an  advantage  to  his  political  opponents, 
that  they  deprived  him  of  the  seals, 
and  granted  the  protector  letters-patent, 
by  which  he  afterwards  held  his  office. 
This  circumstance  was  favourable  to 
the  cause  of  the  Reformation,  for  the 
political  connections  and  interests  of  his 
family,  as  well  as  his  own  inclinations, 
led  him  to  favour  this  side  of  the  ques- 
tion, and  to  co-operate  with  Cranmer  in 
promoting  its  advancement. 

§  303.  The  advocates  of  reform  at 
this  moment,  not  only  had  to  contend 

'  Burnet  is,  throughout  this  chapter  and  the 
next,  the  chief  authority  ;  but  it  is  unnecessary  to 
mark  every  reference. 


against  their  open  enemies,  the  friends 
of  the  old  superstition,  but  were  equally 
endangered  by  the  injudicious  zeal  of 
their  own  hasty  and  unthinking  allies  ; 
who,  without  wailing  for  authority,  be- 
gan to  remove  images,  and  make  other 
alterations,  which  caused  an  unneces- 
sary irritation  among  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics, and  were  calculated  to  raise  up  a 
spirit  of  innovation  in  the  reforming 
multitude.  Some  persons,  therefore, 
who  had  been  engaged  in  these  transac- 
tions, were  brought  before  the  council 
and  severely  reprimanded  ;  but  no  pu- 
nishment was  inflicted  on  them,  through 
the  interference  of  such  members  of 
that  board  as  wexe  convinced  of  the 
impropriety  of  retaining  images  in 
places  where  religious  worship  was 
carried  on.  Cranmer,  indeed,  was  so 
thoroughly  sensible  of  the  injurious 
tendency  of  this  practice,  that  he  was 
an.xious  at  once  to  remove  them  entire- 
ly ;  and  the  populace,  probably  aware 
of  the  wishes  of  those  in  authority, 
ventured  to  commence  the  work  of  de- 
struction. But  (iardiner,  on  the  con- 
trary, still  continued  to  maintain  their 
utility,  and  wrote  for  this  purpose  to 
the  duke  of  Somerset  and  Ridley,  so 
that  the  question  was  brought  under 
discussion ;  and  whenever  this  is  tlie 
case,  it  may  always  be  hoped  that  truth 
will  ultimately  prevail. 

§  303.  .Another  circumstance  led  tc 
the  examination  of  masses  for  the  dead, 
in  which  the  result  coincided  with  that 
II 


96 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VI. 


m  the  present  case.  Henry  VIIl. 
had  left  considerable  property  to  the 
church  of  Windsor,  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  annually  for  his  soul  a 
certain  number  of  masses  and  obits, 
acting,  in  this  case,  as  many  a  sinner 
had  done  before  him  ;  he  practically 
denied,  by  the  whole  tenor  of  his  con- 
duct, his  belief  in  purgatory  ;  yet,  at 
his  death,  his  last  will  testified  that  he 
still  retained  it ;  he  destroyed  the  insti- 
tutions which  had  been  erected  solely 
in  consequence  of  this  superstition,  and 
so  tried  to  persuade  others  that  the 
idea  of  it  was  groundless  ;  yet  proved, 
by  . his  bequest,  that  he  still  entertained 
a  hope  that  it  was  true. 

The  progress  of  the  Reformation, 
however,  was  by  no  means  so  rapid  as 
might  have  been  expected.  The  peo- 
ple in  the  larger  towns,  indeed,  began 
by  degrees  to  open  their  eyes  to  the 
corruptions  of  the  church  of  Rome  ; 
but  when,  at  the  dissolution  of  the  mo- 
nasteries, provision  was  made  for  each 
of  the  monks,  payable  till  such  time  as 
they  Avere  furnished  with  benefices,  the 
surest  step  was  taken  to  continue  the  dif- 
fusion of  the  old  opinions.  By  this  enact- 
ment, it  became  the  interest  of  the  Court 
of  Augmentations,  and  of  those  who  had 
purchased  monastic  property  subject  to 
the  payment  of  an  income  to  the  old 
members  of  the  previous  establishment, 
to  take  every  means  that  these  persons 
might  be  introduced  into  fresh  prefer- 
ments. Men,  therefore,  whose  preju- 
dices almost  necessarily  led  them  to 
dislike  the  Reformation,  were  thus 
scattered  everywhere  as  instructors  of 
the  people,  and  every  vacant  benefice, 
to  which  a  cure  of  souls  was  attached, 
and  which  therefore  was  not  tenable  by 
a  layman,'  was  given  to  some  ejected 
monk,  and  the  guidance  of  the  parish 
committed  to  one  who  was  most  likely 
to  mislead  them  with  regard  to  the  Re- 
formation. Add  to  which,  that  the 
poverty  of  the  church  not  only  pre- 
vented men  of  liberal  education  from 


'  Burnet,  ii.  7,  says,  that  it  was  ordinary,  at 
that  time,  for  laymen  to  hold  preferments  without 
cure  of  souls.  Protector  Somerset  had  six  good 
prebends  promised  to  him,  two  of  these  being 
afterwards  converted  into  a  deanery  and  treasu- 
rership.  Lord  Cromwell  had  been  dean  of  Wells. 
Sir  Thomas  Smith,  who  was  in  deacon's  orders, 
though  living  as  a  layman,  was  dean  of  Carlisle. 
Strype's  Life,  p.  31. 


entering  into  holy  orders,  and  thus  cur- 
tailed the  number  of  ministers,  but  ren- 
dered such  as  served  the  poorer  pa- 
rishes of  necessity  friendly  to  doctrines* 
from  which  they  had  derived  their  chief 
support :  while  the  stock  of  informa 
tion  possessed  by  the  clergy  was  gene- 
rally insufficient  to  direct  them  to  the 
truth,  or  point  out  the  superstitious  and 
injurious  tendency  of  the  religious  opi- 
nions which  they  professed. 

§  !W4.  In  this  posture  of  afTairs,  it 
would  have  been  impolitic  to  leave  the 
cause  of  the  Reformation  to  the  tran- 
quil effects  of  increasing  light  and 
knowledge  ;  its  adversaries  were  widely 
spread,  and  invested  with  much  power 
to  oppose  the  progress  of  any  such 
principles  of  amendment ;  and  Cran- 
mer,  therefore,  wisely  determined  to 
use  the  authority  and  influence  which 
he  possessed,  in  order  to  advance  the 
cause  which  he  had  so  much  at  heart. 

(September  1st.)  The  act  of  parlia- 
ment which  had  given  the  force  of  laws 
to  the  proclamations  of  Henry  VIII.  had 
continued  the  same  prerogative  to  the 
counsellors  of  his  son,  while  under  age, 
and  on  this  authority  a  royal  visitation 
for  ecclesiastical  matters  was  appointed. 
In  addition  to  the  injunctions  given  to 
the  late  visitors,  curates  were  directed, 
in  those  now  published,^  to  take  down 
all  images  which  had  been  abused  by 
false  devotion,  and  to  avoid  such  customs 
as  tended  to  superstition  ;  but  the  people 
were  forbidden  to  interfere  in  any  such 
matter.  A  greater  strictness  in  the  ob- 
servance of  the  Sabbath  was  enjoined, 
and  the  ministry  were  ordered  to  renew 
and  increase  their  zeal  and  activity,  in 
preaching  within  their  own  churches,  in 
reading  the  portions  of  Scripture*  ap- 
pointed for  the  service,  and  in  perform- 
ing their  other  sacred  duties. 

§  305.  In  order  to  supply  the  defi- 
ciency of  preachers,  the  first  book  of 


2  A  large  portion  of  the  income  of  a  curate  de- 
pends, in  Roman  Catholic  countries,  on  the  fees 
which  are  paid  him  for  the  performance  of  masses 
and  other  riles  connected  with  the  service  of  the 
church. 

5  Sparrow's  Collection  of  Articles,  &c. 

*  In  1.542  it  had  been  ordered  that  a  chapter  out 
of  the  New  Testament  should  be  read  at  morning 
and  evening  service,  on  Sundays  and  holydays, 
and  that,  when  the  New  Testament  was  finished, 
they  should  go  through  the  Old.  (Strype's  Mem. 
i  i.  580.) 


Chap.  VI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


87 


homilies  was  published  in  July,'  and 
began  to  fix  the  standard  of  the  faith  of 
the  church  of  P^ngland  as  it  is  now 
established.  To  assist  the  unlearned  in 
the  interpretation  of  Scripture,  it  was 
ordained  that  the  Paraphrase  of  Eras- 
mus'^ should  be  set  up  in  every  parish 
church:  at  the  same  time  the  petition 
for  the  dead  in  the  bidding  prayer'  was 
altered  to  nearly  its  present  form,  and 
severe  penalties  imposed  on  sinioniacal 
presentations.  In  the  injunctions  trans- 
mitted to  the  bishops,  they  were  directed 
not  only  to  preach  themselves,  but  to 
take  care  that  their  chaplains  also  did 
so,  and  to  admit  none  into  orders  who 
were  not  qualified  for  the  office,  and 
willing  and  able  to  perform  their  clerical 
duties,  particularly  that  of  preaching. 

§  30t).  The  success  which  attended 
the  arms  of  the  protector  in  Scotland 
gave  his  party,  and  the  friends  of  the 
Reformation,  such  a  superiority  as  en- 
abled them  to  proceed  with  vigour  in 
putting  these  injunctions  in  force.  We 
can  hardly  now  be  aware  of  the  political 
necessity  which  might  then  have  ex- 
isted for  using  severity  towards  those 
who  did  not  assent  to  these  alterations 
and  injunctions,  though  of  the  general 
impropriety  of  such  an  attempt  there 
can  be  little  doubt.  The  mass  of  the 
clergy  had  been  admitted  to  their  bene- 
fices as  members  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
and  their  unwillingness,  therefore,  to 
change  their  creed,  could  never  form  a 
just  ground  for  temporal  punishment. 
Bonner  and  Gardiner  were  the  chief 
•objects  of  this  persecution,  the  former 
of  whom  was  committed  to  the  Fleet 
prison  for  a  short  time,  notwithstanding 
the  submission  which  was  forced  upon 
him;  but  Gardiner  remained  there  for 
a  longer  period  ;  and  his  whole  con- 
duct on  this  occasion  exhibits  him  in 
more  favourable  colours  than  at  any 

'  See  «  412". 

'  'I'he  Paraphrase  of  Erasmus  on  the  Gospels 
and  Acts  was  translated  into  English  chiefly  hy 
Nicholas  Udal,  under  the  patronage  of  the  queen- 
dowagcr,  and  published  in  1547;  the  translation 
of  the  rest  was  printed  in  1549,  and  again  in  1552. 
(Strype's  Mem.  II.  i.  45.) 

'  'I'he  bidditig  prayer  is  that  used  before  sermon, 
wherein  the  preacher  directs  his  hearers  to  pray- 
The  term  comes  from  liede,  a  Saxon  word,  signi- 
fying a  prayer,  which  is  retained  in  the  English 
word,  "  bid."    Old  forms  of  this  prayer  may  be  I 
found  in  Strype's  Eccl.  Mem.  i.  Coll.  Nn.  37  ;  I 
Burnet,  ii.  No.  8,  iii.  No.  29;  Collier,  ii.  No.  54.  i 
The  one  in  present  use  is  in  the  55th  Canon,  1C03.  ! 


other  period  of, his  history  ;  his  letter  to 
Sir  J.  Godsave  is  very  much  what  the 
remonstrance  of  a  bishop  should  be  on 
such  an  occasion.  He  professes  himself 
ready  to  sufl'er  rather  than  to  admit  any 
thing  contrary  to  his  conscience,  and 
signifies  his  determination  not  to  sur- 
render the  liberties  of  the  subject,  with- 
out petitioning  against  a  proceeding 
sanctioned  by  the  regal  authority  alone  : 
his  chief  objection  was  directed  against 
the  third  homily,  on  the  Salvation  of 
Mankind,  because  it  excluded  charity 
from  the  work  of  jufstification  ;  nor  was 
he  satisfied  with  the  Paraphrase  of  Eras- 
mus, of  which  he  said,  that  the  English 
translation  contained  many  additional 
errors  beyond  those  exhibited  in  the 
Latin.  A  letter  which  he  addressed  to 
the  protector  on  his  return  from  Scot- 
land breathed  the  same  strain,  and  com- 
plained that  he  had  now  been  detained 
seven  weeks  in  the  Fleet  prison  without 
servants  or  attendants,  and  contrary  to 
law  and  justice.  But  this  was  as  in- 
effectual as  the  last,  and  he  remamed  a 
prisoner  while  the  parliament  sat,  a 
severity  which  must  probably  be  attri- 
buted to  Cranmer,  and  can  hardly  be 
justified.  It  appears  indeed  to  have 
produced  some  sort  of  remonstrance 
from  the  Lady  Mary,  who  always  ex- 
pressed it  as  her  opinion,  that  the  affairs 
of  religion  should  remain  in  the  condi- 
tion in  which  her  father  left  them,  till 
her  brother  was  of  age  to  judge  for  him- 
self ;  a  position  generally  advanced  and 
maintained  by  the  friends  of  that  party. 

§  307.  However  tyrannical  these  pro- 
ceedings of  the  council  may  appear, 
there  seems  no  reason  for  accusing  that 
body  of  any  design  of  establishing  an 
undue  authority ;  for  the  first  acts  which 
were  passed  in  the  parliament  assembled 
in  the  autumn  revoked  most  of  the 
severe  laws  enacted  towards  the  end  of 
the  last  reign.  In  this  nuinber  were 
comprehended  those  concerning  treason 
and  Lollardies  ;  that  of  the  Six  Articles, 
as  well  as  the  particular  one  under  which 
they  had  been  acting,  and  which  gave 
the  force  of  law  to  the  royal  proclama- 
tion. This  was  followed  by  another  act 
on  the  Communion,  in  which  severe 
censures  were  imposed  on  those  who 
ridiculed  the  mass;  but  it  was  ordained 
that  the  laity  should  receive  in  both 
kinds,  and  that  no  private  masses  should 


88 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VI. 


be  cclebratod  ;  a  most  important  stop  in 
the  caust'  of  reformation;  for  it  cut  at 
the  roo.t  of  most  of  the  suixM'stitioris,  and 
maue  the  pf0})le  view  religion  as  a  con- 
cern of  their  own,  and  not  as  an  ojms 
cperuliim,  which  might  be  h-ft  to  the 
priest  without  any  co-operation  on  the 
part  of  the  congregation.  Some  acts 
were  also  passed  relating  to  the  tem- 
poral affairs  of  the  church.  By  one 
law  whicii  now  passed,  it  w  as  ordained 
that  bishops  should  in  future  be  ap- ! 
pointed  by  letters  patent,  and  not  by  a| 
cons;^  d'elire,'  and  that  all  processes 
relating  to  matters  not  purely  spiritual 
should  be  carried  on  in  the  name  of  the 
king ;  an  enactment  which  took  away 
all  controlling  power  from  the  eccle- 
siastical courts  themselves,  and  com- 
pelled them  to  punish  any  neglect  of 
their  orders  by  excommunication  ;  so 
that  this  sacred  and  awful  process  is 
f'refjuently  degraded  by  being  used 
without  any  adequate  reason,  and  in 
cases  Mhere  there  may  be  no  moral 
offence.  The  nomination  of  the  bishops 
virtually  made  little  difference,  as  to 
ecclesiastical  appointments ;  but  Avith 
respect  to  the  other  part  of  the  bill, 
either  too  little  or  too  much  was  done. 
No  causes,  not  purely  spiritual,  should 
have  been  left  to  the  cognisance  of  these 
courts,  unless  some  temporal  power  had 
at  the  same  time  been  conceded  to  them  ; 
and  this  mistake  has  created  an  odium 
against  these  tribunals,  which  the  church 
cannot  remedy,  and  \\  hich  originates  in 
the  heterogeneous  nature  of  their  com- 
position. The  lands  belonging  to  chan- 
tries were  now  sfiven  to  the  crown, 
much  aafainst  the  wishes  of  Cranmer, 
who  hoped,  by  continuing  them  till  the  j 
king  became  of  age,  to  have  preserved 


'  The  difierence  of  ihese  two  forms  is  as  follows ;  [ 
Bislioprics  are  in  theory  eleciive  by  the  several  I 
chapters  of  the  cathedral  churches.     The  cmige' 
d'elire  sigi  ifies  the  vacancy  to  the  chapter,  et  joins  j 
them  to  elect  a  bishop,  and  names  a  given  person  i 
whose  flection  wonld  be  agreeatile  to  the  kinn;.  ; 
If  the  chapter  were  to  refuse  the  person  so  nonii- 
naled.  they  would  incur  a  prseniunire,  as  trying  to 
curtail  the  royal  prerogative.    Letters  patent  no- 
minated ihe  bishop  to  the  performance  ot  all  epis-  ' 
copal  offices,  which  he  was  to  perlbrm  in  the 
king's  name.    In  both  these  cases  the  spiritual; 
dignity  was  conferred  by  the  consecration  which 
took  place  subsequently;  so  that  in  neither  does  ■ 
the  sovcvei.i'n  interfere  with  the  priestly  offices,  [ 
any  more  than  the  lay-patron  of  a  living  does  with  , 
the  ordination  of  a  candidate  whom  he  nominates 
to  it.  I 


a  large  fund  for  the  future  benefit  of  the 
poorerclergy.  In  the  first  draught  of  this 
j)ill  the  words  ran,  "  chantries,  hospitals, 
fraternities,  and  colleges  ;''  and  as  these 
expressions  might  have  been  so  inter- 
preted as  to  take  in  the  universities, 
much  exertion  was  made  by  those  who 
understood  the  value  of  establishments 
for  education,^  and  a  clause  inserted  to 
prevent  their  being  comprehended  un- 
der these  general  terms. 

§  308.  (a.  d.  1548.)  The  new  year 
commenced  %yith  several  very  important 
steps  in  the  reformation  of  religious 
matters.  Directions  were  issued  for  the 
removal  of  all  images,  as  well  as  the 
suppression  of  many  superstitious  cere- 
monies; a  proclamation  was  made 
against  "  the  abuse  of  churches,"^  which 
were  exposed  to  many  indignities,  and 
made  the  scenes  of  riot  and  confusion  ; 
and  severe  threats  held  out  against  those 
who  ventured  to  run  before  the  civil 
authority  in  the  abolition  of  such  points 
as  were  still  sanctioned  by  the  law  of 
the  land.  In  order  to  prepare  the  way 
for  the  formation  of  the  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer,  a  committee  was  ap- 
pointed to  examine  the  services,  who, 
on  account  of  the  pressing  need  of  some 
alteration  in  the  mass,  commenced  with 
the  Communion  Service,  by  proposing 
questions  on  the  nature  of  the  sacrament 
of  the  Lord's  Supper,  to  which  the 
several  members  were  required  to  send 
in  their  respective  answers  ;  and  though 
many  documents  of  this  description  were 
destroyed  in  the  days  of  Queen  Mary, 
yet  this  is  preserved,  and  is  curious,  as 
marking  the  care  and  anxiety  used  in 
drawing  up  this  necessary  and  inva- 
luable work.  It  is  printed  in  the  Collec-  * 
lion  of  Records  of  the  History  of  the  Re- 
formation. No.  25.  The  points  in  which 
their  sentiments  differ  from  the  church 
of  England  are,  that  most  of  them  still 
retained  a  belief  in  transubstantiation, 
that  they  approved  of  masses  satisfac- 
tory, and  of  praying  for  the  dead,  and 
that  many  of  them  objected  to  the  use 
of  the  vulgar  tongue  for  the  whole  of 
the  ceremony,  though  they  consented 
to  the  reading  and  explaining  the  gos- 
pel in  English. 

§  309.    The   Communion  Service, 


2  Strype's  Life  of  Smith,  29.  Cheke. 
'  Strype's  Cranmer,  251. 


Chap.  VI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


89 


which  was  published  on  March  the 
8th,*  does  not  essentially  differ  from 
the  one  now  in  use,  and  in  its  compo- 
sition Cranmer  appears  to  have  made 
no  unnecessary  alterations,  but  to  have 
retained  whatever  was  innocent  in  the 
service  of  the  mass  :  the  work  itself 
indeed  appears  to  be  an  intermediate 
step  between  the  old  and  the  new 
offices ;  for  such  parts  of  it  only  were 
in  English  as  more  particularly  related 
to  the  general  communicant ;  while  the 
rest,  even  the  consecration  of  the  ele- 
ments, was  not  translated. 

In  the  Exhortation,  read  the  day  be- 
fore the  celebration  of  the  communion,^ 
the  people  are  allowed  to  use  or  to  ab- 
stain from  auricular  confession,  and 
warned  against  entertaining  uncharita- 
ble opinions  with  regard  to  those  who 
differed  from  themselves  in  this  parti- 
cular. The  evils  and  abuses  arising 
from  this  custom  had  so  alienated  the 
minds  of  most  men  from  it,  that  it 
was  readily  dispensed  with ;  but  it  has 
proved  a  misfortune  to  our  church,  that 
the  tide  of  opinion  has  carried  us  too 
far  towards  the  opposite  extreme.  The 
Scriptures  never  speak  of  confession  as 
obligatory  in  such  a  sense  as  the  in- 
junctions of  the  church  of  Rome  had 
ordained.  Confession  to  a  priest  is  no- 
where mentioned  as  absolutely  neces- 
sary ;  but  reason,  as  well  as  the  word 
of  God,  strongly  points  out,  that  to  ac- 
knowledge our  faults,  especially  to  one 
vested  with  spiritual  authority  over  us, 
must  be  a  most  effectual  means  of  re- 
straining us  from  the  commission  of 
sin  ;  and  wherever  the  congregation 
has  been  scandalized  by  our  transgres- 
sions, surely  a  public  avowal  of  our 
erfors  must  prove  an  obvious  method 
of  making  all  the  retribution  which  we 
can,  not  to  God,  but  to  offended  society ; 
nor  can  we  doubt  that  the  Almighty 
will  accept  such  an  outward  act  of  hu- 
miliation. This  was  in  all  probability 
the  whoie  extent  of  the  penance  of  the 
early  church  ;  but  the  power  with  which 
private  confession  invested  the  priest, 
together  with  the  profit  to  the  ecclesias- 
tical body  with  which  absolution  was 
gradually  accompanied,  transformed 
that  which  was  instituted  for  the  glory 
of  God,  and  the  salvation  of  mankind. 


'  Sparrow's  Coll.  13.  2  Ibid.  18. 

12 


into  an  engine  of  papal  authority.  The 
indulgences  offered  in  the  "Hours  after 
the  Use  of  Sarum,"  the  book  of  devo- 
tions then  gradually  adopted  in  Eng- 
land, would  move  at  once  our  derision 
and  pity  for  an  age  which  could  admit 
such  absurdities,  did  not  the  proffered 
pardons  now  hanging  in  foreign  Roman 
Catholic  churches  convince  us,  that  the 
spiritual  safety  of  the  people  can  never 
be  insured  by  any  state  of  civilization, 
whenever  the  Holy  Scriptures  are  prac- 
tically not  the  standard  by  which  men 
measure  their  duties,  and  the  ground- 
work on  which  they  found  their  reli- 
ance. 

In  the  church  of  England  the  confes- 
sion of  particular  sins  is  recommended 
in  the  Exhortation  to  the  Sacrament, 
and  the  Visitation  of  the  Sick ;  but  so 
little  are  we  accustomed  to  this  most 
scriptural  duty,  that  these  recommenda- 
tions are  frequently  unknown  and  gene- 
rally neglected,  while  scarcely  a  vestige 
remains  of  ecclesiastical  law  for  the  re- 
straint of  vice  ;  and  though  the  punish- 
ment of  many  offences  has  been  wisely 
transferred  to  the  courts  of  common 
law,  yet  the  laxity  which  prevails  with 
regard  to  numerous  breaches  of  the  law 
of  God  may  be  well  esteemed  a  defi- 
ciency in  our  national  duty. 

§  ;}10.  About  the  middle  of  this  year 
Gardiner  fell  into  fresh  troubles.  The 
point  in  which  he  probably  offended  the 
ruling  powers  was  by  denying,  as  far 
as  he  dared,  the  supremacy  of  the  coun- 
cil. But  the  friends  of  the  iteformation 
do  not  seem  to  have  acted  with  that  spi- 
rit of  forbearance  which  befitted  so  good 
a  cause,  and  the  want  of  which  contri- 
buted to  excite  the  spirit  of  personal 
hostility  with  which  the  reign  of  Mary 
was  disgraced,  and  which  fell  with  ten- 
fold severity  on  the  heads  of  the  reform- 
ers. The  protector  appointed  Gardiner 
to  preach  before  the  king,  and  wished 
to  have  compelled  him  to  adopt  in  his 
sermon  certain  notes  written  with  the 
king's  own  hand  ;  but  with  a  proper  spi- 
rit of  independence,  the  bishop  of  Win- 
chester declined  taking  notice  of  this 
interference,  and  upon  this  he  was  im- 
prisoned. About  the  same  time  Cran- 
mer put  forth  his  Catechism.  This  work 
was  translated  from  a  German  Cate- 
chism, used  in  Nuremburg,  through  the 
medium  of  a  Latin  version  made  by 


90 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[CHiP.  VI. 


Justus  Jonas,  and  is  probably  clue  to  the 
labours  of  some  of  the  chaplains  of  the 
archbishop.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
the  Latin  version  was  brought  into  Eng- 
land by  Justus  Jonas  the  younger,  when 
he  was  driven  from  his  own  country 
through  the  severity  with  which  the 
Interim  was  imposed,  and  hospitably 
received,  among  other  confessors,  by 
Cranmer.  On  this  supposition  we 
may  attribute  the  Latin  version  to  Jus- 
tus Jonas  the  father,  a  man  of  much 
celebrity  among  the  German  reform- 
ers. The  English  transla'tion  is  gene- 
rally made  with  much  closeness,  but  in 
some  instances  new  matter  has  been 
introduced  into  the  text.* 

§  an.  (Nov,  24.)  In  the  parliament 
which  was  assembled  during  the  au- 
tumn, a  bill  was  brought  in  to  enable 
the  clergy  to  marry ;  it  passed  through 
the  Commons  without  any  great  oppo- 
sition, but  in  the  Lords  met  with  such 
delays,  that  it  did  not  receive  the  royal 
assent  till  the  spring  of  the  next  year. 
The  question  at  issue  was  really  divisi- 
ble into  two  heads :  first,  whether  any 
law  of  God  enjoin  celibacy  in  the 
clergy ;  and,  secondly,  whether  the 
clergy  were  themselves  bound  by  any 
oath  voluntarily  taken,  and  which  could 
not  be  dispensed  with.  With  regard  to 
the  first  of  these,  there  is  no  difficulty; 
for  I  believe  that  the  church  of  Rome 
pretends  to  no  higher  authority  than 
that  of  ancient  custom,  sanctioned  by 
the  enactments  of  the  church ;  and 
against  this,  the  examples  of  the  apos- 
tles and  the  primitive  church  are  so 
strong,  that  the  ecclesiastical  advan- 
tages to  be  derived  from  the  celibacy 
of  the  clergy  must  form  its  only  tenable 
ground  of  support :  and  here  the  evils 
of  forcing  human  beings  in  this  particu- 
lar have  been  so  strongly  experienced 
as  to  overbalance,  in  the  opinions  of 
moderate  reasoners,  all  the  benefits 
which  may  result  from  a  single  life 
among  the  priesthood  when  undertaken 
in  a  voluntary  manner.  With  respect 
to  the  second  particular,  it  appears  that 
the  secular  clergy  were  under  no  vow 
of  living  single  ;  for  oven  the  vow  of 
chastity,  which  existed  in  the  Ordina- 

•  See  Burton's  preface  to  Cranmer's  Catechism, 
which  has  been  printed  to<retlier  with  the  Latin  of 
Justus  Jonas,  Oxford,  1829.  The  date  in  the  pre- 
face of  Justus  Jonas's  dedication  is  Feb.  11  1539. 


tion  Service  of  the  foreign  churches, 
formed  no  part  of  that  used  in  England ; 
and  had  it  been  so,  chastity  is  probably 
more  safely  guarded  by  marriage  than 
by  abstinence.  At  the  same  time,  there 
is  so  great  a  semblance  of  self-devotion 
in  abstaining  from  the  innocent  plea- 
sures of  life,  for  the  sake  of  religion, 
that  it  is  no  wonder  if  the  abolition  of 
celibacy  among  the  ministers  of  reli- 
gion were  frequently  objected  to  the 
reformers.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  its 
practical  results,  and  the  judgment  of 
such  men  as  Ponet,  Parker,  Ridley, 
and  Redmayne,  who  argued  in  favour 
of  the  marriage  of  the  clergy,  though 
some  of  them  abstained  from  it  them- 
selves, serve  strongly  to  convince  us  of 
the  superior  wisdom  of  Almighty  God. 
who  has  so  formed  the  laws  by  which 
the  universe  is  directed,  that  we  exer- 
cise the  soundest  human  policy  when 
our  institutions  approach  the  nearest  to 
the  dictates  of  his  revealed  word. 

§  .312.  (Jan.  \o,  1,549.)  In  the  act 
which  passed  confirming  the  use  of  the 
Liturgy,^  a  clause  was  inserted  which 
allowed  the  use  of  psalms  or  hymns 
taken  out  of  the  Bible,  and  the  singing 
of  psalms  became  a  marked  characteris- 
tic of  the  favourers  of  the  Reformation  : 
many,  therefore,  were  now  translated 
and  composed  ;  and  it  is  no  small  re- 
flection on  the  poetical  talent  or  piety 
of  our  church,  that  the  collection  of 
psalms  made  soon  after  this  period  has 
been  allowed  to  continue  the  best  which 
we  possess  in  an  authorized  form.^ 

2  Strype's  E.  M.  II.  i.  13f.. 

3  The  authority  possessed  by  the  old  version 
depends  on  a  clause  in  an  act  of  which  the  words 
are,  "  Provided  always  that  it  shall  be  lawful  for 
all  men,  as  well  in  churches,  chapels,  oratories, 
or  other  places,  to  use  openly  any  psalm  or  prayer 
taken  out  of  the  Bible  at  any  due  time,  not  letting 
or  omitting  thereby  the  service  or  any  part  thereof 
mentioned  in  the  said  book:"  (2,  3  Edward  VI. 
c.  i.  vii.)  expressions  which  equally  apply  to  any 
other  version.  But  it  may  still  be  doubted,  whe- 
ther even  this  is  not  repealed  by  the  last  clause  of 
the  act  of  uniformity  of  Elizabeth.  The  custom 
of  introducing  psalmody  into  the  church  servite 
had  been  for  some  time  established  among  Pro- 
testants abroad,  and  was  early  brought  into  Eng- 
land, and  this  act  seems  merely  to  have  given 
a  legal  sanction  to  the  custom.  Th.  Sternhold 
translated  fifty-one  psalms  into  metre,  which  were 
published  in  1549,  and  the  remainder  of  them  were 
completed,  during  the  reign  of  Mary,  by  Johi; 
Hopkins  and  other  exiles,  whose  initials  are  gene 

)  rally  affi.xed  to  them.  W.  W.,  Wilham  Whit 
tingham,  afterwards  dean  of  Durham  ;  W.  K. 
William  Kethe;  N.,  Norton;  M.,  Markant ;  R 


Chap.  VI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


91 


Another  .ict  enjoined  the  eating  of 
fish  on  those  days  of  fasting-  which  had 
been  appointed  by  the  Roman  Catholic 
chuich.  The  object  of  this  enactment 
was  declared  to  be  the  support  of  the 
fisheries,  and  not  any  religious  differ- 
ence which  existed  as  to  the  species  of 
food  used  ;  and  though  we  may  laugh 
at  the  framers  of  an  absurd  law,  we 
cannot  but  deplore  one  practical  evil 
arising  from  such  injudicious  inter- 
ference ;  for  mankind  have  of  course 
seen  through  the  folly  of  the  ordinance, 
and  with  its  neglect  have  neglected  also 
the  sacred  duly  of  real  fasting,  which 
is  placed  in  so  ridiculous  a  light. 

The  attainder  of  Sir  Thomas  Sey- 
mour produced  little  effect  on  the  Re- 
formation, except  by  bringing'  some 
degree  of  obloquy  on  two  of  its  friends : 
on  C'ranmer,  for  signing  a  death-war- 
rant, from  which  it  was  thought  that  his 
office  might  have  screened  him  ;  and 
on  the  protector,  who  was  unjustly  said 
to  have  given  up  his  brother  too  easily, 
though  it  appears  that  he  had  long-  used 
all  the  means  in  his  power  to  prevent 
the  catastrophe  towards  which  the  am- 
bition of  the  admiral  was  unceasingly 
hurrying  him. 

§  SV'i.  An  ecclesiastical  visitation  was 
appointed  early  in  this  year,  in  order  to 
suppress  many  superstitious  observ- 
ances which  still  continued  to  be  used. 
No  difficulty  was  found  in  gaining  out- 
ward compliance  with  the  commands 
of  the  government ;  but  it  was  impos- 
sible to  eradicate  instantaneously  preju- 
dices and  customs  which  had  long  been 
prevalent  in  the  country,  and  to  which 
the  vulgar,  from  their  ignorance,  had 
attached  the  notion  of  religion.  The 
exertions  of  the  reformers,  however, 
were  not  confined  to  these  minor  objects 
alone  ;  steps  were  taken  for  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  doctrine,  as  well  as 
discipline  of  the  church,  which  rendered 
it  necessary  that  the  chief  articles  of 
faith  should  be  gradually  examined. 
No  opinion  was  entertained  with  so 
much  earnestness,  on  the  part  of  the 
common  people  and  the  priesthood,  as 


W.,  Robert  Wisdom;  D.  (qu.  Dr.)  Cox  trans- 
lated the  Lord's  Prayer.  There  are  several  other 
initials,  with  the  authors'  names  of  which  I  am 
unacquainted ;  T.  C,  T.  D.,  E.  G.,  T.  N.,  J.  P.; 
several  of  these  are  affixed  to  the  early  editions 
only. 


that  of  transubstantiation  ;  its  friends 
regarded  the  suppression  of  it  as  depriv- 
ing them  of  their  chief  spiritual  hope, 
and  the  clergy  foresaw  in  its  destruc- 
tion the  overthrow  of  much  of  their 
authority.  Without  entering  into  a  dis- 
cussion of  the  question,  it  may  perhaps 
lead  to  clearness,  if  the  several  opinions 
entertained  on  this  subject  be  briefly 
stated. 

The  church  of  Rome  holds  the  doc- 
trine of  transubstantiation  ;  that  is,  that 
after  consecration  the  elements  of  bread 
and  wine  no  longer  remain,  but  that  a 
perfect  body  of  our  Saviour  is  given  to 
each  individual  receiving  the  conse- 
crated wafer,  and  that  the  same  body 
which  was  offered  on  the  cross  ;  so  that 
a  miracle  is  constantly  repeated,  of 
which  the  senses  of  the  party  receiving 
are  not  a  test. 

The  Lutheran  church  holds  the  doc- 
trine of  consubstantiation  ;'  that  is,  that 
the  body  of  Christ  is  so  with  the  bread, 
or  in  the  bread, that  it  is  actually  eaten 
with  the  bread  ;  and  whatsoever  motion 
or  action  the  bread  hath,  the  body  of 
Christ  has  the  same  ;  so  that  the  body 
of  Christ  may  truly  be  said  to  be  borne, 
given,  received,  eaten,  when  the  bread 
is  borne,  given,  received,  or  eaten  ;  that 
is.  This  is  my  body. 

The  doctrine  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land is,  that  the  bread  and  wine  are 
outward  and  visible  signs  of  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ,  which  body  and 
blood  are  received  and  eaten  in  a  hea- 
venly or  spiritual  manner  by  the  faith- 
ful in  the  Lord's  Supper.^ 

§  314.  Cranmer  wrote  on  the  subject, 
and  was  answered  by  Gardiner ;  and 
disputations  were  this  year  held  in  Ox- 


'  The  Lutherans  are  also  called  Ubiquitarians, 
from  niainlaining  the  ubiquity  of  Christ's  body. 
Brentius  is  said  to  have  first  brought  the  doctrine 
into  especial  notice,  and  a  formulary  of  faith,  of 
which  it  forms  a  leading  article,  was  composed  at 
Berg  in  1577.  See  Broughlon's  Diet,  of  all  Re- 
ligions. 

2  Burnet,  p.  iii.  b,  IV.  No.  1. 

'  It  is  highly  probable,  that  soon  after  the  con- 
sultation ot  Cranmer  and  Ridley  on  the  subject 
of  iransubslaniialion,  (  Todd,  Intr.  vii.  to  Cran- 
mer on  the  Sacrament,)  the  archbishop  caused  an 
English  translation  of  the  book  of  Bertram  the 
priest,  concerning  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ, 
to  be  published.  Two  editions  were  printed  in 
1548  and  1549;  reprints  of  this  work  are  com- 
mon. See  ^  Ifi,  6.  It  is  highly  satisfactory  to 
observe  how  entirely  this  author  agrees  with  the 
doctrines  of  the  church  of  England. 


92 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VI. 


ford  and  Cambridge,  and  again  in  the 
next  at  Cambridge.  In  the  former,  Dr. 
Smith  challenged  his  successor  in  the 
divinity  chair,  Peter  Martyr,  to  a  public 
disputation  ;  but,  as  they  were  not  pre- 
pared to  argue  on  the  same  grounds — 
the  one  wishing  to  confine  the  discus- 
sion to  Scripture  terms,  while  the  other 
trusted  to  his  school  divinity — the  mat- 
ter was  deferred  till  the  arrival  of  cer- 
tain commissioners  from  London  ;  and 
in  the  mean  season.  Smith  having  fallen 
into  trouble,  either  on  account  of  a 
tumult  now  raised,  or  on  some  other 
grounds,  made  concessions  to  Cranmer, 
and  fled  the  kingdom.  But  the  dispu- 
tation subsequently  took  place  on  the 
following  heads  : 

In  the  eucharist  there  is  no  transub- 
stantiation. 

In  the  bread  and  wine  Christ  is  not 
corporally  present. 

The  body  and  blood  of  Christ  are 
united  to  the  bread  and  wine  sacra- 
mentally. 

At  Cambridge,  the  theses  which 
were  summed  up  by  Ridley  were, 

Transubstantiation  cannot  be  proved 
from  the  direct  words  of  Scripture,  nor 
be  necessarily  collected  from  it ;  nor  is 
it  confirmed  from  the  early  fathers. 

In  the  eucharist,  no  other  sacrifice  is 
made  than  the  remembrance  of  Christ's 
death  and  thanksgiving. 

And  here  it  must  not  be  forgotten, 
that  the  cause  of  the  Reformation  was 
greatly  promoted  by  the  exertions  of 
certain  learned  foreigners,"  who  were 
encouraged  to  visit  England  by  the 
friends  and  promoters  of  true  religion  ; 
and  who  repaid  the  debt  of  gratitude, 
which  they  incurred,  by  being  ex- 
tremely useful  in  the  advancement  of 
sound  learning  and  Christian  truth. 
Peter  Alexander  Avas  first  received  into 
the  family  of  Cranmer,  and  then  ob- 
tained preferment  from  him.  Fagius 
was  placed  at  Cambridge,  where  he 
soon  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Tre- 
mellius ;  and  Bucer  taught  Divinity, 
and  Cavelarius,  Hebrew,  at  the  same 
university.  Peter  Martyr  was  esta- 
blished at  Oxford,  as  we  have  just  seen  ; 
and  the  disputations  which  have  been 
mentioned  were  in  each  university 
maintained  by  these  alien  teachers. 

>  Strype's  Mem.  II.  i.  321,  &c. 


i  §  315.  These  discussions  appear  to 
have  been  carried  on  with  great  pro- 
priety; and  it  is  much  to  be  lamented 
that  the  other  proceedings  of  this  period 
were  not  marked  with  the  same  mode- 
ration. Complaints  had  been  brought 
to  the  council  of  the  prevalence  of  ana- 
baptists, who  propagated  most  perni- 
cious doctrines,  and  who  frequently 
combined  much  criminality  of  life  with 
their  erroneous  opinions  ;  but  with  this 
sect,  unfortunately,  other  persons  were 
often  confounded,  whose  only  fault  con- 
sisted in  entertaining  sentiments  con- 
cernin*  the  efficacy  of  infant  baptism 
at  variance  with  the  received  practice 
of  the  Christian  church.  To  check  the 
progress  of  these  opinions,  a  commis- 
sion was  appointed ;  and  though  the 
members  of  it  generally  used  kindness 
and  persuasion,  yet,  in  the  case  of  Joan 
Bocher  of  Kent,  a  woman  apparently 
more  fit  for  a  mad-house  than  the  crown 
of  martyrdom,  they  delivered  her  over 
to  the  secular  power,  and  she  was  burnt 
during  the  next  year.''  There  was 
considerable  difficulty  in  persuading 
Edward  to  consent  to  this  severity,  and 
it  was  only  on  the  strong  remonstrances 
of  Cranmer  that  he  was  induced  to  sjgn 
the  warrant.  The  act  was  performed 
by  him  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  and  with 
an  appeal  to  the  archbishop,  that  at 
the  day  of  judgment  he  must  answer 
for  having  procured  the  signature.  This 
proceeding  gave  great  and  just  offence 
to  the  world,  and  was  used  as  an  argu- 
ment to  justify  the  necessity  of  capital 
punishments,  in  matters  of  faiih,  by  the 
persecutors  of  the  next  vcign  ;  who,  in 
the  sufferings  of  the  father  of  our  Re- 
formation, have  often  traced  the  retri- 
bution of  Divine  justice  on  one  who, 
in  these  instances,  as  well  as  those  dur- 
ing the  life  of  Henry,  cannot  be  ex- 
cused even  by  his  friends.  The  same 
severity  was  used  in  I55I  towards 
George  Van  Pare,  a  Dutch  anabaptist. 

§  316.  The  event  which  must  princi- 
pally attract  the  notice  of  the  friends  of 
the  Reformation  during  this  year  is  the 
introduction  of  the  English  Liturgj'. 
The  book  now  published  differed  in 
some  respects  from  that  which  is  in  use 
at  present,  and  the  differences  may  be 

^  She  was  burnt  for  denying  that  our  Saviour 
took  the  flesh  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  (Strype's 
Mem.  II.  i.  335.) 


Chap.  VI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


93 


found  in  another  part  of  this  work.'  In 
the  execution  of  the  whole  production 
much  forbearance  was  exhibited ;  no- 
thing was  changed  excepting  where 
necessity  dictated  it ;  and  in  matters 
indifferent,  the  previous  misapplication 
of  an  innocent  ceremony  was  not  admit- 
ted as  a  sufficient  reason  for  rejecting 
it  altogether.  One  great  point  gained 
by  the  adoption  of  this  work  consisted 
in  the  rejection  of  a  multitude  of  saints, 
to  whom,  by  degrees,  all  the  merits  of 
our  Redeemer  had  been  transferred, 
and  petitions  addressed,  which  to  the 
eye  of  a  Protestant  appear  almost  blas- 
phemous, when  directed  to  a  creature. 
The  translation  of  the  public  services, 
too,  was  a  most  important  step  ;  for  the 
use  of  the  Latin  language  had  probably 
been  closely  connected  with  the  con- 
tinuance of  those  errors  which  it  con- 
cealed from  the  notice  of  the  vulgar. 
It  had  been  originally  a  natural  process, 
from  the  admiration  of  the  saint  or  mar- 
tyr, to  pray  that  the  supplicant  might 
be  enabled  to  imitate  his  virtues,  and 
from  thence,  in  an  age  of  darkness,  to 
address  the  prayer  to  the  beatified  being 
himself;  but  in  the  sixteenth  century  it 
was  an  act  of  interest  and  prejudice  to 
continue  the  pious  fraud,  and  of  wisdom 
to  conceal  the  grossness  of  the  error, 
under  the  mystery  of  a  dead  language. 
One  argument  used  in  its  favour  is  curi- 
ous.^ The  inscription  on  our  Saviour's 
cross  had  been  limited  to  three  lan- 
guages, and  to  these,  therefore,  the 
service  of  the  church  ought  to  be  con- 
fined ;  a  method  of  arguing  at  present 
not  very  intelligible.  The  book  was 
framed  in  1.5i8;  the  act  which  sanc- 
tioned it  was  passed  early  in  the  spring, 
and  ordained  that  it  should  be  used 
after  Whitsuntide. 

§  317.  The  questions  of  infant  bap- 
tism and  predestination  caused  no  small 
inconvenience  to  the  church,  by  the  di- 
versity of  opinion  which  they  excited 
among  the  friends  of  religion,  and  the 
scandal,  which  the  mistaken  adoption 
of  the  latter  produced  in  the  lives  of 
some  who  imagined  themselves  to  be- 
long to  the  number  of  the  elect.  In- 
deed, a  general  dissoluteness  of  morals 
seems  to  have  prevailed  ;  for  the  people 


'5  7«,s.  2  Burnet,  P.  ii.  No.  29. 

*  Burnet,  ii.  58,  fol.,  139,  8vo. 


were  at  once  freed  from  the  restrictions 
imposed  by  the  authority  of  the  eccle- 
siastical courts,  and  had  not  yet  reaped 
the  advantages  of  the  moral  restraint 
of  religious  education,  of  which  the 
fruits  must  necessarily  be  slow.  The 
oj)pression,  too,  which  the  transfer  of 
so  large  a  portion  of  property  had  oc- 
casioned, began  to  be  severely  felt. 
The  new  possessors  of  the  soil  fre- 
quently turned  out  the  old  cultivators, 
and  converted  the  land  into  pasture, 
which  was  found  to  be  much  more  pro- 
fitable, from  the  increasing  trade  of  the 
kingdom  in  wool.  The  ejected  labour- 
ers, in  their  own  minds,  connected  these 
proceedings  with  the  change  in  religion, 
and  risings  among  the  people  were  very 
general  during  the  summer.  Most  of 
these  were  easily  sujjpressed  ;  but  in 
the  west,  and  in  Norfolk,  they  became 
formidable.  The  men  of  Devonshire 
and  Cornwall  besieged  Exeter,'  which 
was  with  difficulty  relieved  by  Lord 
Russell,  who  completely  dispersed  their 
forces,  and  put  an  end  to  the  rebellion 
by  the  execution  of  the  ringleaders. 
During  the  height  of  their  prosperity, 
they  ventured  to  propose  terms  to  the 
government,  and  demanded  the  virtual 
restitution  of  popery.  To  each  article 
of  this  document  distinct  answers  were 
sent  by  Cranmer,  which  are  printed  at 
length  by  Strype,  and  the  tenth  is  too 
curious  to  be  omitted  ;^  they  insisted  in 
it,  that  the  Bible  should  be  called  in, 
since  the  clergy  could  not  otherwise 
easily  confute  heretics. 

The  rebels  in  Norfolk  were  dispersed, 
after  some  bloodshed,  by  the  earl  of 
Warwick ;  and  the  protector,  who  had 
from  the  first  favoured  the  cause  of  the 
Commons,  and  in  so  doing  incurred 
considerable  odium  among  the  nobility, 
proclaimed  a  general  pardon  with  very 
few  exceptions,  though  contrary  to  the 
wishes  of  many  members  of  the  council. 

§318.  (Oct.  1st.)  During  the  autumn 
Bonner  Avas  deprived  of  his  bishopric : 
he  had  uniformly  complied  with  the  in- 
junctions which  were  sent  him  ;  but  as 
he  was,  with  good  reason,  suspected 
of  favouring  the  opposite  side  of  the 

The  raising  of  tiie  siege  of  Exeter  is  still  cele- 
brated in  that  city  on  the  (ilh  of  August,  which  is 
dononiiiiated  the  Jesuits'  day,  from  the  leaders 
who  guided  the  besiegers. 
*  Life  of  Cranmer,  Ap.  40. 


94 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CriAP.  VI. 


question,  he  was  summoned  before  the 
council,  and  ordered  to  preach  at  St. 
Paul's  Cross.  The  topic  on  which  he 
was  particularly  directed  to  dwell,  was, 
the  power  of  the  king  while  a  minor; 
and  he  was  ordered  to  declare  that  the 
acts  of  the  council  were  nowise  less 
binding  than  those  of  a  monarch  of 
age.  When  the  time  of  his  preaching 
had  arrived,  he  omitted  this  subject  en- 
tirely, and  turned  his  discourse  to  the 
question  of  the  corporal  presence  ;  and 
upon  this  he  was  cited  before  a  com- 
mission appointed  by  the  king ;  and 
after  much  useless  altercation,  in  which 
he  was  needlessly  insolent  to  the  court, 
he  was  imprisoned  and  deprived.  The 
excuse  which  he  made  for  himself  was, 
that  in  consequence  of  his  notes  having 
fallen  down,  he  had  forgotten  that  part 
of  his  sermon  in  which  he  meant  to  have 
touched  on  this  head;  and  though  this 
excuse  was  probably  false,  yet  the  treat- 
ment of  him  cannot  but  appear  severe, 
even  supposing  the  deprivation  to  have 
been  legal  in  itself.  It  is  sometimes 
maintained  that  the  deprivation  took 
place  in  virtue  of  his  holding  his  bi- 
shopric during  the  king's  pleasure,  in 
consequence  of  a  commission  which  all 
the  bishops  took  out  at  the  beginning 
of  the  reign,'  and  in  which  the  clause 
duranfe  beneplacifn  exists.  This  docu- 
ment, however,  seems  merely  to  regard 
the  exercise  of  his  episcopal  functions, 
and  in  which,  certainly,  he  is  limited  to 
the  pleasure  of  the  king  ;  but  the  words 
can  hardly  extend  to  the  bishopric  it- 
self. The  sentence  of  deprivation,  too, 
is  passed  on  the  plea  of  the  omission 
in  the  sermon. 

§  :319.  (Oct.  14.)  The  fall  and  impri- 
sonment of  the  protector  was  hailed  by 
the  Roman  Catholic  party  as  the  tri- 
umph of  their  cause  ;  yet  their  exulta- 
tion was  of  short  duration;  for  the  carl 
of  Warwick,  (afterward  duke  of  Nor- 
thumberland,) who  had  been  the  chief 
instrument  in  bringing  it  about,  finding 
the  young  king  entirely  disposed  to- 
wards the  Reformation,  immediately 
joined  that  party  ;  and  Wriothesley, 
earl  of  Southampton,  baffled  in  all  his 
projects,  retired  from  court,  and  soon 
after  died. 

(a.  d.  1550.)  With  the  view  of  coun- 

'  Burnet,  P.  ii.  No.  2. 


teracling  an  opinion  which  generally 
prevailed,  that  the  old  service  was  now 
to  be  renewed,  all  the  books  connected 
with  it  were  ordered  to  be  delivered  to 
persons  appointed  by  the  king,  for  the 
purpose  of  being  destroyed  ;  and  strict 
injunctions  were  given  for  the  regular 
use  of  the  Common  Prayer. 

A  committee^  of  twelve  persons  was 
also  appointed  to  prepare  a  new  Ordi- 
nation Service,  one  of  whom  was  Heath, 
bishop  of  Worcester;  and  upon  his  re- 
fusal to  consent  to  the  proposed  altera- 
tions, he  Avas  committed  to  the  Fleet 
prison  :  so  little  were  the  principles  of 
liberty,  of  either  conscience  or  person, 
then  understood.  The  form  then  adopt- 
ed is,  with  very  little  alteration,  the  one 
at  present  in  use.  In  its  formation,  the 
ceremonies  which  had  by  degrees  been 
introduced  into  the  church  of  Rome 
were  omitted,  while  an  addition  was 
made  of  certain  questions  addressed  to 
the  candidates  themselves,  forming  alto- 
gether one  of  the  most  beautiful  and 
impressive  services  of  our  church. 

§  320.  The  continuance  of  Gardi- 
ner's imprisonment  had  for  two  years 
deprived  the  see  of  Winchester  of  its 
bishop,  and  after  the  fall  of  the  protec- 
tor, when  in  the  fulness  of  his  joy  he 
expected  a  speedy  release,  he  found 
himself  exposed  to  increased  severity. 
Two  sets  of  articles  were  proposed  to 
him  for  subscription,  the  latter  of  which 
he  refused  to  sign,  as  he  did  not  ap- 
prove of  their  contents;  maintaining 
that  his  signature  could  not  be  fairly 
required  while  his  person  was  not  at 
liberty;  and  upon  this,  permission  was 
refused  him  to  walk  in  certain  galleries 
in  the  Tower,  with  which  he  had  been 
previously  indulged.  In  this  state  he 
remained  till  the  next  year,  when  he 
was  deprived  of  his  bishopric  by  a  com- 
mission issued  by  the  king,  (April  18,) 
nominally,  for  his  obstinacy  in  refusing 
to  acknowledge  his  fault  about  preach- 
ing,^ but  really  on  account  of  his  attach- 
ment to  the  old  superstitions;  for  his 
whole  conduct,  like  that  of  the  great- 
est part  of  the  friends  of  the  church  of 
Rome,  consisted  in  opposing  the  mea- 
sures of  the  Reformation,  till  they  were 
passed  into  laws,  and  then  entirely 
complying  with  them ;  and  whatever 


2  See  «  711. 


3  See  §  310. 


ClIAP.  VI.] 

we  may  think  of  the  sincerity  of  such 
proceedings,  no  one  can  doubt  that  the 
punishment  inflicted  on  men  so  acting 
was  contrary  to  common  justice,  and 
therefore  to  sound  and  Christian  policy. 

§  821.  A  difficuhy  now  occurred, 
arising  from  an  opposite  party  in  the 
church ;  for  when  Hooper  was  appointed 
to  the  see  of  Gloucester,  he  refused  to 
be  consecrated  in  the  episcopal  habits;' 
and  though  Cranmer  and  Ridley  argued 
against  the  soundness  of  such  scruples, 
and  consulted  Bucer  on  the  subject,  who, 
as  well  as  P.  Martyr,  expressed  his  opi- 
nion in  favour  of  conformity,  yet  Hooper 
could  not  till  the  next  spring  be  pre- 
vailed on  to  give  way;  and  even  then 
he  did  so  with  a  reservation  that  he 
should  not  be  obliged  to  wear  these  sup- 
posed relics  of  popery,  except  on  public 
occasions.  The  dispute  was  an  unfor- 
tunate one,  being  the  first  of  a  series 
which  for  many  years  agitated  our 
church  ;  but  on  a  calm  examination  of 
the  subject,  at  a  period  when  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  such  indifferent  matters  may 
be  viewed  without  prejudice,  it  must  be 
granted  that,  though  the  distinction  of 
ecclesiastical  dress  appears  in  itself  to 
be  useful,  yet  it  may  seem,  too,  that  the 
policy  of  the  government  would  have 
been  wiser  had  they  left  Hooper  to  his 
own  conscientious  scruples,  and  found 
some  other  divine,  who,  without  pos- 
sessing less  sincerity,  was  not  so  strongly 
bent  on  following  his  own  opinion  in 
trifles.  Obedience  to  general  rules,  in 
points  in  themselves  indifferent,  is  of 
more  consequence,  and  the  neglect  of  it 
ought  to  be  considered  as  a  matter  of 
conscience  far  more  important,  than  the 
disinclination  of  an  individual  to  the  use 
of  any  dress  which  the  autliority  of  the 
church  has  established.  Whether  it 
were  judicious  in  those  who  regulated 
these  particulars  to  adopt  this  or  that 
vestment,  is  a  question  which  admits  of 
fair  discussion  ;  but  whether  an  indivi- 
dual minister  is  to  conform  to  the  orders 
of  the  church,  is  one  on  which  a  differ- 
rence  of  sentiment  cannot  for  a  moment 
be  entertained.  It  may  be  prudent  on 
some  occasions  to  overlook  minutiae  of 
this  sort ;  but  if  the  question  be  brought 
to  a  point,  the  governors  and  governed 

'  It  should  be  remembered  ihat  the  chimere  was 
then  generally  made  of  some  coloured  material, 
and  that  the  cope  was  still  used. 


95 

should  remember  that  obedience  to  con- 
stituted authority,  provided  that  what  is 
commanded  be  in  no  wise  contrary  to 
the  revealed  law  of  C4od,  is  a  funda- 
mental article  of  the  Christian  code. 

§  323.  About  the  end  of  this  year,  or 
the  beginning  of  the  next,  a  review  was 
made  of  the  Common  Prayer,  in  which 
Bucer  was  much  consulted.  The  ob- 
jections which  he  made  were  numerous, 
and  applied  especially  to  the  praying 
for  the  dead,  exorcising  the  devil,  to 
some  of  the  expressions  in  the  sacra- 
mental service,  and  of  the  ceremonies 
at  baptisms,  to  the  anointing  the  sick, 
together  with  many  minor  points  ;  and 
it  is  curious  to  observe  that  most  of  the 
particulars  which  he  mentioned  are 
altered  in  our  present  service.  At  the 
same  time  he  wished  that  a  change 
should  be  made  in  the  ecclesiastical 
habits,  and  many  obvious  deficiencies 
supplied,  as  the  want  of  frequent  com- 
munion and  more  active  ministers.  As 
a  new  year's  gift,  he  sent  Edward  a 
book  written  by  himself,  entitled,  "De 
Regno  Christi  Constituendo ;"  in  which 
he  points  out  many  evils  which  stood  in 
need  of  reformation,  and  in  consequence 
of  which  Germany  was  then  suffering. 
He  chiefly  complains  of  the  want  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  and  urges  the 
young  monarch  to  exert  himself  with 
the  clergy.  This  work  appears  to  hav<», 
had  considerable  effect  on  the  king;  for 
he  began  a  treatise  of  his  own,  on  the 
reform  of  abuses,''  which,  though  in  all 
appearance  the  performance  of  a  boy, 
abounds  with  many  just  observations. 

§  328.  Upon  the  deprivation  of  Bon- 
ner, the  see  had  continued  vacant  about 
five  months,'  till  Ridley,  a  man  in  every 
respect  suited  to  so  great  a  charge,  was 
made  bishop  of  London  and  Westmin- 
ster ;  the  sees  being  now  consolidated, 
and  Thirlby  removed  to  Norwich.  In 
the  visitation  of  his  diocese,  the  chief 
care  of  Ridley*  was  directed  against  the 
remnants  of  superstition,  which  were 
still  retained  by  the  clergy  and  the 
people,  and  in  which  they  had  been 

2  Remains  of  Edward  VI.  No.  2,  54,  fol.,  98.  8vo. 

3  Bonner  was  deprived,  Oct.  1,  1549.  Ridley 
appointed  bishop  of  London  and  Westminster, 
Feb.  24,  1550.  The  visitation  before  June  26. 
See  §  318. 

*  See  his  injunctions  in  Sparrow's  Collections, 
p.  33.  They  contain  many  questions  relative  to 
the  general  life  and  conversation  of  the  ciergy. 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


96 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[CUAP.  VI. 


fostered,  if  not  supported,  by  Bonner; 
as  well  as  against  unauthorized  preach- 
ing and  expounding  of  holy  writ.  At 
the  same  time  the  altars  were  every- 
where converted  into  communion  tables, 
since  the  name  and  form  probablj-  con- 
tributed to  the  continuance  of  the  idea 
of  an  expiatory  sacrifice  offered  by  the 
priest.  This  order  of  the  bishop's  was 
during  the  autumn  confirmed  by  a  letter 
from  the  council,  and,  by  the  same 
authority,  a  slop  put  to  the  custom  of 
preaching  on  week-days,  which  had 
been  established  in  many  parishes  ;  and 
was  found  to  be  inconvenient,  in  conse- 
quence of  leading  the  people  away  from 
their  accustomed  places  of  worship,  and 
excited  a  spirit  of  rivalry  among  the 
preachers,  which  was  at  this  moment 
especially  productive  of  confusion  in  the 
church. 

§  324.  The  difficulties  against  which 
the  Reformation  had  to  contend  on  the 
Continent'  created  a  great  influx  of 
strangers  into  England,  and  by  the 
friendly  interference  of  Cranmer  and 
others,  congregations  were  established 
in  London,  under  the  general  super- 
intendence of  John  a  Lasco,  a  Polish 
nobleman,  who  had  been  driven  from 
his  country  for  the  sake  of  his  religion, 
and  become  a  preacher  of  the  gospel. 
Much  favour  was  shown  them  by  the 
council,  and  a  church  assigned  for  their 
use,  where,  during  this  reign,  they 
greatly  flourished,  nothwithstanding  the 
internal  feuds  into  which  they  fell. 
A'Lasco  preached  before  the  Germans; 
but  there  was  also  an  Italian,  as  well  as 
a  French  congregation,  to  which  several 
immunities  were  granted.  There  was 
a  church  of  strangers,  too,  from  Stras- 
burg,''  under  Valerandus  Pollanus,  esta- 
blished at  Glastonbury,  who  made  use 
of  a  liturgy  of  their  own,  not  very 
different  from  that  of  the  reformed 
churches  of  France. 

England  also  furnished  an  asylum  to 
many  learned  men,  whose  labours  w-ere 
transferred  to  this  country  in  conse- 
quence of  the  misfortunes  of  their  own, 
and  the  liberal  reception  which  was 
here  aflx>rded  them.  This  praise  is 
chiefly  due  to  Cranmer,^  who  on  all 
occasions  proved  a  most  kind  patron  to 

'  Sirype's  Craniner,  II.  xxii.  335. 

2  Sirype's  Mem.  II.  i.  378. 

'  Sirype's  Cranmer,  II.  xiii.  335,  &.c. 


those  who  were  persecuted  for  religion, 
and  endeavoured  to  induce  well  edu- 
cated friends  of  the  Reformation  to  take 
up  their  abode  in  England,  by  the  pen- 
sions and  employments  bestowed  on 
them.  To  this  source  we  owe  the 
assistance  which  our  church  derived 
from  Bucer,  Fagius,  Peter  Martyr,  and 
Ochin,  who,  among  many  others,  par- 
took of  the  bounty  of  the  archbi;hop, 
and  became  the  ornaments  and  inttruc- 
tors  of  the  two  universities.*  Cranmer 
seems  also  to  have  entertained  the^iope 
of  bringing  all  the  Protestant  churches 
to  a  community  of  faith,  b}-  forming  a 
council  in  England,  to  which  dej  uties 
should  be  sent  from  the  rest,  and  who 
might  publish  such  articles  of  belief  as 
were  received  by  all ;  and  for  this  pur- 
pose he  had  some  communication  with 
Melancthon  and  Calvin  ;  but  the  trou- 
bles with  which  he  was  himself  soon 
after  oppressed  put  an  entire  stop  to 
the  project.^ 

§335.  (a.  d.  1551.)  It  was  in  all  pro- 
babilitjf  during  this  year  that  the  Re- 
formers were  employed  in  drawing  up 
the  Forty-two  articles  which  Avere  pub- 
lished the  next;  and  though  Ridley 
might  have  assisted  the  archbishop,  as 
well  as  some  others,  yet  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  they  are  really 
the  work  of  Cranmer,  and  this  indeed 
he  seems  to  have  acknowledged  in  an 
examination  in  the  reign  of  Mary. ^  They 
resemble  so  closely  the  Thirty-nine  Ar- 
ticles of  our  church,  that  it  will  hardly 
be  worth  while  to  state  the  minor  differ- 
ences which  have  been  subsequently 
introduced,  as  the  subject  itself  must  be 
resumed  in  the  history  of  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth."  One  thing,  however,  should 

*  .'^irype's  Cran.  III.  xxiii.  573.  xsiv.  xxv.  &c. 

*  T  he  projeri  of  e.-talilishing  an  auMiori'ative 
standard  of  failh,  by  a  seneral  ronerps?  of  --eiormed 
divines.  (Laurence's  Bamp.  Lect.  219,)  Ir  d  lonfr 
l)een  a  favonri-e  idea  wi'li  Melancihon.  We  find 
him  ihus  alluding  to  il  in  the  year  1540  :  "  Quod 
auiem  swpe  opiavi.  ut  aliquando  authori  a'e  seu 
regum,  seu  aiionim  piorum  principum.  convocaii 
viri  docii  de  coniroversiis  omnibus  libere  colloque- 
roniur.  et  relinqucreni  [  o.'teris  firniam  ei  perspi- 
cuam  docirinsm.  idem  adhuc  opto."  Prelace  to 
his  Works.    Epistola;.  Londin.  p.  1-17. 

'I  hp  prrjccl.  ihereiore,  probably  did  not  l  egin 
with  Cranmer:  he  corresponded  with  Melarcthon 
on  the  snl  jecl  in  154?.  and  with  Calvin  in  1551  ; 
but  the  dififiouliies  were  so  great  that  il  was  aban- 
doned, and  the  archbishop  !  egan  to  prepare  a 
formulary  for  the  use  of  the  church  of  England. 

*  Sirvpe's  Cranmer,  II.  xxvii. 
'  See  $481. 


Chap.  VI,] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


97 


be  observed,  that  there  is  no  historical 
evidence  to  confirm  an  idea  not  unfre- 
quently  entertained,  viz.,  that  they  were 
drawn  up  ibr  the  sake  of  promoting 
peace  and  tranquillity,  and  as  a  com- 
promise of  opinion  rather  than  a  stand- 
ard of  faith.  We  shall  perceive  in  them 
a  desire  to  avoid  curious  and  unprofit- 
able questions,  as  well  as  to  leave  dis- 
puted points  to  the  judgment  of  the  in- 
dividual; and  undoubtedly  several  of 
tl^e  articles  are  so  framed,  that  conscien- 
tious persons,  holding  different  senti- 
ments, may  safely  subscribe  to  them 
but  latitude  of  interpretation,  which  is 
suited  to  the  weak  and  doubtful,  cannot 
be  granted  to  those  whose  decided  sen- 
timents are  at  variance  with  the  plain 
and  grammatical  sense  of  the  formularies 
of  our  church. 

§  33fi.  Among  the  next  objects  which 
engaged  the  attention  of  the  governors 
of  the  church,  were  certain  alterations 
in  the  Common  Prayer  Book,  the  de- 
tails of  which  are  given  in  their  proper 
place. ^  They  consisted  chiefly  in  the 
omission  of  superstitious  rites  which 
had  been  continued  in  the  first  Liturgy. 
The  Ordination  Service,  too,  was  now 
added,  and  the  whole,  thus  amended, 
differs  very  little  from  the  one  at  pre- 
sent in  use. 

In  order  that  the  Reformation  might 
be  introduced  into  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  as  well  as  the  institutions  of  the 
church,  six  eminent  preachers  were 
appointed  among  his  majesty's  chap- 
lains in  ordinary,  two  of  whom  were 
to  reside  at  court,  while  the  other  four 
made  a  progress  through  the  country, 
and  as  far  as  possible  supplied  the  want 
of  preaching  clergymen,  a  deficiency 
which  was  then  strongly  felt. 

§  327.  The  use  of  the  mass  within 
her  own  house  had,  during  the  whole 
of  this  period,  been  allowed  to  the 
princess  Mary,  through  the  connivance 
of  the  government  and  the  anxious  in- 
terference of  the  emperor,  but  it  was 
now  determined  by  the  council  to  with- 
draw this  indulgence.  Edward  indeed 
h?.d  always  shown  a  great  dislike  to  its 
continuance,  and  had  at  one  time  as-  i 
sented  to  it,  at  the  request  of  Cranmer  ; 
and  Ridley,  with  tears  in  his  eyes ;  but 
the  government  having  now  become 


>  Burnet,  ii.  129. 


13 


5  S«  5  715. 


more  fixed,  the  influence  of  the  2mpc- 
ror  had  less  weight,  and  they  proceeded 
against  one  of  her  chaplains  for  saying 
the  mass,  and  confined  him  in  the 
Tower.  The  chancellor,  with  certain 
others,  was  sent  to  try  to  convince  her 
royal  highness  of  her  errors  ;  and  she 
appears  to  have  been  rather  obstinate 
in  her  unwillingness  to  listen  to  any 
arguments  on  the  Protestant  side  of  the 
question,  and  in  refusing  to  hear  Rid- 
ley preach.  But  who  can  wonder  that 
a  continuance  of  unkind  treatment 
should  have  confirmed  the  prejudices 
and  closed  the  ears  of  one  who,  in  her 
own  person  and  that  of  her  mother,  had 
sufl'ered  so  much  from  the  friends  of 
the  Reformation  ?  Who  can  wonder 
that  human  feelings  of  resentment 
should  have  been  mingled  with  a  mis- 
taken notion  of  her  duty,  and  exercised 
when  power  was  placed  in  her  hands  ? 

§  328.  The  fall  of  the  duke  of  So- 
merset and  his  execution,  (a.  d.  1553,) 
produced  no  great  effect  on  the  Refor- 
mation ;  he  had  proved,  during  his 
power,  a  firm  and  zealous  patron  of 
those  who  promoted  it,  and  his  advice 
and  example  had  co-operated  to  fix  the 
love  of  pure  and  simple  Christianity  so 
strongly  in  his  nephew's  mind,  that  his 
loss  was  in  this  particular  scarcely  felt. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  of  the  injus- 
tice of  his  condemnation,  and  less  with 
regard  to  the  severity  of  its  execution. 
His  dying  speech  was  full  of  Christian 
fortitude  and  resignation,  and  casts  re- 
flections on  no  one  ;  but  the  opinions 
of  the  world  long  attributed  his  death 
to  the  duke  of  Northumberland  ;  and 
when  in  the  beginning  of  the  next 
reign  that  nobleman  was  led  to  the  scaf- 
fold, he  was  reproached  as  having  been 
the  au'.hor  of  this  cruel  measure.  The 
virtues  of  the  protector,  however  con- 
spicuous, were  not  unmingled  with 
faults.  In  his  greatness,  he  was  kind 
and  affable;  in  his  misfortunes,  always 
dignified.  His  military  undertakings 
were  generally  successful ;  and  while 
he  exhibited  himself  the  undaunted 
advocate  of  the  oppressed,  he  ever 
proved  that  he  was  faithful  and  upright 
in  his  transactions.  -His  love  for  the 
Reformation  had  been  constant  and  sin- 
cere ;  but  he  gained  far  too  great  a  por- 
tion of  church  property  to  be  deemed 
disinterested  in  the  share  which  he  had 
I 


95 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CnAP.  VL 


in  the  destruction  of  ecclesiastical  bo- 
dies ;  nor  has  the  severity  which  he 
used  towards  his  brother  escaped  the 
censure  of  historians.  In  order  to 
alienate  the  mind  of  his  nephew,  many 
false  representations  of  his  criminality 
seem  to  have  been  made,  and  during 
ihe  period  after  his  condemnation,  great 
pains  were  taken  to  keep  the  attention 
of  the  young  king  engaged  in  such 
amusements  as  should  prevent  his 
thinking  on  the  fate  of  his  uncle. 

§  Several  bills  passed  during 

this  session  of  parliament  which  were 
important  to  the  church.'  One  con- 
firmed the  alterations  which  had  been 
made  in  the  Common  Prayer  Book, 
and  directed  ecclesiastical  persons  to 
enforce,  by  severe  censures,  the  attend- 
ance on  the  new  service.  A  second 
t-njoined  the  observance  of  such  holy- 
days  as  were  retained  in  the  calendar, 
and  ordained  that  the  people  should 
abstain  from  flesh  on  fast  days,  and  the 
Fridays  and  Saturdays  in  Lent,  but 
allowance  was  made  for  a  greater  laxity 
with  regard  to  particular  cases,  and  it 
was  soon  found  that  the  exception  be- 
came the  general  rule.  A  tliird  declared 
the  marriage  of  the  clergy  to  be  legal 
to  all  intents  and  purposes  ;  for  though 
this  liberty  had  been  conceded  by  the 
act  passed  in  1549,^  yet  the  prejudices 
of  the  people  had  set  so  decided  a  mark 
on  such  of  the  clergy  as  took  advantage 
of  this  allowance,  that  the  children  had 
been  considered  illegitimate  :  they  were 
enabled  by  this  act  to  inherit  according 
to  law.  Another  bill  was  brought  in 
-.igainst  simoniacal  contracts,  but  it 
never  received  the  royal  assent ;  and 
an  attempt  made  to  attaint  Tonstal, 
bishop  of  Durham,  was  thrown  out  in 
the  commons,  as  they  would  not  hear 
of  it,  unless  his  accusers  might  be  heard 
face  to  face.  The  duke  of  Northum- 
berland found  this  parliament  so  little 
.suited  to  his  views,  that  he  determined 
to  dissolve  it,  and  call  another. 

§  330.  The  plan  of  reform  for  eccle- 
siastical courts  was  this  year  renewed, 
[t  had  at  first  been  put  into  the  hands 
of  thirty-two  persons,  but  this  number 
was  now  diminished  to  eight,  who  were 
to  prepare  the  matter  for  the  larger 
committee.    The  chief  part  of  what 


>  Buniei,  ii.  145.  2  See  §311. 


was  done  seems  to  have  been  the  work 
of  Cranmer :  it  was  translated  into 
Latin  by  Dr.  Haddon  and  Sir  John 

,  Cheke  ;  but,  during  this  reign,  it  was 
never  given  to  the  public  ;  nor  were 
any  steps  taken  towards  establishing  it 
as  law.  In  the  reign  of  Q,ueen  Eliza- 
beth it  was  printed,  but  has  remained 
to  the  present  day  in  the  same  unau- 

j  thorized  condition:  the  consideration 
of  it  during  the  history  of  that  period 

j  will  for  many  reasons  be  most  conve- 
nient.^ 

The  church  had  been  so  profusely 
robbed  of  its  temporalities,  under  the 
idea  that  its  former  wealth  had  pro- 
duced the  greatest  part  of  its  previous 
corruptions,  or  more  probably  to  gratify 
the  cravings  of  a  corrupt  court,  that 
its  members  were  reduced  to  the  great- 
est misery,  and  forced  to  support  them- 
selves by  the  most  degrading  employ- 
ments. They  not  only  became  tailors 
and  carpenters,  but  some  of  them  kept 
even  alehouses  ;  and  under  these  cir- 
cumstances it  was  impossible  that  many 
persons  should  be  educated  for  the  mi- 
nistry.* The  church  of  England  pro- 
bably stands  alone,  in  later  times,  as 
exhibiting  instances  of  ecclesiastical 
offices  unprovided  with  any  temporal 
support:  some  of  our  livings  have  no 
endowments,  and  OAve  all  their  emolu- 
ments to  periods  subsequent  to  the  Re- 
formation. Nor  were  these  spoliations 
confined  to  the  lower  offices  in  the  esta- 
blishment;  the  bishopric  of  Gloucester 
was  entirely  suppressed,  and  Hooper, 
who  had  been  first  consecrated  bishop 
of  that  see,  and  subsequently  held  the 
see  of  AVorcester  together  with  it,  was 
now  called  bishop  of  Worcester  alone  ; 
and  in  other  cases,  during  the  vacancies 
of  the  bishoprics,  their  manors  and  pro- 
perty were  frequently  taken  from  them; 
so  that  to  the  present  day  nearly  one- 
half  of  our  bishoprics  are  left  with  in- 
comes scarcely  adequate  to  the  situa- 
tion in  the  world  which  is  attached  to 
the  episcopal  dignity.^ 
]  §  33L  (a.  D.  1553.)  In  the  new  par- 
I  liament,  two-tenths  and  two-fifteenths, 
'  with  one  subsidy^  for  two  years,  were 

3  See  M35,  7.  ^  Burnet,  ii.  154. 

*  This  evil  has  hcen  remedied  since  the  first 
publication  of  this  work. 

*  Tenths  and  fifleenihs  were  temporary  aids 
issuing  out  of  personal  property,  and  granted  to 


Chap.  VI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


granted  to  the  king- ;  and  the  clergy 
taxed  themselves  six  shillings  in  the 
pound  on  their  benefices.  The  bishoj)- 
ric  of  Durham  was  at  the  same  time 
suppressed,  and  converted  into  two 
sees,  one  of  which  was  to  have  been 
established  at  -Newcastle,  where  a  ca- 
thedral chapter  was  also  to  have  been 
erected ;  but  none  of  these  changes 
really  took  place,  on  account  of  the 
death  of  the  king,  which  prevented 
also  the  accomplishment  of  another 
plan,  by  which  the  temporalities  of  that 
see  were  converted  into  a  county  pala- 
tine* and  given  to  the  duke  of  Northum- 
berland. Tonstal  had  previously  been 
deprived  for  misprision  of  treason,  amd 
was  detained  in  confinement  till  the 
succession  of  Mary  restored  him  to 
liberty. 

The  last  act  of  this  rcign  connected 
with  the  Reformation  was  one  by  which 
the  use  of  the  larger  Catechism  was 
authorized,  and  schoolmasters  directed 
to  teach  it.  This  work  was  supposed 
to  have  been  compiled  by  Ponet,'  bishop 
of  Winchester,  and  is  printed  in  the 
Enchiridion  Theologicum.    It  was  ori- 


the  king  by  parliament.  They  were  formerly 
the  real  tenih  or  fifieenth  part  of  all  the  movables 
belonging  to  (lie  subject.  In  later  times  they  be- 
came a  fixed  sum.  A  lay  subsidy  was  usually 
raised  by  cominis^ioners  appointed  by  the  crown, 
and  was  to  all  intents  and  purposes  a  land  ta.\. 
Blackstone,  i.  309,  312. 

'  Bale,  dc  Scriptoribus  Britannicis,  mentions 
Ponet  as  the  author  ;  see  the  question  discussed 
in  Todd's  Historical  and  Critical  Introduction  to 
the  (Jroundwork  of  the  Thirty- nine  Articles. 
This  work  corresponds  in  some  degree  in  its 
general  plan  with  the  Church  Catechism  which 
had  been  published  four  years  before,  and  is  fol- 
lowed almost  eniiroly  by  Noel  in  his  Catechism 
of  1570.  With  regard  to  the  History  of  the  Com- 
position of  ihe  Church  Catcchistn,  probably  Cran- 
mer,  Ridley,  or  whoever  was  the  author,  merely 
inlroduccd  a  few  explanatory  questions  and  an- 
swers before,  and  intermi.xed  wiih,  the  Creed,  the 
Ten  Commandments,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
which  had  previously  been  published  by  authority, 
in  English,  in  tlie  King's  Primer,  primed  1545-6. 
(The  questions  and  answers  relating  to  the  sacra- 
ments were  drawn  up  by  Dr.  John  Overall,  and 
inserted  after  the  conference  at  Hampton  Court. 
I(i04.)  It  might  naturally  have  been  supposed 
that  ii  was  taken  from  Luther's  Catechism,  15-29, 
and  Cranmer's,  1518;  (which  in  all  probability  is 
derived  indirectly  from  JjUther's;)  but  these  are 
not  only  much  larger  works,  but  make  a  different 
division  of  the  Ten  Cnmmandmenls.  In  the  In- 
stilulion,  1537,  King's  Primer,  1545-fi,  Catechism, 
1549.  the  Second  Commandment  is  inserted  in  its 
right  place;  whereas  in  the  Primer,  1535,  in  Lu- 
ther's and  in  Cranmer's,  the  Second  Command- 
ment is  omitted,  and  the  Tenth  divided  into  two. 
See  ^  412. 


ginally  put  forth  both  in  English  and 
Latin,  and  the  Forty-two  articles  were 
appended  to  it  ;^  it  was  sanctioned  by 
an  injunction  of  the  king's,  dated  May 
20th,  1.553. 

§  332.  In  consequence  of  a  sermon 
preached  by  Ridley  before  the  king,  in 
which  the  bishop  insisted  on  the  duty 
of  relieving  the  poor,  Edward  sent  for 
him,  and  desired  his  aid  in  forming- 
such  institutions  as  would  be  most  be- 
neficial to  the  poorer  branches  of  socie- 
ty. Upon  a  consultation  with  the  lord 
mayor,  three  establishments  were  found- 
ed, which  are  still  the  glory  of  our  me- 
tropolis. St.  Bartholomew's  hospital 
was  assigned  for  the  sick,  the  royal 
house  of  Bridewell  for  the  correction 
of  the  profligate,  and  the  Gray  Friar's 
church  in  Newgate  was  assigned  to  the 
education  of  orphans,  under  the  name 
of  Christ's  Hospital.  Donations  were 
also  made  to  St.  Thomas'  in  South- 
wark. 

§  333.  The  commendations  which  are 
deservedly  bestowed  on  these  munifi- 
cent grants  are  not,  unfortunately,  due 
to  the  later  acts  of  this  hopeful  prince. 
Lady  Jane  Gray  was  granddaughter  to 
Mary  the  sister  of  Henry  VIII.,  who, 
after  the  death  of  her  first  husband, 
Louis  XII.  of  France,  married  the  duke 
of  Suflblk.  This  family  had  been  placed 
in  the  bill  of  succession  of  Henry  VIII. 
before  that  of  Scotland,  though  sprung 
from  the  younger  sister;  and  the  duke 
of  Northumberland  now  persuaded  Ed- 
ward to  set  aside  Mary  and  Elizabeth, 
and  leave  the  crown  to  Lady  Jane,  to 
whom  her  own  mother  had  demised  her 
right,  and  who  had  lately  been  married 
to  Guildford  Dudley,  the  fourth  son  of 
the  duke.  Although  the  love  he  bore 
his  cousin  might  have  influenced  him, 
yet  the  fears  which  Edward  entertained 
as  to  the  bigotry  of  Mary  were  the  chief 
instrument  by  which  this  step  was  pro- 
moted ;  but  it  does  not  appear  what 
induced  him  to  set  aside  Elizabeth. 
It  was  necessary  to  use  the  greatest 
threats  and  persuasions,  in  order  to  in- 
duce the  crown  lawyers  to  draw  up 
any  instrument  for  this  purpose,  as  they 
declared  that  such  a  transaction  would 
amount  to  nothing  short  of  treason  ;  but 
they  at  last  complied,  upon  the  promise 


2  ^  481,  &c. 


100 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


[Chap.  VI. 


of  a  pardon  under  the  great  seal,  and 
the  council  set  their  hands  to  the  deed. 
Some  others  seem  to  have  had  great 
scruples  as  to  subscribing  it ;  but  Judge 
Hales  positively  refused,  and  Cranmer 
only  consented  upon  the  earnest  en- 
treaty of  the  king.  It  is  unfortunate 
that  he  here  wanted  firmness  to  abide 
by  his  own  better  judgment,  which 
might  have  assured  him  that  the  Al- 
mighty is  able  to  provide  means  ade- 
quate to  the  accomplishment  of  his  own 
ends,  without  our  adopting  such  mea- 
sures as  are  in  themselves  unjustifiable. 

§  3;)4.  The  king's  health  had  long 
been  declining,  and  on  the  sixth  of 
July  he  breathed  forth  his  pious  soul 
in  ejaculations  for  the  religious  welfare 
of  his  poor  country.  The  early  age  at 
which  it  pleased  God  to  take  him  away 
contributed  in  itself  to  raise  his  charac- 
ter in  the  eyes  of  the  world  ;  and  the 
various  commendations  which  are  be- 
stowed upon  him  might  appear  exag- 
gerated, were  they  not  supported  hy 
such  circumstantial  evidence  as  pre- 
vents us  from  doubting  their  cor- 
rectness. The  warmest  panegyric  of 
Edward  is  derived  from  the  pen  of 
Cardan,  who,  on  his  return  from  Scot- 
land, in  1552,  was  introduced  to  that 
monarch  when  he  was  under  fifteen 
years  of  age.  He  wrote  from  Italy 
after  the  death  of  the  king,  and  could 
have  had  no  object  for  expressing  such 
sentiments,  unless  he  had  really  enter- 
tained them.  He  describes  Edward  as 
a  miracle  of  prudence  and  wisdom,  and 
possessed  of  every  qualification  which 
could  adorn  a  young  prince  ;  and  re- 
lates a  conversation  which  he  held  with 
him  on  the  subject  of  comets,  in  which 
the  king  certainly  had  the  advantage 
over  the  philosopher.  He  spoke  Eng- 
lish, Latin,  and  French,  fluently  ;  and 
was  acq  uainted  with  the  Greek,  Spanish, 
and  Italian  languages.  He  possessed 
much  information  on  most  subjects, 
particularly  on  foreign  and  domestic 
policy;  he  kept  a  journal  of  all  which 
passed  about  him,  and  seems  to  have 
been  able  to  transact  business  with  am- 
bassadors, so  as  to  fill  them  with  the 
greatest  admiration  for  his  abilities. 
He  was  affable  and  courteous  to  all, 
nor  was  his  kindness  confined  to  words; 
and  in  the  severity  which  he  was  through 
others  compelled  to  adopt  towards  here- 


tics, he  exhibited  the  greatest  reluctance 
to  proceed  to  extremities.  He  has  been 
blamed  for  the  facility  with  which  he 
assented  to  the  execution  of  his  uncle, 
yet  in  all  probability  he  was  in  this 
actuated  by  the  love  of  justice,  as  his 
mind  had  been  totally  .alienated  from 
the  protector,  through  the  malicious  re- 
presentations which  were  industriously 
poured  into  his  ears,  and  which  insinu- 
ated that  the  duke  of  Somerset  had  en- 
tertained designs  against  the  lives  of 
the  other  members  of  the  council.  The 
character,  indeed,  of  this  king  was 
founded  on  the  only  sure  basis,  a  reli- 
gious education,  which  he  had  the  hap- 
piness of  receiving  under  the  tuition  of 
Cox  and  Cheke,  to  whose  care  he  was 
intrusted  from  the  age  of  six  years. 
The  real  and  sincere  piety  which  he 
always  exhibited  appears  in  almost 
every  action  of  his  life;  it  rendered 
him  obedient  and  docile  as  a  child,  just 
and  exact  in  all  his  transactions;  and, 
as  he  grew  up  to  govern  others  as  well 
as  himself,  rendered  him  tender  to  the 
wants  and  consciences  of  his  fellow- 
creatures.  The  only  exception  per- 
haps to  this  consisted  in  the  zeal  which 
he  showed  in  trying  to  prevent  his  sis- 
ter Mary  from  attending  mass.'  He 
deemed  the  celebration  of  this  sup- 
posed sacrifice  an  act  of  idolatry,  and 
considered  himself,  therefore,  bound  by 
the  law  of  God  to  prevent  the  continu- 
ance of  it :  wht-'  urged  by  Cranmer 
and  Ridley  to  cons-nt  to  its  being  tole- 
rated in  compliance  with  the  wishes  of 
the  cmjteror,  he  burst'  into  tears,  and 
declared  his  willingness  to  lose  his 
crown  and  dignities  in  endeavouring 
to  obey  the  commandments  of  the  Most 
High.  These  good  men  left  him  with 
their  eyes  full  of  tears,  and  as  the}' 
passed,  the  archbishop  took  Cheke  by 
the  hand,  and  said,  "'Ah!  master 
Cheke,'' you  may  be  glad  all  the  days 
of  your  life,  that  you  have  such  a  scho- 
lar.' Adding,  that  'he  had  more  divi- 
nity in  his  little  finger  than  wc  have 
in  our  whole  bodies.'  More  divinity, 
both  in  the  theory  and  the  practice  too; 
and  this  was  owing  in  a  great  measure 
to  Cheke's  instructions." 

§  335.  The  church  of  England  had 
now  in  its  doctrines  arrived  at  nearly 


1  Burnet,  ii.  171.        '  Strype's  Cheke,  178. 


Chap.  VL] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


101 


its  present  state  ;  for  the  changes  which 
have  subsequently  taken  place  have  cor- 
rected some  points  which  were  amiss, 
but  scarcely  deserve  the  name  of  alter- 
ations. The  real  state,  however,  of  its 
members  was  far  from  being  settled. 
The  great  mass  of  the  common  people 
were  still  ignorant  and  vicious,  and  had 
received  the  new  ordinances  inasmuch 
as  they  came  from  authority,  and  took 
off  restraints  under  which  they  had  pre- 
viously laboured,  but  they  neither  un- 
derstood nor  rejoiced  in  the  doctrines 
of  the  Reformation,  against  which  their 
prejudices  were  excited.'  The  upper 
classes  had  been  bribed  into  acquies- 
cence in  these  changes  by  the  robbe- 
ries committed  on  church  property,  in 
which  they  had  been  allowed  to  share  ; 
and  though  there  doubtless  existed 
many  sincere  friends  of  the  truth,  yet 
society  in  general  caa  never  be  expect- 
ed to  take  any  very  active  concern  in 
religion,  beyond  those  interests  which 
are  politically  combined  with  it.  Most 
of  the  clergy  had  complied  wath  what 
had  been  done,  from  fear  rather  than 
from  any  approbation  of  it,  and  were 
ready  to  turn  whenever  an  opportunity 
should  occur.  The  measures  which  had 
been  ordinarily  adopted  by  the  reform- 
ers, however  necessary  they  may  have 
appeared — and  of  this,  in  the  present 
day,  we  are  not  fully  adequate  to  pass 
a  judgment — were  much  more  calcu- 
lated to  procure  compliance  than  to 
produce  conviction  ;  add  to  all  which, 
that  oppression  and  depravity  of  mo- 
rals seem  to  have  been  exceedingly 
prevalent.  This,  indeed,  was  the  na- 
tural consequence  of  the  forced  transfer 
of  property,  and  the  depression  of  the 
ecclesiastical  courts,  which  in  an  age 
of  barbarous  ignorance  were  indispensa- 
ble to  preserve  the  tone  of  morality  in 
the  country.  Had  it  pleased  God  to 
have  continued  the  reign  of  Edward, 
these  evils  would  probably  have  gra- 
dually vanished ;  or  had  he  been  suc- 
ceeded by  a  monarch  indifferent  about 
religion,  England  might  quickly  have 
relapsed  into  its  former  state,  and  a  re- 
conciliation with  the  church  of  Rome 
might  have  brought  ba(vk  many  of  the 
grievances  from  which  the  kingdom 
had  been  freed ;  but  the  ways  of  the 


I  Almighty  are  inscrutable,  and  He  pro- 
j  duced  the  ultimate  establishment  of  the 
I  Reformation  by  other  means  than  hu- 
man prudence  could  foresee. 

§  It  is  frequently  objected  to  the 
church  of  England,  that  all  her  institu- 
tions, as  established  in  this  reign,  de- 
pended much  more  on  the  civil  magis- 
trate than  on  any  ecclesiastical  author- 
ity. The  standard  of  her  faith,  and 
the  formularies  by  which  her  public 
services  are  conducted,  were  so  far 
settled  at  this  time,  that  though  they 
have  often  been  reviewed,  they  have 
never  received  any  material  alterations. 
If,  therefore,  the  religion,  then  admitted, 
were,  as  it  is  sometimes  called,  a  par- 
liamentary religion,  this  stigma  must 
still  be  attached  to  our  church  ;  and  it 
may  be  useful  to  inquire  how  far  the 
appellation  is  correct,  and  how  far  the 
existence  of  this  fact  may  be  deemed  in- 
jurious to  us  as  a  spiritual  body.  Many 
of  the  |)rinciples  on  which  this  question 
must  be  decided  are  detailed  in  a  note 
on  a  former  chapter;'  and  perhaps  it 
may  be  assumed,  that  matters  purely 
temporal  should  be  directed  by  the  civil 
magistrate  alone  ;  that  those  which  are 
purely  spiritual  should  be  left,  as  far  as 
possible,  to  the  management  of  the 
clergy  alone,  as  the  ministers  of  God, 
and  responsible  to  his  tribunal ;  and 
that  all  mixed  matters  should  depend  on 
a  combination  of  these  two  species  of 
authority.  Now,  as  almost  all  practical 
questions  are  of  a  mixed  nature,  and  as 
we  can  hardly  conceive  any  case  purely 
spiritual,  except  between  an  individual 
and  his  Maker,  we  shall  only  have 
learnt  the  nature  of  the  difficulty  in 
question,  by  laying  down  these  general 
principles.  When  we  look  at  the  out- 
ward circumstances  of  the  case,  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that,  before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Reformation,  far  too 
much  power  existed  in  the  hands  of  the 
church,  and  that  the  priesthood  had 
assumed  an  inordinate  degree  of  civil 
jurisdiction,  under  the  plea  of  spiritual 
government.  It  was  natural,  therefore, 
for  those  who  endeavoured  to  overthrow 
this  anomaly,  to  fall  into  the  opposite 
extreme,  and  while  they  combated  the 
misuse  of  such  a  power,  to  deny  the 
existence  of  it  altogether.    It  were  to 


'  Strype's  E.  M.  III.  i.  167,  17,  194,  309. 


2  See  «  201. 
i3 


102 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VT. 


be  ■n  ished,  perhaps,  that  all  bodies  cor- 
porate should  correct  themselves  ;  but 
it  must  require  much  external  pressure, 
and  much  internal  wisdom,  which  shall 
enable  the  better  members  of  such  a 
society  to  effect  a  general  amendment. 
There  was  in  this  case  an  abundance 
of  external  pressure  ;  and  though  there 
was  much  of  internal  wisdom,  yet  that 
wisdom  had  rather  been  opened  to  a 
few  by  the  perusal  of  the  Scriptures, 
and  the  examination  of  the  question, 
than  diffused  through  the  mass  by  the 
gradual  extension  of  knowledge.  j 
§  337.  On  one  side  therefore  was  the  ' 
truth,  supported  by  the  strength  which 
it  must  always  possess,  and  favoured 
by  those  who  were  placed  in  the  highest 
stations,  both  in  state  and  church,  and 
supported  by  a  party  formidable  from , 
their  number,  and  respectable  from  their  j 
attainments.    On  the  other,  were  the  j 
igrtorance  of  the  people,  and  their  pre- 
judices ;  but  this  was  aided  by  the  in- 
terested views  of  the  clergy,  who  were 
scattered  through  every  village,  and 
possessed  a  force  which  was  by  no 
means  balanced  by  the  selfishness  of  a 
few  courtiers,  who  had  profited  by  the 
spoliation  of  the  church.    The  courtier 
cared  little  for  the  establishment  of  one  j 
religion  or  another,  provided  he  could  ; 
secure  his  wealth ;    but   the    village  ] 
pastor  and  his  partisans  were  led  to 
esteem  the  cause  which  they  advocated  j 
as  the  cause  of  God,  and  formed  a  tre- 
mendous phalanx,  which  might  be  di- 1 
rected  to  the  most  dangerous  under-  j 
takino-s.  Whoever, therefore, attempted 
to  guide  the  cause  of  the  Reformation, 
during  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.,  must 
either  have  waited  for  the  slow  deve- 
lopement  of  Christian  education,  and 
the  falling  off"  hy  death  of  those  who 
opposed  his  plans,  or  he  must  have 
exerted  an  external  force,  which  might 
overthrow  the  immediate  power  of  his 
opponents ;  and  the  question  of  em- 
ploying the  one  or  the  other  of  these 
means  could  hardly  have  admitted  of 
debate,  when  the  health  of  the  king  and 
the  opinions  of  his  successor  were  taken 
into  the  account ;  nor  can  we  fail  to 
examine  with  interest  the  opinions  of  ! 
Cranmer  himself,  as  far  as  they  bear ! 
on  this  point.    What  is  here  stated  is 
derived  from  the  answers  which  he  gave 
to  such  questions  as  were  proposed  to 


certain  divines  in  1540,'  and  in  M-hich 
the  offices  and  authority  of  the  priest- 
hood are  examined :  from  hence  it  would 
appear,  that  his  own  sentiments  were 
nearly  Erastian:  he  seems  to  esteem 
the  whole  of  the  clerical  office  as  de- 
pendent entirely  on  the  civil  magis- 
trate ;^  that  there  was  originally  no  dif- 
ference between  a  bishop  and  a  priest 
that  the  prince  or  the  people  might  make 
a  priest  for  themselves,"  for  whom  no 
consecration  was  necessary  and  that 
the  power  of  excommunication  depends 
entirely  on  the  civil  authority  committed 
to  a  bishop."  It  may  be  remarked  that 
these  opinions  are  not  discoverable  in 
the  formation  of  our  church  services, 
which  are  almost  entirely  taken  from 
those  of  the  Roman  ritual,  yet  a  trace 
of  them  remains  in  those  articles  which 
refer  to  the  church,  and  among  which 
Art.  XIX.,  XXI.,«nd  XXIII.  might  be 
subscribed  by  any  one  Avho  held  opi- 
nions purely  Erastian. 

§  3;38.  With  these  views,  therefore, 
and  placed  under  these  circumstances, 
we  can  hardly  be  surprised  if  in  his  pro- 
ceedings he  leaned  towards  the  civil 
authority,  which  was  in  great  measure 
under  his  own  direction.  His  plan  of 
proceedino-  generally  was  to  intrust  the 
task  of  reforming  any  particular  branch 
of  church  matters  to  a  committee  of  di- 
vines appointed  by  the  crown,  some- 
times on  the  ground  of  the  ecclesiastical 
supremacy,  and  sometimes  under  an 
act  of  parliament,  and  then  to  sanction 
the  result  bv  a  fresh  bill,  or  by  publish- 
ing it  under  the  royal  authority.  This 
method  of  proceeding  may  be  esteemed 
very  unconstitutional  with  regard  to  the 
convocation  ;  but  if  the  supreme  author- 
ity be  lodged  in  the  civil  magistrate,  in 
him  too  must  be  vested  the  power  of 
finally  approving  or  rejecting  all  regu- 
lations with  regard  to  the  service  of  the 
church.  The  Prayer  Book  was  framed 
by  clergymen,  and  the  act  of  uniformity 
enjoined,  that  in  those  churches  where 
the  ministry  was  supported  by  the 
church  property  this  service  should  be 
used  ;  and  the  only  real  hardship  seems 
to  consist  in  this,  that  those  individuals 
who  disapproved  of  it  were  not  allowed 
any  Christian  liberty  of  absenting  them- 

'  Burnet,  I.  iii.  Rec.  No.  21. 

2  Qa.  9.  3  Qu.  10.  "  Qu.  11. 

3  Qu.  12.  «  Qu.  16. 


Chap.  VI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND 


103 


selves  from  the  churches,  and  of  seek- 
ing elsewhere  a  service  better  suited  to 
their  own  opinions.  To  say  that  the 
country  would  have  become  Moham- 
medan,' if  the  court  had  enjoined  it,  is 
to  assert  what  can  neither  be  proved 
or  disproved.  The  alterations  were  im- 
posed by  the  civil  authority,  and  many 
persons  received  them  with  great  un- 
willingness; but  this  might  have  been 
equally  the  case,  had  they  been  im- 
posed by  some  ecclesiastical  power 
alone,  and  if  the  support  of  the  crown 
had  been  required  merely  to  enforce  the 
mandates  of  the  spiritual  tribunal.  The 
exertion,  therefore,  of  a  temporal  power 
cannot  vitiate  the  enactment  itself,  and 
the  propriety  or  impropriety  of  it  must 
depend  on  its  intrinsic  merits.  It  must 
be  acknowledged  that  great  severity 
and  injustice  were  used  towards  some 
churchmen,  particularly  towards  Gar- 
diner and  Bonner ;  but  this  cannot  in- 
validate the  orthodoxy  of  those  changes 
in  doctrine  or  discipline  to  which  they 
as  individuals  objected.  It  is  as  absurd 
for  a  Roman  Catholic  to  reject  the  tenets 
of  the  church  of  England  because  they 
were  imposed  by  act  of  parliament,  as 
it  would  be  for  a  Protestant  to  discard 
the  truths  of  Christianity  because  they 
have  been  derived  to  us,  accompanied 
with  errors,  through  the  church  of  Rome. 
Every  change  introduced  into  the  church 
of  England  must  receive  its  final  sanc- 
tion in  precisely  the  same  way:  nor 
does  there  appear  to  be  any  solid  reason 
why  the  laity,  who  possess  a  strong 
interest  in  every  thing  connected  with 
the  service  of  the  church,  should  not 
exercise  an  influence  in  its  being  adopt- 
ed or  rejected. 

§  ;j3y.  These  observations,  however, 
will  hardly  apply  to  the  commissions 
which  were  granted  to  the  bishops.  If 
the  existence  of  a  Christian  priesthood 
be  derived  from  God,  surely  the  civil 
magistrate  cannot  have  any  other  power 
over  it  than  that  of  preventing  spiritual 
authority  from  being  applied  to  tempo- 
ral purposes.  It  may  limit  the  use  of 
it  with  regard  to  public  ministrations ; 
but  if  the  authority  of  Cranmer  were 
entirely  human  ;  if,  when  he  ordained 
to  the  ministry,  the  act  depended  solely 
on  the  commission  from  the  king,  it 


'  Strypc's  Annals,  III.  ii.  368,  No.  54. 


seems  unnecessary  to  reason  about  dif- 
ferent forms  of  church  government,  or 
to  contend  for  the  sacred  character  of 
the  ministers  of  the  gospel,  there  is 
really  no  such  thing  as  a  priesthood. 
Many  parts  of  the  episcopal  authority 
are  essentially  derived  from  the  crown  ; 
but  there  is  something  beyond  this 
which  is  derived  from  God  ;  and  this 
measure  can  by  no  means  be  approved 
of,  if  any  of  the  principles  on  which 
we  have  been  reasoning  be  admitted. 
Granting,  however,  that  the  commis- 
sions were  totally  false  in  the  principle 
on  which  they  depended,  this  fact  can- 
not invalidate  the  acts  of  those  who 
held  a  real  episcopal  character  under  a 
false  idea;  and  it  is  evident  that  the 
chief  part  of  the  bishops  of  that  period, 
however  they  might  be  forced  to  act 
under  these  commissions,  entertained 
opinions  on  the  ecclesiastical  functions, 
corresponding  with  those  which  have 
been  here  laid  down.  Nor,  on  the 
other  hand,  sui)posing  that  the  correct- 
ness of  all  which  was  done  were  clearly 
established,  does  it  follow  that  the  so 
doing  it  was  either  politic  or  judicious  ; 
and  Cranmer  may  not  only  have  used 
severity  towards  those  who  opposed 
him,  but  have  adopted  steps  which  can- 
not be  justified — may  have  virtually 
forced  the  consciences  of  the  weak,  in 
hastily  imposing  on  them  those  changes 
which  would  have  been  adopted  quietly, 
or  gradually  modified,  had  he  allowed 
the  progress  of  opinion  to  follow  its 
natural  course. 

§  ;J40.  In  order  to  judge  of  the 
foundation  on  which  this  charge  is 
raised,  wc  may  inquire  what  would 
have  been  the  result  of  such  a  proceed- 
ing? Were  there  no  hasty  spirits  who 
would  have  borne  down,  not  only  the 
errors  of  Romish  superstitions,  but  the 
decencies,  too,  of  public  worship,  which 
we  have  derived  from  Rome  ?  Was 
there  no  necessity  of  issuing  proclama- 
tion after  proclamation  against  those 
who  were  eager  to  innovate  and  to 
destroy  every  vestige  of  whatever  had 
been  once  misused  ?  Compare  what 
took  place  in  Scotland  with  the  events 
in  England.  Do  we  owe  no  gratitude 
to  those  who,  when  the  tide  of  reforma- 
tion seemed  likely  to  overbear  the  limits 
of  moderation,  endeavoured  to  guide 
and  direct  its  course  by  the  force  of  legal 


104 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VI. 


enactments  ?  TIk'  active  friends  of 
reformation  restrained  their  own  zeal 
when  the  woriv  was  carried  on  by  tliose 
in  autiiorlty ;  but  could  C'rannier,  or 
any  one  else,  have  successfully  o])])osed 
this  torrent  ?  and  can  we  imagine  that 
he  himself  would  have  been  able  to 
introduce  these  more  quiet  alterations, 
had  he  failed  to  exert  his  temporal  in- 
fluence ?  The  friends  of  the  church  of 
Scotland  may  rejoice  that  no  moderate 
reformer  stepped  forward  from  among" 
their  bishops  to  modify  the  violence  of 
those  who  overthrew  the  whole  of  what 
had  been  lono-  established  ;  but  the  ad- 
mirer of  our  episcopal  church  must, 
under  God,  thank  Cranmer  that  his  par- 
liamentary interference  saved  our  apos- 
tolic establishment  from  the  rude  hands 
of  ignorant  reformers,  who,  in  their  zeal 
for  re-establishing  the  religion  of  the 
Bible,  cast  ofT  the  innocence  of  the 
dove  aTid  the  prudence  of  the  serpent. 
Nothing  but  these  rapid  proceedings, 
founded  on  the  temporal  power  which 
he  possessed,  and  which  he  exerted  in 
reforming  what  was  amiss,  could  have 
prevented  others  from  withstanding  all 
attempts  at  amendment,  till  the  force 
of  the  multitude  had,  as  in  Scotland, 
thrown  down  what  the  episcopalian  will 
consider  as  almost  the  church  itself. 
So  far,  then,  from  blaming  the  arch- 
bishop for  his  manner  of  reforming  by 
legislative  enactments,  we  must  con- 
sider that  the  existence  of  our  establish- 
ment, in  its  present  a])ostolical  form,  is 
owing  to  this  very  circumstance. 

§;M1.  In  examining  how  much  the 
Reformation  in  England  was  afiected 
by  the  opinions  entertained  by  the  di- 
vines of  the  Lutheran  or  Calvinistic 
schools,  it  should  be  remembered  that 
the  fame  and  notoriety  of  the  reformer 
of  Geneva  was  little  spread  at  the  pe- 
riod when  the  authoritative  documents 
of  the  church  of  England  were  pub- 
lished, and  that  these  productions  were 
directed  against  the  errors  of  the  Ro- 
man church,  rather  than  intended  to 
mark  the  differences  which  might  exist 
among  Protestants.  At  a  later  period, 
the  sentiments  of  Calvin  undoubtedly 
affected  in  a  great  degree  the  opinions 
of  individual  divines  of  our  church  ; 
but  the  formularies  which  distinguish 
us  as  a  Christian  community  had  no 
reference  to  the  theology  of  Geneva, 


and  are  derived,  in  a  great  degree,  from 
the  Lutherans.' 

W e  have  before  seen  that  Kenry 
VIll.  was  particularly  anxious  that  Me- 
lancthon  should  visit  England  ;  and  the 
same  proposal  was  made  to  that  re- 
former from  Cranmer  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  VL  ;  but  this  object  was  never 
accomplished.  He  appears  to  have 
been  consulted  in  l^j'So  concerning  the 
Articles  which  were  published  during 
the  next  year;  and  the  definition  of 
JiisfiJicafio7i  there  given  is  probably 
derived  from  the  loci  communes  of  this 
author  ;  in  the  whole  of  these  articles 
the  ideas  and  language  of  the  Lutheran 
divines  have  been  closely  followed. 
Many  of  the  Forty-two  Articles  owe 
their  origin  to  the  same  source  ;^  and 
even  those  which  cannot  be  traced  with 
certainty  exhibit  a  correspondence  with 
the  general  opinions  of  the  German 
divines.  An  exception,  however,  must 
be  made  with  regard  to  one  article,  in 
which  Cranmer  differed  totally  from 
them,  and  which  is  strongly  marked  by 
the  clause  against  consubstantiation,  or 
ubiquitarianism,  which  existed  in  the 
Article  on  the  Lord's  Supper  in  the 
Forty-two  Articles,  but  which  was  omit- 
ted in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  it  may, 
however,  be  worth  remarking,  that 
Cranmer  was  called  a  Zuinglian,  and 
not  a  Calvinist,  by  Fox,  as  entertaining 
this  opinion.  Some  of  the  points  in 
which  the  Common  Prayer  Book  differs 
from  the  services  of  the  Roman  church 
are  derived  from  the  reformed  ser- 
vice of  Herman,  archbishop  of  Co- 

'  'I'liis  quesiion,  as  Inr  as  relates  to  iliose  arti- 
cles of  our  cliurch  which  are  sometimes  deemed 
f'a'ivinisiic,  is  most  ably  handled  by  Archbishop 
LaiireiK-e,  in  his  Bainpioii  Lcciures,  who  proves 
clearly  liiat  they  are  drawn  from  Luiheran 
sources.  Indeed,  the  controversy  on  the  predes- 
linarian  question  only  began  in  Oct.  1551;  Cal- 
vin's lirst  tract  was  published  in  1552,  and  the 
dispute  was  continued  for  many  years.  Lau- 
rence's Bamp.  Lect.  237. 

2  f-"ee  §  481,  &,c. 

3  "  For  as  much  as  the  truth  of  man's  nature 
requireih,  that  the  body  of  one  and  the  seli-same 
man  cannot  be  at  one  time  in  divers  places,  but 
must  needs  be  in  some  one  certain  place;  there- 
fore the  body  of  Christ  cannot  be  present,  at  one 
time,  in  many  and  divers  places.  And  because  (as 
Holy  Scripture  doth  teach)  Christ  was  taken  up 
into  heaven,  and  there  shall  continue  unto  the  end 
of  the  world,  a  faithful  man  ought  not  either  to 
believe,  or  openly  to  confess,  the  real  and  bodily 
presence  (as  they  term  it)  of  Christ's  flesh  and 
blood,  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  .Supper." 
Art.  29  of  the  XLIL  ;  and  28  of  the  XXXIX. 


Chap.  VI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


105 


logne,'  and  others  owe  their  origin  to  i 
the  Liturgy  of  Strasburg,  which  was 
framed  by  Calvin,'^  but  had  been  modi- 
fied before  it  was  published  in  England. 

§  342.  If  this  examination  of  the  ques- 
tion shall  surprise  those  who  generally 
esteem  the  authoritative  documents  of 
the  church  of  England  original  composi- 
tions, if  it  shall  seem  to  detract  from  the 
value  which  is  generally  attached  to  the 
labours  of  Archbishop  Cranmer  and  his 
colleagues,  let  it  be  remembered  that 
the  sacred  subject  on  which  these 
works  were  drawn  up  is  the  only  one 
in  which  originality  is  the  worst  of 
faults.  If  the  heathen  philosopher 
wisely  grounds  the  truth  of  his  conclu- 
sions on  the  fact,  that  they  do  not  mate- 
rially differ  from  the  opinions  of  pre- 
vious investigators,  surely  the  Chris- 
tian, who  is  employed  in  framing 
articles  of  faith,  may  reasonably  de- 
clare that  he  has  only  quitted  the  tenets 
of  his  predecessors  where  he  found 
them  inconsistent  with  the  revealed 
word  of  God. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  Refor- 
mation in  England,  our  reformers  natu- 
rally cast  their  eyes  on  two  standards 
of  faith — on  that  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
and  that  of  the  Lutheran  churches — 
which  had  already  discarded  the  errors 
of  the  papal  court.  The  rule,  then, 
which  sound  reason  would  seem  to  dic- 
tate, is,  that  in  those  points  wherein  the 
church  of  England  found  it  necessary 
to  differ  from  that  of  Rome,  it  should 
refer  to  the  opinions  of  the  newly  esta- 
blished churches,  and  follow  them  as 
far  as  they  were  consistent  with  Scrip- 
ture ;  and  where  that  which  was  taught 
by  the  Lutherans  appeared  to  be  ques- 
tionable, the  church  of  England  should 
either  borrow  the  expression  of  its  opi- 
nions from  some  other  reformed  church, 
or  construct  its  own  articles  directly 
from  the  word  of  God.  And  this  ap- 
pears to  be  the  plan  on  which  these 
documents  in  our  own  church  were 
framed.  In  our  Articles  are  contained 
the  great  truths  of  Christianity,  which 
we  hold  in  common  with  the  church  of 
Rome ;  there  are  many  more  which 
are  derived  from  the  Lutheran  church ; 
there  are  some  in  which  we  differ  from 


'  See  ^  744,  '.  2  See  $  745,  3. 

14 


both.  In  our  public  services,  the  greater 
part  of  the  Common  l^rayer  Book  is 
taken  from  the  Roman  ritual,  and  some 
portions  are  borrowed  from  the  Luthe- 
ran churches,  or  rather  drawn  up  in 
imitation  of  them. 

It  may  indeed  be  asked,  why  our  re- 
formers did  not  at  once  leave  the  works 
of  others,  which  had  been  so  generally 
mixed  up  with  errors  ?  why  they  did  not 
seek  at  once  for  the  standard  of  their 
faith,  and  the  formularies  which  were 
to  guide  them  in  their  prayers,  from  the 
unerring  rule  of  the  word  of  God  ?  But 
such  a  question  will  be  asked  by  those 
only  who  are  little  aware  of  the  difficul- 
ties which  attend  such  an  undertaking. 
Standards  of  faith  are  only  necessary 
on  account  of  the  heresies  into  which 
mankind  have  run,  and  must  be  drawn 
up  with  reference  to  such  heresies.  To 
modify,  therefore,  the  previous  labours 
of  those  who  have  gone  before  us  in 
detecting  and  restraining  error,  is  not 
only  an  easier  and  safer  plan,  but  it  is 
one  which  is  much  more  consistent  with 
Christian  modesty.  The  word  of  God, 
in  this  case,  does  not  immediately  fur- 
nish the  adequate  means  of  preventing 
errors  ;  for  both  parties  often  assume 
the  word  of  God  to  be  with  them ;  and 
the  only  question  is  as  to  the  interpre- 
tation which  we  ought  to  assign  to  it. 
The  form  in  which  we  address  the 
throne  of  grace  is  of  less  importance; 
the  real  question  is,  as  to  that  for  which 
we  ask.  When,  therefore,  the  country 
has  been  used  to  one  form,  it  would  be 
injudicious  to  change  it  further  than  the 
errors  contained  in  such  a  composition 
absolutely  demand  ;  and  in  those  points 
where  alteration  was  necessary,  true 
wisdom  would  lead  us  to  imitate  what 
has  already  been  adopted  by  our  Chris- 
tian brethren,  and  of  which  they  have 
testified  their  approval  by  continuing 
its  use. 

With  this  view  of  the  subject,  there 
is  every  reason  for  applauding  the  con- 
duct of  Archbishop  Cranmer,  and  ad- 
miring our  own  standards,  because  they 
so  nearly  resemble  the  works  of  the 
same  sort  which  preceded  them ;  and 
to  rejoice  that  the  documents  of  our 
church  are  not  new,  but  amended  tran- 
scripts of  those  which  our  forerunners 
have  established. 


106 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  YH. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


THE  REIGN  OF  MARY  I.,  FROM  JULY  6,  1553,  TO  NOVEMBER  17,  1558. 

351.  Lady  Jane  Grey.  352.  Mary  seated  on  the  throne;  her  promises.  353.  Gardiner's  plans. 
354.  Mary  prepares  to  restore  popery.  355.  Parliament.  35(3.  Cardinal  Pole,  legale,  delayed  on 
his  journey  toward.s  England.  357.  Convocation.  358.  Disputation  held  in  it.  359.  Wyatt's 
rebellion;  executions.  3(iO.  Ejection  of  the  married  clergy.  361.  Disputations  at  Oxford.  362. 
Confession  of  faith  of  the  Reformers  published.  363.  Marriage  of  the  queen.  3G4.  Reconciliation 
with  Rome.  365.  Preparations  for  persecution.  366.  Persecutions.  367.  Disputes  among  the 
Relormers  in  England  and  abroad,  368.  Death  of  Gardiner.  369.  Steps  in  favour  of  the  church. 
370.  Death  and  character  of  Cranmer.  371.  Many  others  sufTcr.  372.  Pole,  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury ;  documents  destroyed.  373.  Visitation  of  the  univer.'iiies.  374.  Paul  IV.  enraged  with 
Pole;  disasters  of  the  nation  ;  persecutions.    375.  Deaths  and  characters  of  Mary  and  Pole. 


§  351.  The  sentiments  which  Mary 
was  known  to  entertain  with  regard  to 
religion  induced  some  persons  to  ques- 
tion for  a  short  time  her  title  to  the  suc- 
cession, of  the  justice  of  which  there 
could  be  no  real  doubt.  These  same 
fears  had  formerly  induced  many  of  the 
council  to  assent  to  the  measure  adopt- 
ed in  the  will  of  Edward,  and  now  co- 
operated in  making  them  try  to  promote 
this  illegal  settlement,  and  to  advance 
the  ambitious  plans  of  him  Avho  had  de- 
vised it.  The  absurd  power  granted 
by  parliament  to  Henry  VIll.,  of  naming 
his  successors  in  his  will,  had  rendered 
the  order  of  inheritance  less  clearly  de- 
fined in  the  minds  of  those  about  the 
court,  and  many  of  them  imagined  that 
the  bequest  of  Edward  was  equally 
binding  in  law  with  that  of  his  father. 

Of  Lady  Jane  Grey,*  to  whom  the 
crown  was  now  offered  by  her  father 
and  father-in-law,  the  dukes  of  Suffolk 
and  Northumberland,  the  brightest  ex- 
pectations were  entertained ;  and  her 
only  fault  seems  to  have  been,  that  she 
allowed  her  own  better  judgment  to  be 
influenced  by  the  solicitations  of  her 
friends.  She  had  received  a  classical 
education  under  the  care  of  Dr.  Ayl- 
mer,  afterwards  bishop  of  London,  and 
taken  such  advantage  of  his  instruc- 
tions, and  the  philosophy  of  our  holy 
faith,  that  she  was  prepared  for  cither 
the  crown  or  the  scaffold. 

§  352.  The  good  sense  and  loyalty 
of  the  nation  quickly  rendered  her  case 
desperate,  while  the  unpopularity  of  the 
duke  of  Northumberland  contributed 
greatly  to   strengthen   the   party  of 

'  Burnet,  ii.  174. 


Mary :  the  friends,  therefore,  of  the 
queen  became  daily  more  powerful, 
were  joined  by  the  council,  and  she 
was  proclaimed  throughout  London  on 
the  19th  of  July.  Within  a  few  days, 
the  chief  of  her  enemies  were  sent  to 
the  Tower,  and  she  remained  in  quiet 
possession  of  the  throne.  The  only 
point  in  which  she  seems  at  this  period 
of  her  reign  to  have  acted  culpably  was, 
in  an  assurance  given  by  her  that  she 
would  force  no  one's  religion. 

This  promise  was  made  to  the  Suf- 
folk men,  who,  being  friendly  to  the  re- 
formed doctrines,  joined  her  standard 
from  a  sense  of  duty ;  whereas  her 
known  love  to  the  papacy  renders  it  pro- 
bable, that  from  the  first  she  was  de- 
termined to  pursue  steps  which  could 
not  be  carried  on  without  breaking  the 
pledge  given  to  those  Avho  supported 
her.  The  promise  was  repeated  pub- 
licly on  the  12th  of  August  before  the 
council,^  and  on  the  18th  by  a  procla- 
mation ;  but  in  both  these  cases  a  tacit 
reservation  seems  to  be  made  in  the 
prospect  of  some  alteration  in  the  law 
of  the  land.  From  her  general  con- 
duct, we  can  hardly  conceive  her  to 
have  been  insincere  when  she  made  it; 
but  she  must  have  been  very  weak  and 
ignorant,  to  suppose  that  the  wishes  of 
her  heart  could  be  accomplished  with- 
out falsifying  such  a  declaration. 

§  353.  The  government  was  now  un- 
der the  direction  of  Gardiner,  who  was 
in  many  respects  a  politic  man,  and  un- 
derstood the  temper  of  the  country.* 
His  plan  was  to  have  restored  every 


2  Strype's  Eccl.  Mem.  y.  38.    Fox,  iii.  14. 

3  Burnet,  ii.  180. 


Chap.  VII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


thing  connected  with  religion  to  the 
state  in  which  it  had  been  left  by  Hen- 
ry VIII.,  and  thus  by  degrees  to  have 
brought  back  the  kingdom  to  a  recon- 
ciliation with  the  court  of  Rome.  This 
scheme  favoured  his  own  private  views, 
as  well  as  the  public  objects  towards 
which  it  was  directed  ;  and  had  it  been 
temperately  pursued,  might  have  led  to 
the  re-establishment  of  the  papacy  in 
England,  by  slower,  yet  surer  steps, 
than  those  which  were  adopted  ;  while 
it  would  have  freed  the  chancellor  from 
some  alarm,  which  he  could  not  but  feel, 
at  the  prospect  of  the  speedy  arrival  of 
Cardinal  Pole,  who  never  trusted  him, 
and  who  was  from  many  circumstances 
likely  to  gain  an  influence  over  the 
queen,  inconsistent  with  the  interests  of 
Gardiner.  These  prospects,  however, 
of  moderation,  and  the  hopes  which 
her  declarations  had  infused  into  the 
reformers,  were  soon  dissipated ;  for 
the  early  acts  of  the  reign  were  strong- 
ly marked  with  precipitancy  as  well  as 
severity.'  Bonner'^  proceeded  to  take 
possession  of  his  see  (August  5th)  with- 
out any  legal  revocation  of  the  sentence 
by  which  he  had  been  deprived ;  and 
the  intemperance  of  Bourn,  his  chap- 
lain, who  preached  soon  after  at  St. 
Paul's  Cross,  produced  such  a  tumult, 
that  the  life  of  the  preacher  was  en- 
dangered, and  only  preserved  by  the 
interference  of  some  of  the  Protestant 
divines. 

§  !i.54.  In  consequence  of  this,  all  ser- 
mons were  prohibited  till  licenses  had 
been  given  under  the  great  seal  to  such 
persons  only  as  were  likely  to  spread 
the  doctrines  of  the  church  of  Rome  ; 
and  a  commission  was  issued  for  the 
purpose  of  setting  aside  the  depriva- 
tions of  those  bishops  who  had  been 
ejected  :  so  that  every  measure  seemed 
rapidly  tending  to  the  re-establishment 
of  the  ancient  order  of  things.  It  be- 
came apparent,  too,  that  the  church  was 
the  object  which  predominated  in  the 
mind  of  the  queen,  who,  in  promoting 
the  interests  of  Rome,  forgot  those  ties 
by  which  human  beings  are  most  close- 

'  Mass  was  said  in  London  at  St.  Nicholas', 
August  21.  (Strype's  Eccl.  Mem.  v.  34.)  Moun- 
tain was  persecuted  by  Gardiner  for  celebrating 
the  communion  before  the  service  had  been 
changed,  p.  104.  Mass  was  celebrated  at  the 
opening  of  parliament,  57. 

2  Strype's  Eccl.  Mem.  v.  27. 


ly  connected.  She  used  cruelty  towards 
one  of  the  Suffolk  men,  -vho  intempe- 
rately  reminded  her  of  hor  promise 
with  regard  to  religion,  and  imprisoned 
Judge  Hales,  who  had  strongly  advo- 
cated her  cause  against  the  pretensions 
of  Lady  Jane  Grey,  because  he  urged 
the  magistrates  in  Kent  to  put  in  force 
the  laws  of  Edward  which  were  still 
unrepealed.  These  were  but  sad  pros- 
pects for  the  friends  of  the  Reformatio;!, 
and  they  began  to  prepare  themselves 
for  the  struarsfle.  The  foreigfners  who 
had  been  established  in  this  country 
were  now  dismissed ;  and  many  of  the 
English  clergy  gradually  fled  beyond 
sea,  to  preserve  their  lives  for  better 
times,  and  to  enjoy  that  liberty  of  con- 
science in  a  distant  land  which  they 
could  no  longer  hope  for  at  home.  But 
the  more  exalted  members  of  the  church, 
whose  situations  held  them  up  as  exam- 
ples to  their  flocks,  notwithstanding  that 
they  were  advised  to  fly,  remained  at 
their  posts,  ready  to  serve  God  by  suf- 
fering in  his  cause,  as  well  as  to  wor- 
ship him  in  safety,  and  in  the  sunshine 
which  the  favour  of  the  court  shed 
around  their  pious  exertions.  Hooper 
and  Coverdale  repaired  before  the  coun- 
cil when  summoned  ;  and  Cranmer, 
since  it  was  maliciously  reported  that 
he  was  ready  to  concede  every  thing, 
drew  up  a  protest*  against  the  mass, 
which  was  unfortunately  circulated  be- 
fore it  was  finished  for  publication  ;  and 
when  he  could  not  deny  that  he  was 
the  author  of  it,  he  was  by  the  council 
committed  to  the  Tower,  on  the  charge 
of  high  treason. 

§355.  In  the  parliament  which  was 
assembled  October  5,  the  marriage  of 
Henry  and  Catharine  was  confirmed,  an 
object  which  the  queen  had  much  at 
heart,  and  which  Gardiner  had  promised 
to  procure  ;  but  he  of  all  men  was  the 
least  fit  to  be  the  agent  in  such  a  trans- 
action, who  had  been  most  active  in  pro- 
curing the  divorce,  and  had  been  joined 
in  the  commission  by  which  the  marriage 
had  been  declared  void.  The  acts  of 
the  last  reign  relating  to  religion  were 
at  once  annulled,  and  severe  penalties 
imposed  on  those  who  interfered  with 
the  performance  of  any  sacred  function. 


'  This  letter  is  printed  at  length  in  Strype's 
Cranmer,  437. 


108 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VU. 


In  the  act  of  attainder  against  the  Lady  ] 
J.  Grey  and  her  husband,  Cranmerwas 
comprehended,  and  though  his  see  was 
now  legally  void,  yet  was  he  still  re- 
garded as  archbishop,  by  those  who 
wished  to  uphold  the  ecclesiastical  ex- 
emptions, and  to  proceed  against  him 
on  other  grounds. 

§  35.5.  In  consequence  of  some  pri- 
vate communications  between  Mary  and 
the  court  of  Rome,  Cardinal  Pole  was 
appointed  legate,  with  full  powers  for 
the  reconciliation  of  the  kingdom,  and 
immediately  commenced  his  journey 
towards  England;  but  he  was  stopped 
on  the  way,  through  the  interference  of 
Gardiner,  who  represented  to  the  em- 
peror the  danger  of  so  precipitate  a  step, 
which  might  probably  prevent  the  mar- 
riage between  Philip  and  Mary,  (an 
object  to  which  the  attention  of  Charles 
was  now  directed,)  and  create  a  fermen- 
tation in  the  country,  very  prejudicial 
to  the  interests  of  the  queen.  A  suspi- 
cion is  suggested  by  Burnet,  that  she 
herself  was  influenced  by  more  tender 
motives,  in  requesting  that  the  legantine 
commission  might  be  intrusted  to  the 
cardinal,  hoping  that  he  might  obtain  a 
dispensation  to  marry  her,  as  he  was 
only  a  deacon  ;  but  the  tale  rests  on 
very  slight  foundation  ;  and  had  Gar- 
diner been  aware  of  such  a  wish  on  the 
part  of  Mary,  he  would  probably  have 
fostered  an  arrangement  which  must 
have  left  the  prospect  of  the  see  of  Can- 
terbury open  to  his  own  ambitious  views. 
The  queen  sent  a  messenger  to  the 
legate  while  he  remained  in  Germany, 
to  state  the  progress  which  she  had  made 
in  the  cause  of  the  church  of  Rome,  and 
desired  him  not  to  proceed  to  England 
till  further  notice.  The  wisdom  of  this 
delay  was  very  apparent ;  for  the  na- 
tion was  generally  adverse  to  the  two 
measures  in  which  the  court  was  now 
engaged.  The  parliament  had  conceded 
every  point  with  regard  to  religion,  as 
far  as  it  was  unconnected  with  pontics, 
but  they  were  anxious  that  the  crown 
of  England  should  not  be  deprived  of 
the  spiritual  supremacy  which  it  had 
acquired,  and  abominated  the  idea  of 
becoming  an  appendage  to  the  Spanish 
monarchy.  So  strong  indeed  was  the 
general  feeling  against  the  match  with 
Spain,  that  a  deputation  of  the  speaker 
and  twenty  members  of  the  House  of 


Commons  waited  on  the  queen  to  depre- 
cate any  thoughts  of  a  marriage  with  a 
foreigner  :  but  instead  of  producing  the 
desired  effect,  the  parliament  itself  was 
dissolved,  and  the  enormous  sum  of 
twelve  hundred  thousand  crowns  was 
said  to  have  been  intrusted  to  Gardiner 
by  Philip,  in  hopes  that  the  enemies  of 
the  marriage  might  be  bought  off  from 
their  opposition. 

§  357.  In  order  to  give  freedom  of 
discussion  to  the  convocation  which  was 
now  called,'  an  act  of  parliament  was 
previously  passed,  repealing  the  sta- 
tutes of  Henry  VIII.  which  rendered 
all  persons  who  joined  in  framing  ca- 
nons without  the  royal  permission  liable 
to  a  proemunire;  a  penalty  which  must 
have  subjected  the  ecclesiastical  author 
ity  to  the  civil  power,  and  not  only  have 
offended  the  prejudices  of  a  Roman 
Catholic,  hut  have  tended,  too,  to  limit 
the  privileges  of  the  church.  Weston, 
dean  of  Westminster,  was  appointed 
prolocutor,  a  man  much  looked  up  to 
on  account  of  the  firmness  which  he  had 
exhibited  in  the  former  reign.  Its  first 
act  was  directed  against  the  Common 
Prayer,  which  it  denominated  an  abo- 
minable book,  and  declared  to  be  here- 
tical, on  account  of  the  denial  of  tran- 
substantiation  which  it  contained.  The 
same  stigma  was  also  affixed  to  the 
Catechism,^  said  to  be  set  forth  by  order 
of  convocation.  These  steps  produced 
a  warm  discussion  in  the  Lower  House  ; 
but  of  the  proceedings  of  the  bishops  no 
record  remains.  Care  had  been  taken 
that  among  the  proctors  elect(>d  by  the 
clergy  such  men  alone  should  be  found 
as  favoured  the  prevailing  cause,  but 
of  those  who  sat  in  right  of  the  situa- 
tions which  they  held  in  the  church,^ 
six  were  found  bold  enough  to  contro- 
vert the  sentiments  of  the  ruling  party, 
and  to  enter  into  a  disputation  against 
the  power  and  numbers  with  which  they 
found  themselves  surrounded.  At  this 
disputation  many  of  the  council  were 
present,  from  whom,  during  the  heat  of 
the  discussion,  when  the  arguments  of 
the  Protestants  were  borne  down  by  the 
clamour  of  the  majority,  they  received 
more  liberty  of  expressing  their  senti- 
ments than  their  ecclesiastical  opponents 


1  Strype's  Ecc.  Mem.  v.  59.  2  See  ^  331. 

'  Fox's  Acts  and  Mon.  iii.  16, 


CHAr,  VII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


10§ 


would  have  allowed  ;  but  from  the  com- 
mencement, for  it  lasted  three  days,  it 
was  apparent  that  this  bold  minority 
could  entertain  little  hope  of  obtaining 
a  fair  hearinjr  ;  Weston  indeed  declared 
that  they  were  assembled,  not  to  call  in 
question  the  undoubted  truth  of  tran- 
substantiation,  but  to  answer  the  ob- 
jections of  those  who  refused  to  sub- 
scribe to  this  undeniable  proposition. 
And  so  manifest  were  the  difficulties 
against  which  the  friends  of  the  refor- 
mation had  to  contend,  that  when  they 
were  refused  the  assistance  of  Rogers 
and  Ridley,  most  of  the  six  declined 
entering  on  the  question,  and  were  only 
drawn  into  the  debate  by  degrees,  in 
supporting  Cheyney,  who  would  not 
avoid  the  contest  under  every  disad- 
vantage. 

§  ;55S.  Discussions  of  this  public  na- 
ture have  but  little  effect,  except  per- 
haps the  evil  one  of  warming  the  pas- 
sions by  connecting  human  vanity  with 
sacred  truth;  but  we  cannot  fail  to  ad- 
mire the  bold  zeal  of  men  who  ventured 
to  stem  the  torrent  of  virulence  and 
persecution,  merely  to  convince  the  by- 
standers of  the  goodness  of  their  cause; 
and  in  this  point  of  view  their  exertions 
probably  even  now  produced  some  good 
effect ;  for  at  the  close,  when  the  House 
was  asked  whether  sufficient  answers 
had  not  been  given  to  the  objections  of 
the  reformers,  and  the  clergy  were 
ready  in  the  affirmative,  the  multitude 
who  stood  around  instantly  vociferated. 
No !  no !  The  reformers  had  found 
themselves  treated  with  so  little  fairness, 
that  they  refused  to  become  the  respond- 
ents; and  the  whole  argument  was 
summed  uji  by  a  remark  of  Weston's, 
which  briefly  stated  the  merits  of  the 
controversy,  "You  have  the  word," 
said  he,  "but  we  have  the  sword."  An 
observation  calculated  to  show  the 
erroneous  principles  assumed  by  the 
church  of  Rome,  as  well  as  to  display 
the  cruelty  of  the  individual.  Men 
vested  with  unlimited  power  are  ge- 
nerally the  same  in  all  communions; 
and  the  friends  of  the  papacy  cannot 
hope  to  be  more  fortunate  in  this  respect 
than  other  Christian  bodies;  and  wher- 
ever the  infallibility  of  the  church  is 
asserted,  then  farewell  to  truth  and  to 
every  hope  of  obtaining  it,  since  it  be- 
comes the  duty  of  those  vested  with 


I  authority  not  to  enter  into  any  dis- 
cussions by  which  reformation  may  be 
i  promoted  or  truth  elicited,  but  to  curb 
with  the  severe  mandates  of  autocracy 
the  idea  of  calling  in  question  any  of  its 
{ tenets  ;  and  these  words  of  the  prolo- 
cutor, harsh  as  they  may  appear  to  a 
Protestant  ear,  become  the  language  of 
sincerity,  when  proceeding  from  the 
mouth  of  a  consistent  Roman  Catholic, 
who  allows  not  the  possibility  of  salva- 
tion beyond  the  limits  of  his  own  church. 

§359.  (a.  D.  1554.)  The  Spanish  con- 
nection was  so  much  disliked  by  the 
nation  in  gfeneral,  that  thoucfh  the  court 
of  Madrid  granted  terms  absurdly  bene- 
ficial to  the  English  crown,  it  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  rebellion.  The  ramifica- 
tions of  this  plot  were  numerous,  but 
the  discovery  of  one  branch,  which  in 
the  west  of  England  was  conducted  by 
Sir  Peter  Carew,  proved  destructive  to 
the  rest.  He  himself  fled  ;  but  the  un- 
wise duke  of  Suffolk  just  did  so  much 
as  to  incur  the  crime  of  treason,  without 
benefiting  the  cause  which  he  espoused ; 
and  the  only  one  of  the  leaders  who 
made  any  movement  in  the  affair  was 
Sir  Thomas  Wyat  in  Kent,  whose  rebel- 
lious forces,  after  some  trifling  successes, 
were  dispersed,  and  he  himself  taken 
prisoner  at  Temple  Bar.  The  practical 
effect  of  this  injudicious  and  unwarrant- 
able proceeding  was  to  strengthen  the 
hands  of  the  queen,  and  to  give  her  an 
opportunity  of  using  severity  on  the 
unfortunate  Lady  Jane  Grey  and  her 
husband.  Mary  behaved  with  great 
courage  and  propriety  throughout  the 
whole  period  of  danger,  and  never  re- 
moved from  Whitehall;  nor  can  we 
venture  to  blame  her  for  tfie  execution 
of  these  young  persons  who  had  been 
guilty  of  treason,  notwithstanding  the 
palliations  which  may  be  urged  in  their 
favour.  And  though  we  cannot  help 
pitying  the  early  fate  of  one  so  young 
and  lovely,  yet  the  Christian  spirit  with 
which  she  died  is  much  more  calculated 
to  raise  our  admiration,  and  to  (:^cite  us 
to  the  imitation  of  such  studies  and  pur- 
suits as  enabled  a  woman  about  seven- 
teen years  of  age  to  meet  death  Avith 
tranquillity  and  resignation.  We  may 
remember,  too,  that  she  suffered  for  a 
crime  into  which  the  ambition  of  her 
relations  had  hurried  her  against  her 
wishes  and  her  conscience.  The  duke 
K 


110 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VH. 


of  Suffolk,  Wyat,  and  fifty-four  others 
were  executed,  and  a  large  number'  of 
the  common  people  were  forced  to  beg 
their  lives  with  halters  about  theirnecks. 
Elizabeth  was  confined,  and  the  pro- 
ceedings were  generally  severe,  parti- 
cularly in  fining  the  jury  which  had 
acquitted  Sir  ?>icholas  Throgmorton. 

§  3(50.  Strengthened  by  the  discom- 
fiture of  this  rebellion,  Mary  com- 
menced the  work  of  anti-reformation. 
The  first  act  was  to  publish  articles  of 
directions  for  the  bishops  in  their  pro- 
ceedings against  the  friends  of  the  op- 
posite party  ;  and  the  chief  object  of 
attack  was  the  marriage  of  the  clergy, 
of  which  the  parliamentary  sanction 
had  been  annulled  in  the  general  re- 
peal of  King  Edward's  laws.  But 
even  those  who  quitted  their  wives 
were  ejected  from  their  preferments, 
and  the  whole  was  carried  on  under  a 
commission  from  the  queen  as  supreme 
head  of  the  church,  a  title  which  she 
did  not  care  to  assume,  except  to  expel 
the  reformed  clergy  from  their  bene- 
fices. The  bishoprics  of  York,  St.  Da- 
vid, Chester,  and  Bristol,  were  declared 
void  on  account  of  the  marriage  of 
those  who  held  them  ;  and  Lincoln, 
Hereford,  and  Gloucester,  on  the  plea 
that  they  were  held  by  royal  patent, 
upon  the  good  behaviour  of  the  pos- 
sessors, a  condition  which  it  was  alleged 
these  bishops  had  manifestly  not  ful- 
filled. 

Accidental  circumstances  produced 
many  other  vacancies,  so  that,  with  thf 
restoration  of  deprived  bishops,  there 
was  at  this  period  an  alteration  of  six- 
teen out  of  the  bench.  The  number  of 
priests  who  were  now  ejected,  though 
variously  stated  and  perhaps  exagge- 
rated, was  in  all  probability  considera- 
ble. The  whole  proceeding  must  be 
regarded  as  arbitrary,  and  more  tyran- 
nical and  illegal  than  what  had  been 
done  with  regard  to  Bonner  and  Gar- 
diner ;  for  these  married  priests  had 
formed  the  connection  under  the  au- 
thority of  the  law  of  the  land,  and 
without  violating  any  promise  to  the 


'  This  number  is  variously  staled.  Burnet 
makes  it  600;  Holinshed,  400 ;  Stow.  240.  Gar- 
diner is  said  to  have  prearhed  before  the  queen  on 
the  11th.  the  day  before  Lady  Jane's  execuiion, 
and  to  have  urged  her  not  to  show  mercy. 
Strype's  Ecc.  Mem.  v.  140,  145. 


contrary  made  at  ordination  ;  since  it 
appears  that  the  oath  used  in  England, 
in  that  service,  was  conceived  in  such 
terms  as  did  not  interfere  with  the 
chastity  of  the  marriage-bed  ;  yet  when 
the  new  act  abrogated  the  previous 
concession,  the  alternative  of  compli- 
ance was  not  offered,  but  they  were  at 
once  deprived  of  their  preferments : 
many  indeed  were  subsequently  admit- 
ted to  other  benefices  ;  but  this,  though 
it  diminished  the  hardship,  did  not  ob- 
viate the  evils  inseparable  from  con- 
siderable changes and  the  rapidity 
with  which  this  was  effected  unsettled 
the  minds  of  the  people  in  general  as 
to  the  distinctions  of  right  and  wrong ; 
an  observation  which  applies  to  the 
whole  of  the  present  alterations  in 
religion. 

§  361.  Every  one  had,  during  the 
late  reign,  sworn  to  the  supremacy  of 
the  king.  When,  therefore,  they  now 
found  themselves  obliged  to  renounce 
this  oath,  and  were  absolved  from  it, 
they,  learnt  to  despise  the  sanctity  of 
promises ;  and  the  clergy,  who  should 
have  been  the  firmest  in  the  observance 
of  so  sacred  a  bond,  were  the  first  to 
take  advantage  of  anj*  means  by  which 
they  might  escape  from  it :  and,  in 
order  to  conceal  the  baseness  of  their 
conduct,  introduced  abundance  of  hy- 
pocrisy, frequently  adapting  their  pro- 
fessions to  the  sentiments  of  the  indi- 
viduals whose  approbation  they  sought. 
But  the  council  confined  not  itself  to 
these  less  conspicuous  victims ;  and 
steps  were  taken  to  prepare  the  way 
for  more  important  proceedings.  A 
public  disputation  was  held  at  Oxford 
on  April  16,  in  which,  on  three  suc- 
cessive days,  Cranmer,  Ridley,  and 
Latimer  were  exposed  to  the  argu- 
ments and  insults  of  certain  opponents, 
who  were  armed  with  full  authority 
from  convocation,  and  backed  by  the 
applauding  clamours  of  the  ignorant 
and  prejudiced  clergy and  in  their 
conduct  on  this  occasion  these  martyrs 
perhaps  showed  as  much  patient  en- 

'  Strype's  Cranmer,  III.  ix.  476. 

8  The  previous  s'ep.a  taken  by  Gardiner,  at 
Magdalen  College.  (Fuller,  viii.  p.  7.)  may  enable 
us  to  account  in  some  measure  for  the  little  favour 
which  was  extended  to  these  eminent  martyrs  by 
members  of  the  university.  All  the  friends  of  the 
Reformation  had  probably  been  driven  avcay 
(Strype's  Ecc.  Mem.  v.  81.) 


Chap.  VII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


HI 


durance,  .as  in  the  torments  to  which 
they  were  subsequently  exposed  ;  for 
it  may  fairly  be  questioned  whether  the 
overbearing  dogmatism  of  such  a  tri- 
bunal were  not  more  difficult  to  be  en- 
countered with  Christian  meekness 
than  any  bodily  pains  which  could  be 
inflicted,  and  wliich  were  to  be  borne 
as  inevitable  sufferings  in  a  righteous 
cause. 

§  8(52.  To  enter  into  the  details  of 
such  a  transaction  would  exceed  the 
limits  of  this  work,  and  the  force  of  the 
whole  would  be  lost  by  such  abridg- 
ment as  would  be  necessary.  They 
may  be  found  at  length  in  Fox,  from 
whence  they  are  copied  into  Words- 
worth's Ecclesiastical  Biography :  suf- 
fice it  to  say,  that  the  triumph  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  party  was,  as  might 
have  been  anticipated,  complete,  and 
that  the  three  prisoners,  when  con- 
demned by  their  earthly  judges,  ap- 
pealed to  the  righteous  decision  of  the 
tribunal  of  heaven  ;  upon  which  Wes- 
ton declared  that,  if  they  went  to  heaven, 
he  was  persuaded  that  he  should  never 
come  there.  The  treatment  which  had 
been  experienced  by  the  bishops  at 
Oxford  induced  the  prisoners  in  Lon- 
don to  decline  any  public  disputations. 
In  this  they  were  probably  wrong  ;  for 
however  little  fairness'  they  could  ex- 
pect, still  the  example  and  effect  of 
bearing  patiently,  for  the  cause  of 
truth,  insults,  as  well  as  death,  must 
always  prove  the  sincerity  of  that  faith 
on  which  their  reliance  was  placed.  In 
order  that  their  real  belief  might  be 
known,  the  reformers  who  were  in 
prison  published  a  confession  of  faith 
consisting  of  eight  articles,^  in  which 
they  declared  that  they  received  the 
Scriptures  as  the  word  of  God,  that 
they  admitted  the  Catholic  creeds  of 
the  four  first  centuries,  believed  in  jus- 
tification by  faith,  and  rejected  the  use 
of  the  Latin  tongue  in  the  church  ser- 
vice, the  invocation  of  saints,  purgatory, 
the  mutilation  of  the  Lord's  Supper, 
transubstantiation,  and  the  adoration  of 
the  elements,  and  asserted  the  lawful- 

'  One  of  tho  stronsjRst  evidenres  ai^ainst  the 
sincerity  of  ilie  opponents  to  the  Protestant  dispu- 
tants is,  ill  It  they  deprived  the  champions  of  the 
reformers  of  all  books,  or  the  means  of  preparins; 
themselves  hy  writing  or  study.  (Protestatio 
Ridleii,  5;i,  55.    Ench.  Theol.) 

«  Strype's  Ecc.  Mem.  vi.  224,  No.  17. 


ness  of  marriage  to  every  order  of  men : 
on  these  points  tney  offered  to  dispute, 
if  called  on  by  proper  authority. 

§  The  marriage  of  the  queen, 

though  it  produced  a  short  calm  for 
those  who  had  offended  against  the  civil 
power,  does  not  appear  to  have  ob- 
tained the  same  favour  for  any  who 
were  persecuted  for  religion ;  and  Phi- 
lip, though  he  probably  saved  the  life 
of  Elizabeth  from  the  suspicious  seve- 
rity of  her  sister,  and  obtained  the  par- 
don of  several  who  were  condemned, 
procured  for  himself  Ihtle  kindness  from 
the  English,  who  were  justly  offended 
at  the  proceedings  of  the  court,  the 
changes  which  were  daily  making  in 
religion,  and  the  political  and  personal 
connection  into  which  the  queen  had 
herself  entered.  These  feelings  were 
not  at  all  diininished  by  the  vindictive 
spirit  with  which  Mary  punished  those 
who  had  spread  malicious  reports  con- 
cerning herself ;  nor  did  the  violent 
conduct  of  Bonner,  during  his  visita- 
tion, tend  to  diminish  the  general  indig- 
nation and  disgust  of  the  nation.  The 
Protestants  vented  their  ill-humour  in 
deriding  and  ridiculing  the  superstitions 
of  the  Romish  church ;  the  Roman 
Catholics  exerted  themselves  in  esta- 
blishing the  most  objectionable  parts 
of  their  rites,  regardless  of  the  feelings 
of  men  who  were  already  exasperated, 
and  every  step  served  but  to  add  viru- 
lence to  the  persecutions  which  soon 
began  to  be  exercised. 

§  :i(54.  The  autumn  was  chiefly  occu- 
pied by  the  steps  towards  a  reconcilia- 
tion with  the  church  of  Rome.  One  of 
the  first  acts  of  the  parliament  which  was 
assembled  in  November  was  to  repeal 
the  attainder  of  Cardinal  Pole,  who  in 
the  mean  time  had  been  allowed  to 
proceed  to  England  ;  and  within  a  few 
days  after  his  arrival  the  nation  was 
absolved  upon  the  request  of  the  two 
Houses,  and  once  more  received  into 
the  bosom  of  the  papal  church ;  the 
acts  which  had  of  late  years  passed 
against  the  authority  and  jurisdiction 
of  the  papacy  were  repealed  ;  and 
every  thing  but  the  church  lands  re- 
stored to  their  former  condition.  The 
convocation  had  made  a  petition  that 
this  point  might  not  be  pressed,  con- 
vinced that  the  spoilers  would  never 
surrender  their  prey,  and,  to  use  their 


il3 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VII. 


own  words,  preferring^  the  salvation  of 
souls  to  their  own  private  interests.  But 
the  answer  of  the  cardinal  excite^i  the 
most  lively  fears  among  the  "detain- 
ers" of  ecclesiastical  lands,  by  inveigh- 
ing strongly  against  such  sacrilege,' 
while  from  necessity  he  sanctioned  the 
adoption  of  the  law.  As  an  intermedi- 
ate step,  the  Statute  of  Mortmain  was 
repealed  for  twenty  years,  so  that  the 
church  was  enabled  to  receive  the  do- 
nations which  the  fears  or  piety  of  the 
nation  might  be  induced  to  bestow  upon 
it.  But  the  bull  published  by  Paul  IV. 
in  the  next  year,  which  virtually  an- 
nulled all  these  acts  of  the  legate,  proved 
how  little  faith  can  be  placed  in  the 
promises  of  a  power  which  arrogates 
to  itself  the  right  of  absolving  the  sa- 
cred tie  which  is  established  by  an  oath. 
This  parliament  had  in  all  probability 
been  greatly  bribed,  so  that  little  oppo- 
sition was  made  to  the  wishes  of  the 
queen  and  clergy  ;  and  Gardiner,  what- 
ever may  be  our  opinion  of  him  as  a 
man,  showed  considerable  talents  as 
a  politician.  The  severe  acts  against 
heresy  were  renewed,  and  others  passed, 
which  tended  to  strengthen  the  hands  in 
which  the  administration  of  affairs  was 
placed. 

§  36.5.  (a.  d.  15.55.)  Before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  terrible  persecution 
with  which  this  year  was  disgraced,  a 
question  was  agitated,  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  the  government  should  pro- 
ceed against  heretics :  nor  should  it 
ever  be  forgotten,  that  the  side  of  rea- 
son and  mercy  found  its  advocate  in 
Cardinal  Pole.  Gardiner,  whose  opi- 
nions were  at  variance  with  these  milder 
plans,  had  suffered  much  under  the  reign 
of  Edward,  and  his  politic  mind  showed 
him  that  nothing  short  of  the  severest 
measures  could  then  have  reduced  the 
nation  to  its  former  dependence  on  the 
authority  of  the  pope  :  add  to  which, 
that  there  existed  a  strong  feeling  of 
personal  antipathy  between  the  chan- 
cellor and  those  who  were  now  subject- 
ed to  his  power ;  and  these  evil  passions 
were  strong]^'  excited  by  the  republica- 
tion at  Strasburg  of  his  own  book,  in 
which  he  had  advocated  the  cause  of  the 


•  He  bade  ihpm  consider  'he  judgments  of  God. 
■which  fell  on  Bebhazzar.  for  hi?  profanely  using 
tbo  holy  vessels,  ihouch  ihey  had  not  been  taken 
away  by  himself,  but  by  his  father. 


divorce,  and  heaped  many  reproachful 
expressions  on  the  mother  of  the  queen ; 
a  very  delicate  piece  of  vengeance,  of 
which  he  could  not  but  be  very  sensible. 

The  feast  of  reconciliation  with  the 
church  of  Rome,  which  was  established 
by  the  cardinal,  (Jan.  25,)  was  followed 
by  the  persecution  of  men  whose  only 
crime  consisted  in  their  refusing  to  sub- 
scribe to  doctrines  which  they  had  pre- 
viously rejected,  and  from  which  they 
had  been  zealously  trying  to  turn  away 
their  brethren.  In  order  to  give  effect 
to  this  step,  and  that  the  state  of  the  re- 
formed part  of  the  population  might  be 
correctly  ascertained,  it  was  ordered,  in 
the  instructions  given  by  Cardinal  Pole, 
that  books  should  be  kept  by  the  bishops 
and  their  officials,  in  which  the  names 
of  those  who  had  been  reconciled  to 
the  church  of  Rome  might  be  inserted, 
and  that  processes  might  be  instituted 
against  the  rest ;-  a  measure  which,  had 
it  been  carried  into  effect  with  any  ac- 
tivity, must  have  constituted  an  inquisi- 
tion the  most  formidable  that  was  ever 
established,  inasmuch  as  the  previous 
state  of  the  kingdom  had  induced  men 
to  declare  their  real  sentiments,  and  to 
throw  aside  that  caution  which  is  the  only 
safeguard  against  inquisitorial  tyranny. 

§  366.  It  will  be  useless  to  record 
more  than  the  names  of  the  chief  re- 
formers who  perished  in  the  flames, 
(some  particulars  shall  be  added  in 
Appendix  F,)  for  records  of  this  de- 
scription lose  their  whole  force  and 
beauty  by  being  abridged  ;  and  if  they 
are  to  benefit  us  by  their  perusal,  they 
must  be  examined  in  all  the  details  of 
I  the  original  historians.     Rogers  was 
!  burnt  in  Smithfield,  Hooper  at  Glouces- 
J  ter,  Saunders  at  Coventry,  and  Taylor 
at  Hadley.    Gardiner  was  disappointed 
with  the  effect  of  these  executions;  for 
judging  of  the  influence  of  fear  from 
himself,  he  had  miscalculated  on  the 
j  power  of  terror  in  the  cause  of  reliofion. 
I  Nothing  but  extreme  severity  could  pos- 
I  sibly  have  put  down  the  flame  which 
was  now  kindled  ;  hut  the  public  exhi- 
bition of  those  who  so  patiently  suffered, 
animated  others  to  the  struggle,  and  led 
the  friends  of  the  papacy  to  mistrust  the 
'  doctrines  of  a  church  which  used  for  its 
support  means  so  diabolical. 

i  2  Strype's  Crairr.er,  4'J8. 


Chap.  VII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


113 


The  general  feeling  of  disgust  which 
was  excited  by  these  severities,'  was 
fostered  by  a  book  in  the  form  of  a 
petition  against  persecution,  published 
abroad,  and  sent  over  into  this  country 
by  the  reformers  ;  und  though  the  king- 
disclaimed  any  share  in  these  proceed- 
jngs,  and  Alphonsus,'^  a  Spanish  friar, 
ventured  to  preach  against  them  before 
the  court,  j'et  no  effectual  stop  was  put 
to  them,  and  they  were  carried  on 
ihroughout  the  whole  year ;  during 
which,  four  bishops,  thirteen  priests, 
and  fifty  others,  suffered  at  the  stake. 
The  disappointment  with  regard  to 
Mary's  expected  delivery^  did  not  tend 
to  lessen  the  number  of  these  execu- 
tions ;  for  it  is  reported  that  she  had 
conceived  an  idea  that  she  should  never 
be  brought  to  bed  till  all  the  heretics 
in  prison  were  burnt.  Their  deaths, 
however,  did  not  procure  for  her  the 
relief  for  which  she  looked  ;  and  before 
the  end  of  the  year  Philip  began  to  neg- 
lect her,  having  given  up  all  hopes  of 
a  family,  the  only  circumstance  which 
could  have  procured  for  him  an  influ- 
ence in  the  country,  and  fulfilled  the 
ambitious  views  with  which  he  had 
formed  the  connexion. 

§  'Mil.  The  steps  which  were  taken 
to  detect  and  convict  heretics  had  gone 
very  near  the  establishment  of  an  in- 
cjuisition;  for  the  justices  of  the  peace 
were  directed  to  look  out  some  well- 
affected  persons  in  every  parish,  who 
might  give  secret  information  concern- 
ing their  neighbours;  and  the  lieute- 
nant of  the  Tower  was  ordered  to  allow 
the  use  of  torture  for  the  discovery  of 
the  truth ;  and  though  these  instru- 
ments were  probably  applied  to  the 
detection  of  civil  as  well  as  ecclesiasti- 
cal offences,  yet  where,  under  a  govern- 
ment so  earnest  in  the  interests  of  the 
church,  their  introduction  had  been 
sanctioned,  little  could  be  wanting  but 
the  organization  of  a  chamber  of  in- 
quisitors. The  numerous  letters  of  di- 
rections and  thanks  for  attending  the 


'  Strype's  Ann.  i.  2f)l. 

'  As  ilu;  subsequent  conduct  of  Pliilip,  and  the 
genornl  cliaracter  of  Alphonsu^  He  Ciisiro,  (?ep. 
White's  F^videnee  against  Catholicism,  note  G, 
p.  2f>\,  2d  edit  )  prevent  us  from  attributing  this 
measure  to  Christian  charity,  their  opinion  with 
regard  tollie  impohcy  of  these  severities  is  at  least 
strontrly  marked.    Strype's  Ece.  A'lem.  v.  333. 

'liurnet,  vol.  iii.  174.  tol.  41'J,  Svo. 
15 


execution  of  heretics,  which  were  ad- 
dressed to  the  gentry,  prove  that  the 
civil  power,  when  it  became  the  hand- 
maid of  superstitious  intolerance,  stood 
in  need  of  every  support,  lest  the  unre- 
strained feelings  of  the  common  people 
should  have  tempted  them  to  commit 
acts  of  violence  against  a  government 
which  was  turning  the  power  inlru.sted 
to  it  for  the  preservation  of  its  siibjects 
to  their  destruction,  both  of  body  and 
soul.  The  prisons  were  filled  with  the 
friends  of  the  Relbrmation,  numbers  of 
whom  were  found  ready  to  undergo  any 
sufferings  in  the  cause  on  which  their 
hopes  were  fixed.*  Many  fled  beyond 
sea,  and  many  more  temporized  with 
the  civil  authority,  by  publicly  attend- 
ing mass,  or  entirely  renouncing  their 
faith. 

But  the  apostasy  of  these  members  is 
not  more  painful  than  the  disputes  by 
which  these  persecuted  believers  added 
to  their  own  sufferings.  They  quar- 
relled on  the  subject  of  freewill  and 
predestination;^  and  in  the  discussion, 
unfortunately,  some  of  them  fell  into 
Pelagianism  :  nor  was  the  evil  confined 
to  this  country,"  but  arose  also  among 
the  English  who  were  scattered  on  the 
Continent,  and  broke  out  with  disgrace- 
ful warmth  at   Frankfort'  and  other 


^  Strype's  Cranmer,  501,  ii.  III.  xiv. 

5  See  an  account  of  this  dispute  in  a  pamphlet 
published  by  Archbishop  Laurence.  Great  ofienco 
was  taken  at  some  of  the  prisoners  in  the  King's 
Bench,  for  gaming,  (1554,  . 5,)  and  ihey.in  delend- 
ing  themselves,  maintained  strongly  the  doctrines 
of  election  and  reprobation,  niniiing  inio  Aniino- 
mianisni  ;  coinpromiscs  were  niade,  but  no  solid 
reconciliation  was  i  (Tei'led.  Bradlord  wrote  a  trea- 
tise on  predesiination,  v.  hu  h  he  sent  to  ().\(brd,for 
the  approbalion  ut  CianiniT,  Ridley,  and  Latitncr. 
The  bi.shop  of  J/ondon  alone  answered  him,  but 
did  not  approve  of  the  work.  'I'he  conduct  of 
soineof  the  parties  appears  to  have  been  disgrace- 
ful. Au! hemic  Documents  relative  to  the  Pre- 
destinarian  Controversy.  8vo.  O.\lord,  1819. 
^  .Strype's  Cranmer,  507,  ii.  III.  xv. 
'  There  is  a  full  but  prcjadiced  account  of  the 
troubles  at  Frankfort,  printed  1575;  it  was  re- 
printed in  1612,  and  is  contained  in  the  rhoenix, 
vol.  ii.  Fuller  gives  a  large  abstract  of  it.  viii. 
p.  25,  &c.  It  is  highly  favourable  to  the  non- 
conforming party,  (ir.'jl)  The  magistrates  of 
Frankfort  had  granK  d  llm  use  of  n  church  to 
some  r,i;gli,-li  fngiiivcs,  |ni iviilrd  ilu-v  would  com- 
ply willi  a  Frciicli  iMuigrcgiiim:,  wln.  h  had  fled 
there  from  (Jlaslonl.ury.  Tiicsc  pcrsfjns  altered 
some  portion  of  the  Common  Prayer,  to  adapt  the 
service  to  that  of  the  other  church,  tirid  inviied  the 
English  fugitives  to  come  and  join  them  :  this, 
however,  was  refused  by  many,  (e.  g.  the  chtirches 
at  iStras!)urg  and  Zurick,)  in  consequence  of  the 
I  alteration  oi  the  Common  Prayer.  This  dispute 
K  2 


114 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CoAP.  vn. 


places.  Great  objections  were  raised 
against  the  Common  Prayer  Book'  and 
the  Communion  Service,  and  in  this 
part  of  the  quarrel  Knox  rendered  him- 
self conspicuous. 

§  3(58.  Pole  had  always  been  averse 
to  violent  persecution,  but  was  unable 
to  show  any  opposition  to  it  sufficiently 
strong  even  to  mitigate  its  severity  ;  for, 
independently  of  the  suspicions  which 
were  entertained  concerning  his  own 
opinions,  Gardiner  had  sent  unfavour- 
able reports  of  his  conduct  to  the  apos- 
tolic chamber.  The  end  of  the  latter 
v»-as  now  drawing  near,  and  served,  but 
too  late,  to  teach  him  the  vanity  of  pur- 
suits unconnected  with  our  duty.  He 
had  seen  the  religion  which  he  upheld 
triumph  over  its  opponents ;  he  had 
himself  been  restored,  and  raised  to 
eminence  and  power;  he  had  beheld 
his  personal  enemies  at  his  feet ;  and 
contributed  probably  to  the  condemna- 
tion of  men  with  whom  he  had  before 
been  connected  as  a  brother  bishop  ; 

coiiiinued  for  some  time  to  distract  the  church,  and 
Knox  and  Wliitiingham,  in  order  to  assist  their 
iMiise,  submiiied  a  platform  of  the  Prayer  Book 
lo  Calvin,  who  animadverted  on  it,  as  containing 
many  points  which  were  childish  and  trifling;  but 
;lieir  account  of  the  book  is  obviously  unfair  ;  and 
("alvin  could  hardly  have  judged  of  the  question 
from  this  imperfect  document.  (He  might,  how- 
ever, have  seen  the  book  before  this  time,  though 
the  sending  the  platform  seems  to  imply  the  con- 
trary.) A  part  of  the  Geneva  service  was  now  in- 
iroducf  d,  and  in  consequence  of  the  offence  taken 
at  this,  another  form  was  composed  to  be  used  for 
a  time.  In  the  mean  season  Cox  came  lo  Frank- 
fort, and  after  some  difficulty  established  the  use 
ill  the  Common  Prayer.  There  were  probably 
tiiiilts  on  both  sides.  (1557.)  There  was  a  se- 
cond dispute  about  church  discipline.  Mr.  A?h- 
iey  having  been  brought  before  the  ecclesiastical 
;iuiliorities  for  censuring  some  of  the  ministers, 
rejected  their  authority,  as  being  parties  in  the 
dispute.  The  congregation  generally  took  his 
part,  and  attempted  to  frame  new  laws  for  disci- 
pline. Robert  Ilorne,  dean  of  Durham,  and  after- 
wards bishop  of  Winchester,  was  then  pastor,  and 
after  fruitless  attempts  at  reconciliation  on  both 
sides,  he  ultimately  quitted  the  place. 

This  church  was,  in  its  constitution,  under  both 
the  old  and  new  discipline,  perfectly  "indepen- 
dent." It  consisted  of  a  pastor,  assistant  elders, 
who  performed  in  turn  the  clerical  duties,  and 
deacons.  They  laid  down  their  offices  annually, 
and  an  election  took  place,  accompanied  by  impo- 
sition of  hands.  Ordinary  members  were  adinit- 
•ed  into  communion  upon  making  a  declaration 
of  faith,  and  subscribing  to  the  form  of  discipline; 
and  questions,  if  any  objections  were  raised  against 
the  ministers,  were  ultimately  referred  to  the  con- 
gregation. (Phccnix,  ii.  125.  &c.)  In  the  details 
of  the  discipline  of  this  church,  we  may  sec  the 
platform  of  what  was  often  attempted,  and  ulti- 
matelv  established  during  the  usurpation. 

>  St'rype's  Eccl.  Mem,  v.  406,  &c. 


and  having  scarcely  learnt  the  inutility 
of  those  measures  to  which  he  had  been 
instrumental,  he,  too,  was  called  away 
to  answer  before  the  Judge  eternal, 
(Nov.  12.)  He  was  a  shrewd,  clever 
man,  and  probably  much  more  of  a 
politician  than  a  churchman.  The 
treatment  which  he  had  himself  re- 
ceived may  account  for  some  of  his 
virulence,  if  it  cannot  excuse  it :  nor 
does  he  appear  to  have  been  totally  de- 
void of  kindness  towards  Protestants  : 
for  during  his  prosperilj'  he  screened 
Sir  Thomas  Smith  and  R.  Ascham  from 
persecution  and  it  must  never  be  for- 
gotten, that  he  effectually  prevented  this 
country  from  falling  under  the  Spanish 
yoke  at  a  momtnt  wlien  his  personal 
interests  would  have  induced  him  to 
promote  a  connexion  with  that  court.* 
The  circumstance  which  weighs  most 
strongly  against  his  character  is  the  ill 
opinion  which  Cranmer  alwaj-s  enter- 
tained of  him,  and  which  would  hardly 
have  been  the  case  with  one  so  kind- 
hearted  and  forgiving  as  the  archbishop, 
had  he  not  known  him  to  hare  been  a 
bad  man. 

§  369.  In  the  earlier  part  of  the  sum- 
mer, the  queen  had  been  engaged  in 
rebuilding  the  convent  of  Franciscans 
at  Greenwich;  and  for  the  purpose  of 
endowing  as  many  religious  houses  as 
she  could,  gave  up  all  the  church  lands 
vested  in  the  crown,  and  in  the  end  of 
the  year  discharged  the  clerg}'  from  the 
payment  of  first-fruits  and  tenths  ;  anx- 
ious, no  doubt,  that  the  church  should 
be  provided  for  in  temporalities,  as  well 
as  reformed  in  its  discipline  :  for  in  the 
convocation  which  was  held  by  Cardi- 
nal Pole,  (November  2d.)  many  con- 
stitutions were  made,  highly  beneficial 
to  the  ecclesiastical  body,  in  preventing 
abuses  and  reforming  its  members,  and 
which,  had  they  been  carried  Into  full 
execution,  must  have  gone  far  to  esta- 
blish the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  for 
a  time  at  least,  on  a  firm  basis.  For 
errors  and  faults  in  practice  are  so 
much  more  obvious  to  mankind  in 
general  than  anj"  other  species  of  evil, 
that  whenever  strict  clerical  duty  is  ob- 
served, the  mass  of  the  people  will  be 
little  likely  to  examine,  with  any  seve- 
rity, the  tenets  of  their  instructors,  and 


2  Strvpe's  Lile  of  Smith,  4S,  50. 
'  Burnet,  li.  208. 


Chap.  VII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


m 


will  take  for  granted  the  soundness  of 
the  speculative  opinions  of  men  who 
live  with  propriety.  Nor  were  the 
plans  of  reformation  adopted  by  the 
cardinal  confined  to  mere  discipline, 
for  he  purposed  to  have  reformed  the 
Necessary  Doctrine  and  Erudition  of 
any  Christian  Man/  and  to  have  pub- 
lished it,  as  well  as  a  translation  of  the 
New  Testament,  and  to  have  established 
cathedral  schools. 

§  370.  (a.  d.  1558.)  One  of  the  ear- 
liest acts  of  this  year  was  the  degrada- 
tion and  burning  of  Cranraer.  He  had 
been  condemned  on  the  12th  of  Sep- 
tember preceding,  and  afterwards  sum- 
moned to  appear  before  the  pope  while 
he  was  detained  a  prisoner  in  Oxford  ; 
and  when  a  sufficient  period  had  elapsed 
to  procure  an  answer  from  this  fictitious 
tribunal,  where  his  condemnation  took 
place  in  consequence  of  his  supposed 
contumacious  absence,  he  was  publicly 
degraded  by  Bonner  and  Thirlby,  the 
former  of  whom  added  the  bitterness  of 
personal  malice  and  reproachful  words 
to  an  office  in  itself  sufficiently  distress- 
ing. It  was  indeed  peculiarly  embarrass- 
ing to  Thirlby,  who  had  always  retained 
for  the  archbishop  that  love  and  reve- 
rence which  a  long  acquaintance  with 
his  virtues  had  justly  procured  him  : 
but  the  power  of  inflicting  such  wounds 
gratified  the  bishop  of  London,  that  most 
low  of  persecutors.  The  fall  of  which 
this  good  man  was  subsequently  guilty, 
in  signing  the  recantation,  takes  off  from 

'  This  was  done  by  Bonner.  The  tiile  of  iho 
work  is,  A  Profiiable  and  Necessary  Doctrine, 
with  certain  Homilies  adjoined  thereto,  set  iortli 
by  the  Rev.  Father  in  God  Edmonde  hi.^hop  ot 
London,  &c.  &c.  for  the  diocese  of  London.  l.'iS.'i. 

The  first  part  is  the  sanr\e  work  as  the  Erudi- 
tion, mutatis  mutandis:  e.  g.  the  article  on  con- 
firmation is  changed  ;  it  hiys  greater  stress  on  the 
necessity  of  being  confirmed.  In  the  explanation 
of  the  Creed,  all  which  opposes  tlie  papal  supre- 
macy is  left  out,  and  that  doctrine  distinctly  stated. 
In  the  .Sacrament  of  the  Altar,  the  doctrine  of  the 
real  presence  and  transubstantiation  is  taught ;  biit. 
the  Ten  Coinmandnienis  are  s'ill  divided  in  the 
Protestant  manner.  'I'ho  volume  ne.Yt  contains 
injunctions  sent  to  his  clergy.  Then  follow  thir- 
teen homilies,  said  to  be  done  by  the  bishop  and 
his  chaplains;  but  one  or  two  of  them  agree  al- 
most entirely  with  those  published  by  Cranmer; 
the  names  of  Harpsfield  and  Pendleton  are  affi.xed 
10  some  of  them.  There  was  another  set  of  homi- 
-ies  published  by  Bonner  in  1.5.58,  in  number  thir- 
ty, which  arc  totally  different  from  these,  applying 
peculiarly  to  the  sacraments  and  the  doctrines  of 
the  church  of  Rome;  they  are  sotnclimes  bound 
up,  instead  of  the  former,  with  the  copies  of  the 
Profitable  and  Necessary  Doctrine. 


the  whole  of  the  glorious  dignity  with 
which  the  closing  scene  of  the  other 
martyrs  was  enlightened  ;  but  it  cannot 
but  afford  a  useful  and  consolatory  les- 
son to  the  Christian  of  the  present  day. 
If  one  so  gifted  as  Cranmer  was  inade- 
quate to  withstand  the  influence  of  kind- 
ness and  attention  when  used  to  mislead 
him,  though  he  had  been  before  able  to 
view  with  tranquillity  the  prospects  of 
death ;  how  careful  should  we  be  against 
the  temptations  of  prosperity  !  If  one 
who  had  so  fallen  was  subsequently  en- 
abled to  meet  death  with  such  pious  re- 
signation and  firmness,  what  confidence 
may  we  place  in  the  grace  of  God,  whose 
strength  is  perfected  in  weakness  !  The 
condemnation  of  this  good  man  to  the 
flames,  notwithstanding  his  recantation, 
was  to  hitn  a  most  fortunate  occurrence ; 
for  it  brought  him  back  to  that  Christian 
condition  which  his  concession  had  lost; 
but  it  is  peculiarly  unfavourable  to  the 
character  of  Mary ;  for  with  whatever 
view  we  examine  it,  we  can  hardly  help 
suspecting  that  a  vindictive  spirit  was 
exercised,  even  if  she  be  acquitted  of 
any  personal  animosity  against  one  who 
had  played  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  the 
divorce  of  her  mother.  Cranmer  ex- 
hibited most  decidedly  the  influence  of 
religion  on  a  mind  naturally  sensible 
and  strong.  There  was  little  brilliant  in 
his  talents,  or  commanding  in  his  under- 
standing,^ yet  the  sound  sense  which  he 
possessed  made  him  produce  more  effect 
in  the  Reformation  in  this  country  than 
any  other  person.  Much  of  this,  during 
the  reign  of  Edward,  was  owing  to  the 
situation  which  he  filled ;  but  few  others, 
unless  they  had  possessed  his  judgment, 
his  Christian  feelings,  and  simplicity, 
would  have  been  able  to  weather  the 
storms  to  which  his  bark  was  exposed 
during  the  tumultuous  period  of  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII. ^  To  him  we 
chiefly  owe  the  Articles  of  our  church. 


^  Dr.  Laurence  (archbishop  of  Cashel)  gives 
much  higher  commendations  to  the  talents  of 
Cranmer.  and  even  prefers  him  to  Ridley;  the 
opinion  expressed  in  the  text  is  taken  from  Bur- 
net.   Bampton  Lect.  p.  205,  (H,  12,  13.) 

^  Fuller's  view  of  this  part  of  his  history  is  far 
less  favourable,  (p.  371.)  Cranmer  "  had  done  no 
ill,  and  privately  many  good  offices  for  the  Pro- 
testants, yet  fiis  cowardly  compliance  hilherty 
with  popery,  against  his  conscience,  cannot  be  ex 
cused  ;  serving  the  times  present  in  his  practice, 
and  waiting  on  a  future  alteration  in  his  hopes  and 
desires." 


116 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  VH, 


the  first  book  of  Homilies,  as  Avell  as 
much  of  the  compilation  of  the  Com- 
mon Prayer.  To  him  we  owe  one  of 
the  brightest  examples  of  a  primitive 
and  apostolic  bishop  ;  and  if  in  his  early 
days  we  cannot  admire  the  zeal  with 
which  he  advocated  the  divorce,  if  in 
his  latter  end  we  deplore  his  fall,'  let 
us  remember  that  he  was  but  a  human 
being  like  ourselves,  and  that  the  bless- 
ings of  which  he  was  the  instrument, 
all  proceed  from  a  heavenly  Source,  to 
which  our  gratitude  is  chiefly  due. 

§  ;}71.  These  victims,  however,  did 
not  satisfy  the  friends  of  religious  in- 
tolerance, for  the  fires  of  persecution 
were  lighted  throughout  the  country, 
and  the  persons  who  suffered  in  them 
were  chiefly  taken  from  the  lower  ranks 
of  life.  Neither  age  nor  infirmity, 
ignorance  or  learning,  could  free  those 
who  refused  to  submit  to  the  dogmati- 
cal dicta  of  a  corrupted  church  from 
the  most  cruel  of  deaths.  During  the 
year,  eighty-five  persons  of  different 
descriptions  were  burnt,  and  by  their 
constancy  animated  their  brethren  to 
be  equally  firm  in  the  same  cause. 
Notwithstanding  the  danger,  ministers 
were  everywhere  found  to  instruct  their 
flocks,  and  ready  to  expose  themselvt  s 
to  death  for  their  religious  opinions. 
Nay,  the  very  terrors  of  persecution 
most  strongly  pleaded  in  favour  of  a 
faith  which  could  enable  men  to  endure 
them  patiently ;  and  the  government 
was  at  last  obliged  to  prevent  the  peo- 
ple from  expressing  any  signs  of  appro- 
bation towards  the  martyrs,  and  to  order 
housekeepers  to  keep  away  their  ap- 
prentices from  a  sight  which  might  urge 
them  to  violence  against  the  execution- 
ers, or  admiration  of  the  victims.  The 
country  was  supplied  with  books  and 
religious  tracts  from  the  reformers  who 
were  beyond  sea,  and  out  of  the  reach 
of  personal  risk,  but  to  whose  spiritual 
welfare  the  calm  which  they  enjoyed 
was  far  more  dangerous  than  the  storm 
which  was  raging  in  England  ;  for  in- 
stead of  passing  their  time  in  mortifica- 


'  The  six  confessions  or  recantations  mnde  by 
Cranmer  are  curious  in  pointing  out  ilip  imper- 
ceptible steps  by  which  he  was  led  on  from  one 
point  to  another,  till  he  gave  up  and  renounced 
almost  all  that  he  had  ever  taught,  and  asscnied 
directly  to  the  errors  of  the  church  of  Rome.  Five, 
of  these  are  in  Sirype's  Ecc.  Mem.  v.  392,  &c., 
the  other  in  Fox,  iii.  559. 


tion  and  prayer,  to  Avhieh  the  sufferings 
of  the  reformed  at  home  might  surely 
have  directed  them,  they  commenced 
those  disputes  about  the  liturgy  and 
ceremonies,  which  have  ended  in  di- 
viding the  Protestant  church,  and  hum- 
bling us  in  the  sight  of  our  opponents.^ 

§  ;J72.  Cardinal  Pole  was  now  raised 
to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Canterbury, 
to  which  his  consecration  took  place 
the  day  after  the  martyrdom  of  Cran- 
mer;  for  it  seems  that  he  had  some 
scruples  about  entering  into  the  bishop- 
ric during  the  life  of  its  former  occupier. 
His  pall  and  bull  of  consecration  had 
long  been  in  England  ;  for  though  the 
pope  bore  no  good-will  towards  him, 
which  indeed  he  soon  manifested,  yet 
he  had  now  no  grounds  for  refusing  a 
favour  which  the  queen  so  earnestly 
desired  ;  since  she  on  her  part  was  ex- 
erting herself  in  promoting  the  tempo- 
ral interests  of  the  church.  She  re- 
established several  religious  houses, 
particularly  those  which  had  suffered 
for  their  adherence  to  her  mother;  con- 
verted the  chapter  at  Westminster  intc 
a  monastic  foundation  ;  and  took  every 
means  to  destroy  the  documents  of  the 
former  reign,  which  either  favoured  the 
Reformation  or  cast  disgrace  on  he? 
present  coadjutors,  by  testifying  their 
former  compliance  ;  an  act  which  in 
itself  is  hardly  justifiable,  and  which 
has  had  the  effect  of  obscuring  the  his- 
tory of  the  period,  and  leaving  on  the 
minds  of  those  who  study  an  inqires- 
sion  as  injurious  to  the  cause  which  it 
was  meant  to  benefit,  as  any  positive 
testimony  could  have  aflR>rded. 

§  :i7;3.  (a.  D.  1557.)  The  next  year 
commenced  with  the  visitation  of  the 
two  universities,  in  which  the  commis- 
sioners seem  to  have  reformed  such 
real  abuses  as  they  met  ivith  ;  though 
one  of  their  chief  emi^loymeiits  was  to 
dig  up  the  bones  of  Bucer  nnd  Fagius 
at  Cambridge,  which  were  burnt  on 
account  of  the  heresy  of  their  former 
owners  ;  and  those  of  the  wife  of  Peter 
Martyr  at  Oxford,  which  were  buried 
in  a  dung-heap,  because  she  had  died 
excommunicated.  This  absurd  bniium 
fiilmen  was  but  the  prelude  to  more 
serious  persecutions,  which  were  car- 
ried on  Avilh  unabated  vigour  over  tho 


2  See  §  367, 


Chap.  VII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


117 


king-dom.  The  sufferers  amounted  in 
this  year  to  seventy-nine,  which  num- 
ber was  probably  increased  by  a  com- 
mission given  to  Bonner  and  twenty 
others  for  the  discovery  of  heresy  and  the 
punishment  of  certain  offences,  in  which 
they  were  invested  with  all  the  author- 
ity which  the  infliction  of  fine  and  impri- 
sonment could  afford  them.  This,  though 
far  different  from  the  establishment 
of  the  inquisition,  was  a  very  important 
step  towards  its  introduction.  In  all 
these  transactions,  the  cardinal  was  pro- 
bably not  guilty  of  any  of  the  severest 
or  most  cruel  measures.  He  seems  to 
have  tried,  in  a  quiet  manner,  to  check 
the  vehemence  of  the  bishop  of  Lon- 
don ;  but  he  possessed  neither  firmness 
of  cliaracter  nor  influence  sufficient  to 
arrest  these  tyrannical  proceedings  :  he 
had  indeed  dismissed  several  persons 
on  very  equivocal  submission;  but  by 
so  doing  exposed  himself  to  the  malice 
of  the  popc!,  which  broke  out  on  the 
following  occasion. 

§  371.  Paul  IV.  had  persuaded  Hen- 
ry II.  of  France  to  break  the  truce 
with  Spain,  contrary  to  all  good  faith  ; 
and  when,  after  the  battle  of  St.  Q.uin- 
tin,  in  which  the  English  had  assisted 
the  forces  of  Philip,  the  pope  found 
himself  exposed  to  the  power  of  the 
Spaniards  by  the  removal  of  the  army 
of  the  duke  of  Guise  from  Italy,  he 
vented  his  rage  on  Pole,  for  not  having: 
prevented  this  step  of  the  English  cabi- 
net, withdrew  his  legantine  powers, 
and  summoned  him  to  Rome  to  answer 
the  charges  which  were  brought  against 
him  of  favouring  heresy.  Peto,  the 
queen's  confessor,  was  invested  with 
the  authority  of  which  the  archbishop 
was  deprived ;  but  Mary,  justly  offended 
at  these  hasty  decisions,  refused  to  ad- 
mit him  into  the  kingdom.  These 
disturbances,  however,  were  quickly 
brought  to  a  conclusion,  for  the  advance 
of  the  duke  of  Alva  on  Rome  reduced 
the  pope  to  the  necessity  of  a  peace, 
one  of  the  secret  articles  of  which  was 
the  restoration  of  Pole. 

(a.  d.  155H.)  The  loss  of  Calais  and 
Guisnes,  which  seems  to  have  been 
chiefly  owing  to  the  defective  manner 
in  which  they  were  supplied,  brought 
the  dissatisfaction  of  the  English  na- ; 
tion  to  its  summit;  nor  did  the  difficul- 
ties, chiefly  financial,  with  which  the  I 


council  were  surrounded,  suffer  them 
to  adopt  a  rapid  attack  on  the  former 
fortress,  a  step  strenuously  recom- 
mended by  the  king.  A  parliament 
was  now  assembled,  and  relieved  them 
from  a  part  of  their  difficulties  by  a 
grant  of  money,  which  came  too  late 
to  retrieve  the  errors  that  had  been 
committed,  and  on  the  prorogation  of  it 
the  bishops  renewed  their  persecutions. 
Thirty-nine  suffered  this  year,  making 
the  total  of  the  victims  during  this  reign 
amount  to  two  hundred  and  seventy. 
Some  authors'  give  a  much  larger 
number ;  but  humanity  shudders  at 
this  ;  and  in  a  proclamation  now  put 
forth,  the  people  are  forbidden  even  to 
pray  for  the  sufferers,  a  step  in  perse- 
cution much  more  unchristian  than 
could  have  been  conceived,  had  not 
experience  taught  us  how  far  tlie  evil 
passions  may  carry  human  beings, 
when  unrestrained  by  a  sense  of  reli- 
gion. Bonner  himself  seems  to  have 
been  glutted  with  murder,  and  to  have 
confined  his  exertions  to  the  pcrs'onal 
castigation  of  his  ill-fated  prisoners. 

§  375.  At  length,  however,  it  pleased 
Almighty  God  to  put  an  end  to  these 
cruelties  by  the  death  of  Mary,  who, 
after  a  protracted  state  of  declining 
health  and  suffering,  ended  her  inglo- 
rious career  on  the  seventeenth  of  No- 
vember. With  all  her  faults,  she  must 
be  allowed  the  praise  of  sincerity :  for 
the  love  she  bore  to  the  Roman  Catho- 
lic religion  and  the  papacy,  induced 
her  to  advance  its  supposed  interests  at 
her  own  expense,^  as  well  as  that  of 
her  persecuted  subjects  ;  and  her  chief 
misfortune  seems  to'  have  been  this, 
that  a  genius  which  would  have  shone 
in  a  nunnery  was  exalted  to  a  throne. 
Her  temper,  naturally  sour,  had  been 

'  Lord  Burleigh  reckons  it  at  400.  (Burnet, 
p.  iii.  189,  I'ol..  454,  8vo.)  The  writer  lo  Ridley, 
Dc  Cir.na  Domini,  at  t-'OO  in  tlm  two  first  years  of 
the  persecution.  (Burnet,  vol.  ii.  27'2,  i'ol.,  (;5S. 
8vo  )  This  was  probably  firindal.  Slrype  makes 
it  288,  vi.  ^ftd.  Eoc.  Mem.  The  numbers  as 
given  annually  by  Burnet  amount  to  270. 

Her  foundations  were  made  out  of  the  reve- 
nues of  the  crown,  and  insicad  of  makinjr  a  gain 
of  godliness,  as  was  the  general  plan  of  the  Re- 
formation, she  offered  not  np  uruo  the  Lord,  of 
that  which  cost  her  noihiiif;.  Amont;  other  do- 
nations, she  (jave  sonic  rectories,  which  were  in 
the  hands  of  the  crown,  to  Oxford,  to  repair  the 
schools;  and  restored  the  ternpornlines  to  Dur- 
ham, which  had  been  taken  away  as  a  prey  for 
the  duke  of  Northumberland. 


118 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VHI. 


rendered  morose  by  the  sufferings 
which  she  underwent ;  and  her  per- 
sonal animosity  was  so  wrapped  up 
under  the  garb  of  religion,  that  she 
probably  did  not  distinguish  between 
the  two.  Had  she  met  with  more  wise 
and  liberal  counsellors,  she  might  have 
escaped  much  of  the  obloquy  with 
which  her  name  was  then  and  is  still 
loaded  ;  and  had  she  followed  the  ad- 
vice of  Cardinal  Pole,  she  would  pro- 
bably have  avoided  many  of  those 
enormities  which  disgrace  human  na- 
ture, and  are  an  everlasting  stigma  on 
the  Christian  religion.  The  legate 
himself  breathed  his  last  within  sixteen 
hours  of  his  mistress ;  a  man  very  dif- 
ferent from  those  with  whom  he  was 
politically  connected,  and  who  sought 
to  establish  the  religion  he  professed, 


by  reforming  obvious  abuses,  and  by 
gentleness  of  treatment.  It  does  not 
appear  that  he  always  wished  to  ab- 
stain from  severe  measures  against 
heretics  ;  but,  as  it  has  been  before 
observed,  he  could  not  follow  the  bent 
of  his  own  mind  ;  and  it  is  not  un- 
worthy of  remark,  that  the  only  par- 
don' issued  for  a  heretic  in  this  reign 
was  granted  at  his  intercession.  Many 
Protestants  had  formed  a  very  different 
opinion  concerning  him,  and  believed 
that  he  was  in  fact  the  friend  of  the 
Reformation;^  but  this  false  idea' was 
soon  taken  off;  and  on  finding  their 
mistake,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  they 
should  feel  exasperated  against  him, 
though  his  conduct  throughout  seems 
to  have  been  that  of  a  reasonable  and 
sincere  Roman  Catholic. 


CHAPTER  Vlir. 

DURING  PART  OF  THE  REIGN  OF  ELIZABETH,  NOV.  17,  1558 — 1563. 

•iOl.  Varied  prospects  of  Elizabeth.  402.  Prudence  of  her  conduct.  403.  Coronation;  parliament. 
404.  Bishoprics  pillaged  by  the  crown.  405.  Conference  in  Wesiminsler  Abbey.  40().  Convo- 
cation; injunctions.  407.  Ejection  of  the  recusant  clergy.  408.  Court  of  bigli  coinmis-inn ; 
images.  409.  Consecration  ol  bishops.  410.  Defective  ministry  arising  partly  Irom  the  poverty 
of  the  church.  411.  Reforms ;  Jewel's  Apology.  412.  Parliament ;  convocation.  413.  lienefiis 
of  the  Reformation.    Evils  arising  from  the  Retormation. 


§  401.  The  prospects  of  Elizabeth 
upon  her  succession  to  the  throne  were 
of  that  varied  nature  which  give  birth 
to,  as  well  as  require,  superior  abilities; 
nor  would  it  have  been  easy  to  decide 
\vhether  or  no  the  dangers  which  threat- 
ened her  from  without  were  balanced 
by  the  domestic  advantages  with  which 
)ier  reign  was  commenced.  Against 
France  and  Scotland,  her  nearest  neigh- 
bours, she  was  engaged  in  open  hostilf- 
ties,  and  the  loss  of  Calais  had  so  dispi- 
rited the  nation,  that  they  were  unable 
to  exert  themselves  for  its  recovery,  dis- 
satisfied as  they  were  at  the  idea  of 
losing  it.  The  army  and  navy  which 
.she  possessed  were  scarcely  adequate 
to  the  defence  of  her  shores,  and  the 
pecuniary  resources  of  the  kingdom  too 
low  to  afford  her  the  means  of  recruit- 
ing them  with  effect.  The  plans  of 
retormation  in  religion,  which  she  had 
determined  to  adopt,  wore  likely  to 
alienate  her  only  ally,  and  it  was  pro- 


bable that  no  small  number  of  the  people 
of  England  who  adhered  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  persuasion  would  entertain 
sentiments  little  different  from  those  of 
Philip.  These  disadvantages  were  coxm- 
terpoised  by  the  unanimity  of  the  na- 
tion ;  for  no  monarch  ever  ascended  the 
throne  with  stronger  expressions  of 
public  opinion  in  their  favour,  or  whose 
character  stood  higher  in  the  estimation 
of  all  orders.  The  cruelties  of  the  late 
reign  had  gone  far  beyond  the  wishes 
of  most  of  the  more  violent  Roman  Ca- 
tholics :  and  the  disgraces  which  had 
attended  the  arms  of  England  had  ren 
dered  the  people  generally  dissatisfied 
with  the  government:  to  which  it  may 
be  added,  that  Elizabeth  had  been  the 
victim  of  much  personal  vexation,  and 
the  good  conduct  which  she  had  exhi- 
bited under  very  trying  circumstances. 

'  Strype's  Ecc.  iVIem.  vi.  29. 
2  Cranmer.  498,  App.  Ixxxii. 
s  Ecc.  Mem.  v.  542. 


Chap.  VIIL] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


119 


had  given  her  a  just  title  to  the  popular- 
ity which  usually  attends  the  oppressed. 

§  402.  The  iirst  acts  of  her  reign  were 
dictated  by  great  prudence,  and  she 
seems  to  have  been  peculiary  fortunate 
as  well  as  judicious  in  the  selection  of 
the  persons  by  whom  these  transactions 
were  chiefly  directed.  In  the  commu- 
nications which  she  made  to  foreign 
courts,  to  inform  them  of  her  succession, 
she  gratefully  acknowledged  the  per- 
sonal debt  which  she  owed  to  Philip, 
nor  did  she  neglect  to  send  a  despatch 
to  the  court  of  Rome  ;  but  Paul  IV. 
refused  to  acknowledge  her  legitimacy, 
and  threatened  to  show  her  no  favour, 
since  she  had  assumed  without  his  con- 
currence a  crown  which  was  held  in  fee 
of  the  apostolic  see;  a  haughtiness  of 
proceeding  which  must  be  deemed  the 
first  step  to  that  animosity  between  the 
'wo  courts,  of  which  the  effects  were  so 
severely  felt  by  the  Roman  Catholics 
of  England.  She  seems  indeed  at  this 
time  to  have  desired  as  much  union 
between  her  subjects  of  different  per- 
suasions as  was  compatible  with  her 
own  religious  opinions  and  those  which 
they  severally  professed  ;  for  though 
she  had  always  been  bred  up  a  Pro- 
testant, and  decidedly  favoured  that  side 
of  the  question,  yet,  in  retaining  twelve 
of  those  who  had  belonged  to  the  coun- 
cil of  Clueen  Mary  as  her  own  privy 
counsellors,  she  gave  the  surest  pledge 
that  she  had  no  intention  of  introducing 
any  very  violent  innovations.  No  one 
could  have  doubted  her  inclination  to 
promote  the  cause  of  the  Reformation, 
since  one  of  the  first  cares  which  occu- 
pied her  attention  was  the  appointment 
of  a  committee  to  examine  into  the  ser- 
vice of  Edward  VI.,  and  to  alter  what- 
ever was  amiss ;  yet  its  consultations 
were  accompanied  with  a  marked  atten- 
tion to  prudence,  rather  than  hy  zeal  for 
alteration ;  and  the  same  feature  be- 
longed to  the  other  proceedings  of  this 
period.  The  only  innovation'  in  the 
church  service  which  she  sanctioned  on 
her  own  authority  consisted  in  allowing 
the  Ten  Commandments,  as  well  as  the 
Gospel  and  Epistle,  to  be  read  in  the 
vulgar  tongue ;  and  the  same  procla- 
mation which  enjoined  this,  forbade  both 
parties  to  preach  or  expound  them,"  di- 


'  Strype's  Annals,  i.  77.  ^  j^id. 


recting  that  the  adoption  of  the  English 
language  in  the  public  prayers  should 
be  confined  to  the  Litany,  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  and  the  Creed.  This  step  was 
perhaps  rendered  necessary  by  the 
eagerness  to  reform  which  was  exhi- 
bited by  certain  persons  desirous  of  en- 
tering on  controversial  subjects,  and 
anxious  to  get  rid  of  every  thing  which 
offended  them,  without  waiting  for  the 
dilatory  process  of  legal  enactments. 
The  queen,  however,  possessed  far  too 
much  sense  to  permit  such  tumultuary 
alterations,  and  her  own  conduct  was 
characterized  by  firmness  as  well  as 
prudence.  She  began  her  political 
career  by  trying  to  gain  the  good  opi- 
nion and  affection  of  all  her  subjects; 
and  the  condescending  propriety  of  her 
personal  manner  contributed  greatly  to 

.  produced  this  desired  effect.  She  readily 
presented  herself  to  the  eyes  of  all  or- 
ders, and  assumed  a  demeanour  which, 
though  rather  theatrical,  was  very  tak- 
ing with  the  multitude.  When,  for 
instance,  she  was  proceeding  on  her 
way  to  the  coronation,^  (a.  d.  1559,)  a 
character  in  one  of  the  city  pageants, 
representing  Truth,  presented  her  with 
an  English  Bible,  she  kissed  it,  and 
with  both  her  hands  held  it  up,  and  then 
laid  it  upon  her  breast,  and  greatly 
thanking  the  city  for  that  present,  said 
she  would  often  read  over  that  book. 

§  40;J.  (Jan.  15.)  She  was  crowned 
by  Oglethorp,  bishop  of  Carlisle,  as 
none  of  the  other  Roman  Catholic  bi- 
shops would  consent  to  take  part  in  the 
ceremony.*  They  foresaw  the  influence 
which  her  reign  must  probably  have  on 
religion  ;  and  being  most  of  them  un- 
willing to  make  new  changes  in  their 
faith,  they  determined  not  to  contribute 
in  any  degree  to  her  establishment  on 

I  the  throne  ;  a  species  of  policy  as  un- 

i  sound  in  principle  as  it  was  injurious  to 
themselves  in  its  effects ;  for  unless 
they  pretended  to  alter  the  line  of  legal 

'  succession  by  their  noncompliance,  it 
could  hardly  have  any  other  tendency 
than  that  of  alienating  the  mind  of  the 
queen  from  their  cause,  and  certainly 
conveyed  an  idea  that  they  wished  to 
frighten  her  into  compliance  v/ith  their 
views :  a  step  in  itself  unwarrantable, 
and  which  argued  great  ignorance  of 


»  Strype's  Annals,  i.  43.         "  Ibid.  i.  73. 


120 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  Vlll 


her  temper  iind  disposition.  Fully  con- 
scious of  the  difiicultics  with  which  the 
Iciiigdoin  was  enconipatsed,  she  hasten- 
ed lo  conij.oso  her  differences  witli 
fort  ign  powers,  in  order  that  every  faci- 
lity iiiiglit  be  given  to  the  internal  setllt-- 
mciit  of  the  government ;  and  quickly 
assi  nibled  a  parliament,  to  frame  such 
laws  as  might  bring  back  the  state  of 
relig-ion  to  nearly  the  same  condition  as 
had  been  established  in  the  days  of  her 
brother.  The  first  act  of  this  session 
restored  to  the  crown  the  fullest  author- 
ity over  all  persons  Avithin  the  realm, 
without  conferring  the  appellation  which 
had  been  previously  borne  with  it ;  for 
Elizabeth  seems  to  have  entertained 
some  scruples  as  to  the  lawfulness  of 
assuming-  the  title  of  supreme  head  of 
the  church,  as  belonging  to  Him  only 
who  is  head  over  all.  The  powers, 
however,  which  were  conveyed  by  it 
were  fully  ample  to  answer  every  pur- 
I)ose  of  reform,'  and  she  was  em- 
powered to  appoint  commissioners, 
whose  jurisdiction  had  bounds  as  inde- 
finite as  the  supremacy  itself.  An  oath, 
too,  was  imposed  on  all  persons  holding 
or  taking  any  office,  and  most  severe 
and  unreasonable  penalties  affixed  to 
the  refusal  of  it.  During  the  whole  of 
the  debate  on  this  act,  the  strongest 
opposition  was  shown  on  the  part  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  bishops,  who  advocated 
the  cause  of  civil  liberty ;  being  na- 
turally adverse  to  opinions  so  much  at 
variance  with  what  they  had  lately  pro- 
fessed, and  which  were  at  the  same 
time  likely  to  eject  them  from  their  pre- 
ferments. 

§  40-1.  Nor  were  the  temporal  inte- 
rests of  the  queen  forgotten  ;  for  besides 
having  the  tenths  and  first-fruits  restored 
to  her,  she  was  allowed  to  take  posses- 
sion of  any  ecclesiastical  lands  or  pro- 
perty belonging  to  vacant  sees,  and  to 
transfer  an  equivalent  from  such  impro- 
priations as  were  vested  in  the  crown, 
a  law  which  gave  occasion  to  many  ex- 
changes seriously  detrimental  to  the 
bishoprics  ;  and  it  is  hardly  to  be  doubt- 
ed, thai  the  intention  of  those  who 
passed  the  bill  corresponded  with  the 
effects  produced  by  it,^  for  who  was 
likely  to  examine  scrupulously  into  the 
fairness  of  the  exchange  while  the  pre- 


'  Siauites  of  the  Realm. 


2  Ibid. 


ferment  was  vacant,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  successor  vested  in  the  hands 
of  the  verj-  authoritj'  which  pillaged  the 
benefice 

§  405.  The  act  of  uniformity,  too, 
j-iassed  during  this  session,  wliich,  by 
restoring  the  use  of  the  Common  Prayer 
Book,  gave  back  to  the  laity  the  i'ull 
enjoyment  of  the  sacrament  of  the 
Eucharist  under  both  kinds.  These  in- 
novations, hov\'ever,  were  not  made 
without  keeping  up  at  least  the  appear- 
ance of  free  discussion;  for  a  disputa- 
tion was  appointed  to  be  held  in  AVest- 
minster  Abbey,  in  which  the  advocates 
of  either  faith  might  advance  the  argu- 
ments in  favour  of  their  own  opinions, 
and  endeavour  to  refute  the  positions 
of  their  adversaries  :  but  though  this 
conference  was  commenced  with  all  due 
fonnality,  yet  it  ended  in  tumult  and 
confusion,  and  served  only  to  widen  the 
breach  between  the  contending  parties. 
The  failure  on  this  occasion  seems  to 
have  been  entirely  owing  to  the  Roman 
Catholics  ;  for  they  refused  to  comply 
with  the  conditions  on  which  the  debate 
was  to  take  place.  It  had  been  agreed 
that  each  party  should  read  their  argu- 
ments on  the  questions,  and  then  give  the 
written  documents  to  their  opponents, 
who  on  the  next  day  were  reciprocally 
to  answer  each  other,  and  to  transfer 
their  papers.  The  points  of  discussion 
were,  1.  Whether  it  Avere  contrary  to 
the  word  of  God  and  the  custom  of  the 
primitive  church,  to  use  an  unknown 
tongue  in  the  public  service,  and  admi- 
nistration of  the  sacraments.  2.  Whether 
every  church  has  poAver  to  appoint  rites 
and  ceremonies,  or  to  alter  them,  jiro- 
vidcd  it  be  done  to  edification.  3.  Whe- 
ther the  mass  could  be  proved  by  the 
word  of  God  to  be  a  propitiatory  sacri- 
fice for  the  dead  and  the  living.  But 
on  the  first  daj*,  though  Cole  delivered 
a  long  oration  on  the  first  question,  the 
Roman  Catholics  refused  to  give  in  a 
copy  of  their  arguments,  and  on  the 
second  day  the  conference  was  broken 
up,  through  a  dispute  about  the  order 
of  proceeding,  and  in  consequence  of 


2  So  well  aware  of  the  evil  tendency  of  this  law 
were  the  bishops  who  were  first  consecrated,  that 
they  offered  the  queen  to  raise  for  her  an  income 
of  a  thousand  marks,  if  she  would  stop  these  ex 
charges;  but  their  application  was  ineffectual. 
Strype's  Grindai,  49. 


ClIAP  VIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


131 


some  applause  which  had  been  given 
to  the  Protestant  advocates  on  the  former 
occasion.  Thus  ended  the  disputation, 
of  which  the  result  was  such  as  might 
naturally  have  been  expected  from  this 
sort  of  exhibition,  in  which  all  the  pas- 
sions are  excited  by  its  publicity,  and 
no  room  left  for  quiet  discussion;  and 
yet  it  was  not  without  its  use.'  The  ill 
conduct  of  the  Roman  Catholic  advo- 
cates turned  the  general  opinion  against 
them,  and  the  Reformation  made  much 
progress  in  the  sentiments  of  the  nume- 
rous hearers,  and  through  them  in  the 
country  at  large  ;  for  all  men  readily 
exclaimed,  that  the  present  issue  was 
produced  by  those  who  knew  that  their 
opinions  could  not  stand  the  test  of  sober 
reason  ;  and  who,  therefore,  preferred 
the  dissolution  of  the  conference,  to  ex- 
hibiting their  own  weakness ;  which 
observation  was  much  favoured  by  what 
was  said  by  the  bishops  of  Lincoln  and 
Worcester,  who  objected,  in  toto,  to 
thus  allowing  the  laity  to  become  judges 
in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  and  concerning 
doctrines  which  had  been  before  settled 
by  the  Catholic  church,  and  were  not 
now  therefore  to  be  called  in  question 
by  any  but  an  assembly  of  divines  ;  a 
method  of  solving  the  difficulty  which 
must  appear  reasonable  to  those  who 
believe  in  an  infallible  church,  but 
which  is  unfortunately  equally  conclu- 
sive against  every  species  of  amendment 
or  reformation,  wherein  the  interests  of 
such  a  church  are  concerned. 

§  40ii.  The  convocation  had  been  as- 
sembled at  the  same  time  as  the  parlia- 
ment,'^ and  certain  articles  which  were 
exhibited  in  the  Lower  House,  and  sent 
up  to  the  bishops,  showed  the  decided 
spirit  of  popery  by  which  this  body 
was  actuated,  as  well  as  the  favour 
which  was  shown  to  such  opinions 
in  the  universities,  where  these  ar- 
ticles had  received  many  subscriptions. 


'  There  is  a  document  in  Burnet,  II.  iii.  No.  5, 

signed  by  several  of  the  privy  council,  attributing 
the  whole  blame  to  the  bishops  who  refused  to 
produce  their  opinions  on  paper.  The  bishops  of 
Lincoln  and  Winchester  were  the  next  day  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower,  and  the  rest  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  disputants  obliged  to  find  bail  for  their 
personal  appearance  before  the  council  as  often  as 
it  sat.  A  step  which,  though  it  may  possibly  be 
defended,  on  the  plea  of  their  disorderly  conduct, 
cannot  but  appear  severe  and  vexatious.  See 
Strype's  Ann.  i.  139. 
'  Strype's  Ann.  i.  80. 

16 


Tlieso  exertions,  however,  produced  no 
eff^'ct. 

The  queen's  Injunctions  were  pub- 
lished during  this  spring,'  which  cor- 
respond in  most  respects  with  those  set 
forth  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
Edward  VL  The  chief  additions  to 
them  consist  in  regulations  concerning 
the  marriage  of  the  clergy,*  their  ha- 
bits, &c.,  together  with  an  open  decla- 
ration of  the  supremacy,  which  the  queen 
claimed  to  herself,  and  to  which  allusion 
is  made  in  the  thirty-second  article  of 
our  church.^  It  is  here  declared  that 
the  queenneitherdoes  nor  will  challenge 
any  other  authority  than  that  which  was 
used  by  her  father  and  brother;  viz., 
the  sovereignty  over  all  persons  born 
within  the  realm,  and  the  exclusion  of 
all  foreign  jurisdiction.  These  Injunc- 
tions, as  well  as  certain  Articles  of  Visi- 
tation'" with  respect  to  parishes,  were 
but  preparatory  steps  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Court  of  High  Commission, 
which  was  constituted  towards  the  end 
of  June,  and  by  means  of  which  a  ge- 
neral visitation  with  regard  to  eccle- 
siastical matters  took  place  throughout 
the  whole  kingdom. 

§  407.  The  ninth  section  in  the  act 
of  Parliament'  had  enjoined  all  spiritual 
persons  holding  preferments  to  take 
the  oath  of  supremacy  under  pain  of 
deprivation ;  and  this  was  now  tendered 
by  these  commissioners.  All  the  bi- 
shops, with  the  exception  of  one  only, 
Kitchin  of  Llandaff,  refused  so  to  do, 
and  were  ejected  from  their  sees,  to  the 
number  of  fourteen.  Whether  they 
now  acted  from  conscientious  motives. 


'  Sparrow's  Coll.  (i5. 

'  (iicat  scandal  seems  to  have  arisen  in  the 
cluiri  li,  in  consequence  of  the  indiscreet  marriage 
i)f  its  ministers.  (Sparrow's  Coll.  p.  76,  ^  29.)  It 
was  therefore  ordered,  that  no  priest  or  deacon 
should  marry  without  the  approbaiion  first  obtained 
of  the  bishop  and  two  juslii-es  of  the  peace  for  the 
county,  nor  without  the  consent  of  the  parents  or 
relatives  of  the  woman,  or  of  the  master  or  mis- 
tress with  whom  she  was  at  service,  in  case  she 
had  no  relatives,  (a  proof  of  the  low  rank  held  by 
the  clergy.)  The  marriage  of  bishops  was  to  be 
sanctioned  by  the  metropolitan  and  commissioners 
appointed  by  the  queen,  and  that  of  deans  and 
heads  of  houses  by  their  visitors  ;  and  incase  of 
neglecting  these  orders,  they  became  incapable 
of  holding  ecclesiastical  benefices.  I  know  not 
whether  these  were  ever  acted  on,  but  they  formed 
one  of  the  heads  of  examination  with  the  conceal- 
ers.  Strype's  Ann.  v.  163.    See  ^  428. 

5  .Sparrow'.s  Coll.  81.  «  Ibid.  175. 

'  Stat.  Realm,  1  Eliz.  c.  1. 

L 


122 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VHI. 


or  hoped  by  their  numbers  to  force  the 
queen  into  compliance,  must,  in  this 
world,  at  least,  remain  a  secret ;  but  as 
several '  of  them  had  previously  assented 
to  the  doctrine  of  the  pre-eminence  of 
the  civil  power,  their  combination  looks 
very  much  like  a  conspiracy  to  support 
each  other  in  their  refusal.  The  treat- 
ment'^ which  they  experienced  after  their 
deprivation  was  generally  moderate, 
and  in  several  instances  most  kind  and 
considerate.*  Heath  resided  on  his  own 
property  in  Surrey,  and  was  several 
times  visited  bj'  the  queen  herself;  and 
even  Bonner,  notwithstanding  all  the 
enormities  of  which  he  had  been  guilty, 
died  a  natural  death  ;  in  prison,  indeed, 
for  the  resentment  of  the  populace  ren- 
dered it  dangerous  for  him  to  leave 
what  became  a  place  of  safety  rather 
than  of  confinement.  The  rest  of  the 
clergy  generally  complied  with  the 
changes  which  were  established  by  law, 
as,  indeed,  they  had  frequently  done 
before  ;  for  of  9,400  beneficed  men  in 
England,  there  were  but  14  bishops, 
6  abbots,  12  deans,  12  archdeacons,  15 
heads  of  colleges,  50  prebendaries,  and 
80  rectors,  making  a  total  of  189,  who 
refused  to  take  the  oath  of  supremac}' ; 
a  number  which  would  appear  very  in- 
considerable, amounting  to  little  more 
than  one  in  fifty,  did  we  not  consider 
the  conciliatory  steps  which  the  queen 
had  taken  to  satisfy  all  parties,  and  the 
modification  of  the  meaning  of  the  oath 
which  the  declaration  in  the  Injunctions 
implied.* 


'  Strype's  Ann.  i.  216.  2  jhid.  211. 

5  See  note  H.  in  Lingard's  Hist,  of  Eng.  vol.  vii. 
where  the  same  treatment  is  represented  differ- 
ently. As  it  is  difficult  to  defend  the  jusiice  of 
these  ejectments,  so  it  is  impossible  to  deny  the 
necessity  of  them.  See  a  considerable  account 
of  them  in  Fuller,  (ix.  58.)  Nine  sees  were  now 
vacant,  and  three  bishops  fled  beyond  sea. 

*  The  publication  of  a  form  of  communion  to  be 
used  at  funerals,  and  the  rubric  and  absolution  in 
the  service  for  the  Visitation  of  the  Sick.  (.Spar- 
row's Coll.  201,1  may  be  adduced  as  instances  of 
the  general  wish  to  conciliate  exhibited  by  our 
church.  The  Roman  Catholic  population  had 
been  accustomed  to  connect  the  idea  of  a  funeral 
with  a  mass  for  the  dead,  and  when  the  supers  i- 
tious  part  of  the  custom  was  abrogated,  whatever 
was  not  unscriplural  was  retained  ;  and  at  tiie 
moment  after  that  in  which  the  body  of  a  relation 
has  been  committed  to  the  earth,  the  surviving  re- 
latives are  likely  to  remember  Him  through  whom 
we  all  hope  to  rise  asain.  So  again  the  customs 
of  the  church  of  Rome  had  in  the  minds  of  the 
people  rendered  absolution  by  the  priest,  as  it 
were,  necessary  to  salvation;  and»if  any  dying 


§  408.  Another  point  into  which  the 
commissioners  inquired  was  the  abuse 
of  images  ;^  and,  during  this  summer, 
manj'  appear  to  have  been  destroyed. 
When  Elizabeth''  first   came   to  the 
'  throne,  the  zeal  of  the  reformers  had 
induced  them  to  outstep  the  limits  of 
the  law  with  regard  to  these  objects  of 
national  abomination ;  but  the  procla- 
j  mation  of  the  queen  had  checked  the 
I  spirit  of  unauthorized  destruction.  Her 
I  own  sentiments  on  this  subject  were,  it 
I  it  must  be  owned,  not  very  equivocally 
I  displayed  ;  it  was  not  in  her  a  toleration 
j  of  what  might  be  deemed  innocent  by 
j  some,  but  the  approval  of  such  repre- 
,  sentations  as  seem  forbidden  in  Scrip- 
j  ture.    She  allowed  the  rood  to  remain 
I  in  her  own  chapel  for  some  time  and 
'  though  there  was  something  said  about 
images,  in  the  Injunctions  and  Articles 
{  of  Visitation,  yet  the  clergy  were  rather 
'  ordered  not  to  extol  them,  than  to  cast 
j  them  entirely  out  of  places  of  Christian 
w-orship,  unless  they  had  been  super- 
I  stitiously  misused.    In  the  next  year," 
indeed,  some  of  the  new  bishops,  with 
a  laudable  anxiety  for  God's  service, 
endeavoured  to  carry  this  point,  by  ad- 
;  dressing  themselves  to   her  majesty, 
j  and  stating  at  length  the  arguments 
[  against  the  continuance  of  this  abuse  ; 
[  and  their  exertions  seem  to  have  been 
crowned  with  the  success  which  they 
so  well  deserved.     In  this  case,  the 
]  temporizing  spirit  of  the  queen  strongly 
!  showed  itself.    She  was  perfectly  right 
i  in  trying  to  conciliate  all  her  subjects; 
but  as  the  principles  of  real  toleration 
were  not  then  at  all  understood,  she 
rather  compromised  the  opinions  of 


brother  humbly  and  heartily  desired  this  office,  if 
his  scruples  made  him  wish  for  such  a  declaratory 
consolation  as  a  fellow-sinner  could  authoritatively 
give  him,  a  form  of  absolution  was  adjoined  for 
the  purpose. 

5  Strype's  Ann.  i.  2o4.  ^  1^,;^.  .290. 

'  This  crucifix  was  offensive  to  many  of  the 
bishops;  and  in  1561  a  disputation  was  held,  in 
which  Parker  and  Cox  supported  its  remaining — 
Grindal  and  Jewel  argued  against  it.  (Burn.  Ref. 
vi.  381.  No.  60,  8vo.)  This  seems  to  have  had 
little  effect ;  for  in  1565  R.  Tracy  wrote  to  Secre- 
tary Ceal,  urging  him  to  use  his  influence  for  its 
removal.  (Strype's  Ann.  ii.  193.)  Between  this 
time  and  1570.  it  appears  to  have  been  put  out  of 
the  chapel,  and  restored  again,  to  the  great  dislike 
of  the  people,  (Strype's  Parker,  ii.  35,)  and  to 
have  been  there  when  the  Admonition  to  Parlia- 
ment was  pubUshed,  1572.  (Strype's  Ann.  iL 
200.) 

«  Strype's  Ann.  i.  330. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


193 


Protestants  than  favoured  the  senti- 
ments of  her  other  subjects  ;  and,  in 
endeavouring-  to  induce  the  Roman 
Catholics  to  become  members  of  the 
church  of  England,  she  ran  the  risk  of 
driving  from  our  communion  the  sound- 
est friends  and  ablest  supporters  of  the 
Reformation. 

§  40y.  The  next  step,  which,  from  its 
importance  to  the  church,  greatly  oc- 
cupied the  attention  of  the  court,  was 
the  filling  up  of  the  vacant  bishoprics. 
It  so  happened  that,  from  deaths  and 
deprivations,  almost  all  the  sees  were 
at  this  moment  unoccupied  ;  nor  could 
those  bishops  who  retained  their  prefer- 
ments for  the  present,  be  induced  to 
assist  in  the  consecration  of  men  of 
whose  opinions  they  did  not  approve. 
But  against  this  evil  a  remedy  had  been 
provided  by  the  providence  of  God ; 
for  there  still  existed  several  members 
of  the  episcopal  order,  who,  having  fled 
beyond  sea,  and  escaped  the  persecu- ; 
tions  of  Mary,  became  the  instruments 
of  continuing  to  our  church  the  apos- j 
toiical  succession  of  bishops.  As  much 
evil  had  been  produced  during  the  reign 
of  Edward  VI.  by  the  favour  which  I 
some  individuals  holding  high  situations 
in  the  church  had  shown  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion,  it  was  now  determined 
to  employ  great  caution  in  the  selection 
of  those  who  were  to  discharge  this 
most  important  duty. 

The  character  of  Matthew  Parker, 
as  well  as  the  personal  favour  of 
Elizabeth,  marked  him  out  as  the 
future  metropolitan;  but  his  own  un- 
willingness to  accept  so  responsible  i 
and  arduous  an  office  delayed  his  con- . 
secration  for  nearly  a  twelvemonth ; 
the  ceremony  was  at  last  performed,' 
on  the  17th  of  December,  in  the  chapel 
at  Lambeth,  by  Scory,  who  had  formerly 
held  the  see  of  Chichester,  and  was 
now  elected  to  that  of  Hereford;  Bar- 
low, formerly  of  Wells,  now  bishop 
elect  of  Chichester  ;  Coverdale,  bishop 
of  Exeter,  who  was  never  reappointed 
to  any  see;  and  Hodgkin,  suffragan  of 
Bedford.*    Strype  has  been  very  par- 

'  The  legality  of  the  English  consecrations  was 
in  1568  very  nearly  tried  before  a  common  jury, 
in  a  court  of  law.  Home,  bishop  of  Winchester, 
lendercd  the  oath  of  snprem&cy  to  Bonner  while 
u  prisoner  in  the  Marshalsea,  and  tnerefore 
within  his  diocese  ;  and  Bonner,  among  other 
leas,  put  in  one  which  denied  that  Home  was  a 


ticular  in  recording  every  thing  which 
was  done  on  this  occasion  from  the 
most  authentic  documents, in  order  to 
refute  the  fable  of  the  Nag's  Head  con- 
secration which  was  promulgated  by 
the  Roman  Catholics  about  forty  years 
after  the  event  had  taken  place  ;'  when 
it  might  have  been  supposed  that  all 
direct  testimony  would  have  been  lost. 
The  story  is,  that  the  bishops  elect  met 
at  a  tavern  which  bore  that  sign,  and 
that  when  Oglethorp  refused  to  conse- 
crate them,  Scory  laid  a  Bible  on  each 
of  their  heads,  and  bade  them  rise  up 
bishops.  The  tale  has  been  refuted  as 
often  as  brought  forward,  and  bears  on 
its  face  this  difficulty :  that,  had  this 
account  been  known  to  the  enemies  of 
the  church  of  England,  it  is  not  likely 
that  any  delicacy  on  their  part  should 
have  delayed  its  publication  for  so  long 
a  period. 

§  410.  The  other  sees  were  most  of 
them  filled  up  during  the  next  year, 
and  the  church  began  to  employ  itself 
on  those  points  in  which  amendment 
was  chiefly  required.  The  state  of  the 
ministry  formed  one  of  the  most  pro- 
minent cares  towards  which  the  atten- 
tion of  the  guardians  of  the  establish- 
ment were  directed  ;  for  the  ignorance 
which  generally  prevailed  in  the  uni- 
versities,* together  with  the  superstition 
which  reigned  there,  made  it  very  diffi- 
cult to  obtain  men  suited  to  the  task,  or 
capable  of  performing  the  duties  to 
which  they  were  called ;  so  that  the 
necessity  of  the  case  induced  many 
bishops  to  ordain  persons  of  whom  they 
entertained  a  good  opinion  with  regard 
to  their  religious  sentiments,  but  who 


bishop  at  all.  He  had  been  consecrated  accord- 
ing to  the  service  established  by  Edward  VI.  and 
abolished  by  Mary,  and  which  had  never  since 
been  distinctly  authorized  by  act  of  parliament. 
The  point  was  argued,  and  would  have  been 
brought  before  a  jury,  had  not  an  act  been  passed 
which  declared  all  bishops,  priests  and  deacons, 
consecrated  according  to  the  form  established,  to 
be  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons.  (Fuller,  ix.  80. 
Strype's  Ann.  I.  ii.  2.) 
2  Parker,  i.  101.  3  See  5  623. 

Jewel,  writing  to  Peter  Martyr  in  1559,  says, 
"  Academia  ulraque,  et  ea  praesertim,  quam  tu 
non  ita  pridem  doctissime  atque  optime  coluisti, 
miserrime  nunc  disjecta  jacet,  sine  pietate,  sine 
religione,  sine  doctore,  sine  spe  ulla  literanim." 
(Burnet,  p.  iii.  No.  58.)  To  Bullinger,  "  Acade- 
miaB  nostroB  ita  afflictiE  sunt,  iit  Oxonioe  vix  duo 
sunt,  qui  nobiscum  sentiant ;  et  illi  ipsi  ita  abjecti 
et  fracli  ut  nihil  possint."  (Strype's  Ann.  No.  20, 
vol.  ii.  490.) 


194  HISTORY  OF  THE  [Chap.  VHl. 


were  inadequate,  in  point  of  attain- 
ments, to  so  important  a  charge.  The 
ill  effects,  however,  of  this  system  was 
soon  discovered,'  and  in  August  Parker 
wrote  to  Grindal,-  desiring  him  not  to 
ordain  any  more  mechanics.^ 

The  difficulty  of  finding  persons  who 
might  be  willing  to  enter  into  the  minis- 
try, and  able  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  it, 
had  been  greatly  augmented  by  the 
extreme  poverty  to  which  the  clergy 
were  generally  reduced.  This  evil 
arose  chiefly  from  impropriations  and 
alienations,  which  had  been  carried  on 
to  a  dreadful  extent,  and  which  were 
now  by  no  means  effectually  prevented  ; 
but  the  loss  of  those  offerings  customa- 
rih*  made  at  shrines,  and  of  the  fees 
paid  for  the  performance  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal duties  in  the  parish,  had  in  no  small 
degree  contributed  to  the  same  end. 
This  latter  cause  was  particularly  inju- 
rious, since  the  benefices  in  large  towns 
chiefly  depended  on  this  source  of  re- 
venue ;  and  those  places,  where  the 
efficiency  of  the  clergyman  was  of  the 
most  importance,  had  no  means  of  sup- 
porting the  incumbent.  St.  Mary  Ax, , 
for  instance,  had  for  some  time  been  ' 
without  any  minister,  as  its  revenues 
did  not  amount  to  five  pounds,*  till  it 
was  united  by  Grindal  to  another  pa- 
rish. To  all  these  causes  must  be 
added  the  simoniacal  contracts  of  cor- 
rupt patrons,  who  sought  not  for  those  j 
who  could  "preach  learnedly,  but  pay  ' 
largely."*  i 

§411.  The  bishops  seem  at  first  to  ^ 
have  been  so  fully  employed  about  the  ■ 


I  Strype's  Parker,  i.  180.     '  Ibid.  Grindal,  60. 

3  Gibson  (afterwards  bishop  of  London)  writes  : 
to  Mr.  Pepys.  1696,  Diary,  ii.  153:  "  The  other 
day  I  nnet  with  a  catalogue  of  the  clergy  of  the 
archdeaconry  of  ^Middlesex,  taken  in  1563,  with 
an  account  of  each  Iran's  learning  and  abihties ; 
in  short,  observing  the  strangeness  of  the  charac- 
ters, I  ran  over  the  whole,  and,  as  I  went  along, 
branched  them  under  different  heads,  whereby 
their  several  abilities  in  learning  are  there  ex- 


pressed. 

"  Docti  Latine  et  Graece        -  3 

Docti         -      -      -      -  12 

Medioeriter  docti         -       -  2 

Latine  docti        ...  9 

Latine  medioeriter       -       -  33 

Latine  parum  aliquid,  &c.    -  42 

Latine  non  docti         -       -  13 

Indocti        ....  4 


If  the  London  clergy  were  thus  ignorant,  what 
must  we  imagine  the  country  divines  were  ?" 

*  Strype's  Grindal,  78. 

*  Strype's  Ann.  iv.  146.    See  also  §  430. 


concerns  of  their  several  dioceses,  that 
little  progress  was  made  in  the  public 
and  outward  concerns  of  the  church, 
though  its  leading  members  were  in  all 
probability  secretly  preparing  what  was 
required,  and  deliberating  on  those  par- 
ticulars in  which  reform  was  principally 
wanted. 

(a.  d.  1502.)  These  points  consisted 
in  the  publication  of  certain  articles  of 
faith,  which  might  set  forth,  in  an  au- 
thoritative manner,  the  belief  of  the 
church  of  England  ;  in  a  new  transla- 
tion or  revisal  of  the  Bible  ;  and  the 
establishment  of  a  code  of  ecclesiastical 
laws. 

While  these  things  were  preparing. 
Bishop  Jewel  put  forth  his  Apology  for 
the  Church  of  England,  a  work  as  re- 
markable for  the  elegance  of  the  Latin 
in  which  it  is  written,  as  for  the  sound- 
ness of  the  positions  which  it  maintains.* 
He  there  states,  in  a  brief  and  oratorical 
style,  the  grounds  of  the  separation  of 
our  church  from  that  of  Rome  ;  show- 
ing that,  in  what  she  had  done,  England 
had  rather  returned  to  the  state  of  the 
primitive  church,  than  occasioned  a 
schism  in  the  Christian  famil}-,  and  that 
the  innovation  with  which  we  were 
charged,  was  merely  the  rejection  of 
the  errors  introduced  by  the  community 
from  which  we  had  separated.'' 

§  412.  (January  12,  a.  d.  1563.)  In 
January  of  the  next  year  the  parliament 
and  convocation  were  assembled  ;  by 
the  former,  a  very  severe  law^  was 
passed  for  enforcing  the  supremacy ; 
and  to  refuse  the  oath,  when  tendered 
a  second  time,  was  declared  to  be  trea- 
son ;  a  step  which,  though  it  might  in 
some  measure  seem  to  be  defensible,  in 
consequence  of  the  treasonable  conspi- 
racy carried  on  by  the  Poles  and  others, 
with  the  design  of  bringing  in  Mary 
queen  of  Scots,  appears  to  be  as  re- 
markable for  the  unsoundness  of  its 
political  principles,  as  for  the  cruelty 
of  its  enactments. 8    The  words  of  the 


*  Strype's  Ann.  i.  424. 

'  It  is  printed  in  the  Enchiridion  Theologicum, 
and  has  been  lately  reprinted  by  the  Society  for 
Promoting  Christian  Knowledge.  It  may  be 
deemed  a  book  authorized  by  the  church  of  Eng- 
land. It  was  published  at  the  command  of  the 
queen,  and  ordered  to  be  set  up  in  chtirches. 
Strype's  Ann.  III.  i.  738.) 

'  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  c.  i.  5  Eliz. 

9  See  §  453. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


125 


oath  of  supremacy  even  during  this 
reign,  were  such,  that  a  Roman  Catho- 
lic, whatever  his  views  in  politics  might 
be,  could  hardly  take  it;  so  that  if  the 
law  were  acted  upon,  it  might  bring 
some  of  the  most  faithful  of  her  sub- 
jects into  jeopardy  of  their  lives  ;  while 
it  is  evident  that  no  laws  can  guard 
against  the  attacks  of  men  who  are 
urged  by  religious  frenzy,  and  willing 
to  make  themselves  martyrs  in  the  cause 
of  their  own  opinions ;  a  truth  which 
was  fully  verified  throughout  the  whole 
of  this  reign. 

In  the  Lower  House  of  Convocation 
many  of  those  questions  were  now  agi- 
tated which  formed  the  groundwork  of 
the  subsequent  objections  of  the  puri- 
tans ;  but  as  the  motions  founded  on 
them  were  never  passed,  the  discussion 
of  the  points  themselves  may  be  re- 
served to  the  beginning  of  the  next 
chapter. 

The  acts  of  this  convocation  are  much 
more  important.  The  Articles  of  our 
church,  then  consisting  of  thirty-eight,* 
were  published,  as  containing  the  con- 
fession of  the  church  of  England,  but 
they  do  in  reality  differ  very  little  from 
the  forty-two  which  were  put  forth  by 
the  authority  of  Cranmer,  in  the  reign 
of  Edward  VI. 

(March  3.)  The  larger  catechism,* 
too,  revised  and  enlarged  by  Alexander 
Noel,  dean  of  St.  Paul's,^  was  approved 
by  the  Lower  House  of  Convocation; 
a  tribute  of  respect  which  confers  on  it 
a  species  of  semi-authority,  though  not 
officially  promulgated  by  the  church  of 
England. 

The  second  book  of  Homilies'*  was 


'  See  ^  485. 

It  is  primed  in  the  Enchiridion  Theologicnm, 
and  is  chiefly  taken  from  Ponet's  Catechism, 
^  331,  a. 

'  Sirype's  Ann.  i.  52.5  and  323. 

*  See  i  305.  The  history  of  the  composition  of 
the  Homilies  is  buried  in  po  ninrh  obscurity,  that 
a  short  note  will  convey  to  the  reader  all  that  is 
known  concerning  them.  The  first  volume  is 
senerally  atiribiiied  to  Cranmer,  Ridley,  Latimer, 
Hopkins,  and  Becon.  Burnet  (Pref.  to  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles,  p.  iii.)  says  that  Jewel  was  particu- 
larly engaged  in  compiling  the  second.  Archbishop 
Parker,  however,  in  15()3.  speaks  of  them  as  being 
"  revised  and  finished,  with  a  second  part,  by  him 
and  the  other  bishops."  (Strype's  Parker,  i.  253.) 
an  expression  indicating,  perhaps,  that  ihcy  were 
drawn  up  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI..  though  not 
published,  but  by  no  means  deciding  the  question. 
The  language  of  the  two  books  is  different,  and 
there  is  much  internal  evidence  of  the  several  ho- 


'  printed  about  this  period,^  though  it 
took  some  time  to  distribute  it  gene- 
rally throughout  the  country. 

§  413.  As  these  documents  together 
form  the  standard  and  basis  of  our 
present  church,  we  may  deem  the  Re- 
formation to  have  now  received  its  ac- 
complishment; the  changes  which  have 
been  since  made  are  in  their  nature 
comparatively  insignificant ;  so  that  be- 
fore we  proceed  to  the  continuation  of 
!  the  history,  it  may  be  useful,  for  a  mo- 
\  ment,  briefly  to  inquire  what  we  have 
gained  or  lost  by  the  Reformation  in 
religion. 

We  have  learnt  the  fundamental  truth 
on  which  the  whole  of  Christianity  rests, 
nay,  which  is  itself  Christianity;  That 
!  "  we  are  accounted  righteous  before  God 
I  only  for  the  merit  of  our  Lord  and  Sa- 
viour Jesus  Christ,  by  faith,  and  not  of 
our  own  works  or  deservings."  That 
good  works,  however  pleasing  to  God, 


milies  having  been  composed  by  different  authors. 
The  first  book  is  probably  the  most  valuable,  and 
the  expressions  used  in  the  thiriy-tilih  Article, 
"  Non  minus  quani  prior  torn  us  hotnilinruin  quae 
ediiae  sunt  tempore  Edvardi  Se.xti,"  &,c.,  seem 
rather  to  indicate  that  the  latter  work  was  not 
j  composed  by  the  same  authors.  Tiie  homilies  on 
.Salvation,  Faith,  and  Good  Works,  are  with  rea- 
son attributed  to  Cranmer.  (Todd,  on  the  'I'l.iriy- 
nine  Art.  pref  p  xi.)  That  on  Adultery  is  by 
Becon,  and  printed  in  the  second  vol.  of  liis  works. 
The  most  important  editions  of  the  Homilies  are 
as  follows : 

First  book,  first  edit.  15-17,  last  of  .Tulv. 
1  Edw.  VI. 

.Second,  divided  as  at  present,  1549,  August. 

Second  book,  1st,  1563,  that  on  Wilful  Rebel- 
lion was  added  1571. 

Last,  by  authority,  1623. 

■■  Fortunately,  the  variations  in  the  different 
editions,  numerous  as  they  arc,  are  almost  uni- 
versally verbal  or  grammatical ;  and  it  is  remark- 
able, that  a  book  which  has  passed  through  the 
hands  of  so  many  editors,  and  has  been  altered  in 
almost  every  edition,  should  have  received  so  few 
alterations  of  any  importance  as  to  doctrine.  One 
use  of  such  collations,  is  to  prove  that  the  Homi- 
lies have  not  been  tampered  with  by  any  sect  or 
party  among  us,  for  the  purpose  of  making  them 
express  sentiments  diflen-nt  from  those  of  the  ori- 
ginal compilers."  Dr.  Elmsley's  Preface  to  the 
Homilies,  with  various  readings,  Oxf.  1822. 

When  Dr.  Elmsley  was  engaged  in  preparing 
this  edition,  he  kindly  promised  the  use  of  his 
Collections  for  the  present  work,  but  added,  that 
there  was  no  real  information  on  the  subject.  His 
death  deprived  the  author  of  this  advantage,  and 
of  the  advice  of  a  friend  who,  to  a  mass  of  real 
knowledge  on  ahnost  every  subject,  joined  a  faci- 
lity of  communicating  it,  which  endeared  him  to 
those  who  were  acquainted  with  him,  and  which 
would  not  have  disdained  to  render  this  sketch 
less  unworthy  of  perusal,  by  correcting  its  errors 
and  supplying  its  deficiencies. 

5  Strype's  Ann.  ii.  104. 

L  2 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  VIII. 


are  only  accepted  as  proofs  of  the  faith 
which  we  entertain  in  the  mercy  of 
Heaven,  and  as  proceeding  from  love 
towards  Him  who  hath  redeemed  us. 
That  acts  of  penitence,  however  sin- 
cere, can  in  no  sense  be  deemed  a 
compensation  for  our  sin,  although  they 
may  prove  useful  to  ourselves  in  pre- 
venting a  repetition  of  our  crimes  ;  and 
that  there  is  no  sacrifice  for  sin,  but  the 
atonement  which  was  once  offered  on 
the  cross. 

The  establishment  of  these  truths  vir- 
tually got  rid  of  the  greater  part  of  the 
superstitious  rites  with  which  religion 
had  been  overwhelmed,  and  she  was 
again  enthroned  in  the  heart  of  the  true 
believer,  instead  of  being  identified  with 
ceremonious  observances.  A  commu- 
nion had  been  substituted  in  lieu  of  the 
mass  ;  and  with  the  rejection  of  the 
doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  the  laity 
were  taught  that  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  are  veril}'  and  indeed  taken  by 
the  faithful  alone  in  the  Lord's  supper; 
the  efficacy  of  which  consists  in  the  in- 
stitution of  Christ,  and  the  state  of  their 
own  consciences,  and  not  in  the  magic 
virtue  of  priestly  offices.  The  personal 
responsibility  of  the  individual  Christian 
was  clearly  insist(^d  on  ;  and  though  the 
laity  were  not  deprived  of  the  comfort 
and  aid  of  spiritual  guidance,  yet  that 
inquisitorial  power  which  the  clergy 
had  exercised  hy  means  of  auricular 
confession  was  removed,  and  the  priest- 
hood became  the  directors  of  their  flocks, 
and  not  the  self-constituted  judges  of  the 
terms  on  which  pardon  might  be  ob- 
tained from  the  Almighty.  They  were 
still  the  keepers  of  the  keys  of  the  king- 
dom of  heaven  ;  but  by  the  dissemina- 
tion of  the  Scriptures,  and  the  progress 
of  education,  the  rest  of  their  brethren 
were  permitted  to  guide  their  own  foot- 
steps towards  the  gates  of  paradise. 
The  Bible  was  indeed  committed  to 
their  peculiar  care,  but  it  was  not  with- 
held from  the  hands  of  the  people  ;  so 
that  though  it  was  their  especial  duty 
to  lead  on  their  fellow-servants  in  the 
y  right  path,  yet  they  could  no  longer, 
like  the  lawyers  of  old,  take  away  the 
key  from  others,  or  prevent  those  from 
entering  in  who  would  gladly  do  so. 
All  were  taught  to  examine  for  them- 
selves; and  though  little  toleration  was 
subsequently  granted  to  any  who  ven- 


tured to  differ  from  the  queen,  yet  the 
first  great  step  towards  religious  liberty 
was  irrevocably  made  when  it  was  au- 
thoritatively stated,'  that  every  assem- 
bly of  human  beings  was  liable  to  err, 
even  in  things  pertaining  to  God.  At 
the  same  time  a  very  material  diminu- 
tion was  made  in  the  power  of  the 
church,  considered  as  a  body  distinct 
from  the  laity,  when  its  members  were 
allowed  to  connect  themselves  to  the 
rest  of  society,  by  those  ties  of  matri- 
mony which  the  law  of  God  has  left 
open  to  all :  for  these  bands  which  at- 
tach the  individual  churchman  to  the 
nearer  concerns  of  private  life,  cannot 
fail  to  weaken  the  interest  he  feels  in 
the  political  welfare  of  the  ecclesiastical 
body,  to  which  alone  the  earthly  affec- 
tions of  the  unmarried  must  be  wedded. 
The  property  of  the  church,  and  that 
influence  which  is  ever  connected  with 
its  possession,  had  undoubtedly  in  for- 
mer times  been  too  great  for  the  welfare 
of  the  kingdom  ;  but  the  Protestant  mo- 
n  .rchs  had  taken  good  care  to  prevent 
the  recurrence  of  this  evil:  nor  can  it 
be  denied,  that  the  poverty  which  suc- 
ceeded its  too  wealthy  state  Avas  in 
many  respects  injurious  to  the  cause 
of  vital  religion,  as  it  neither  afl'brded 
the  ministers  of  God's  word  such  faci- 
lities for  education  as  their  profession 
required,  nor  gave  tliem  the  means  of 
keeping  up  their  outward  respectability 
before  their  flocks.  This  was  peculiar- 
ly felt  by  many  of  the  newly  appointed 
bishops,  who,  returning  penniless  from 
their  foreign  hiding-places,  found  them- 
selves on  a  sudden  exalted  into  situa- 
tions from  which  much  worldly  pomp 
had  always  been  expected,  and  for  the 
supply  of  which  the  revenues  of  their 
preferments  were  totally  inadequate. 
They  were  forced,  therefore,  in  their 
prosperity,  to  exercise  that  patience 
which  they  had  long  practised  in  the 
hour  of  misfortune  ;  and  by  the  sacri- 
fices which  they  were  called  on  to 
make,  the  momentous  truth  was  daily 
impressed  on  them,  a  truth  which  it 
would  be  well  if  none  of  us  forgot,  that 
the  church  establishment  is  intended  to 
promote  the  cause  of  religion,  and  not 
religion  to  advance  the  interests  of  the 
church. 


'  Art.  sxi. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


137 


Among  the  abuses  which  had  been 
remedied,  many  were  as  offensive  to 
the  religious  members  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  communion  as  to  Protestants  ; 
nor  can  it  be  denied  that  other  evils 
were  introduced,  from  which  they  had 
been  comparatively  free,  and  which 
cannot  fail  to  prejudice  them  against 
the  measures  which  were  adopted. 

Enough  has  been  already  said  of  the 
spoliation  of  church  property,  which 
accompanied  this  part  of  our  history  : 
but  on  the  whole,  probably,  the  present 
revenues  of  the  church  are  adequate  to 
her  real  interests,  if  they  were  reason- 
ably divided  and  properly  distributed; 
and  poverty  is  a  much  more  safe  state 
for  the  church  of  Christ  than  wealth: 
"  How  hardly  shall  a  rich  man  enter 
into  the  kingdom  of  heaven  !" 

The  subjection  of  the  ecclesiastical 
body  to  the  state,  in  the  manner  in 
which  it  takes  place  in  the  church  of 
England,  must  be  very  offensive  to 
those  whose  views  in  this  respect  have 
been  differently  directed  ;  and  though 
perhaps  such  a  constitution  may  be  as 
beneficial  to  society  as  any  human  ap- 
pointment can  be  expected  to  prove, 
yet  we  must  be  blind  not  to  perceive 
many  evils  resulting  from  it.  It  may 
perhaps  be  questionable,  whether  much 
power  over  his  lay  brethren  may  be 
safely  intrusted  to  the  minister  of  the 
Gospel ;  yet  it  cannot  but  appear  sin- 
gular, that  of  all  the  different  denomi- 
nations of  Christians  which  exist  in 
England,  probably  no  one  body  has 
committed  so  little  spiritual  authority 
into  the  hands  of  those  who  preside 
over  its  concerns  as  the  established 
church.  This  is  probably  right,  as  far 
as  the  laity  are  concerned  ;  but  it  can- 
not be  right  when  we  look  at  that  disci- 
pline which  the  church  ought  to  exercise 
over  its  official  members.  All  the  power 
which  was  exercised  in  ecclesiastical 
matters,  during  this  and  the  following 
rcign.^,  was  in  reality  a  civil  power,  and 
was  often  exerted  unfortunately  for  civil 
purposes.  So  that  the  church  frequent- 
ly formed  a  rallying  point  in  political 
differences ;  and  as  the  spirit  of  civil 
liberty  by  degrees  emancipated  the 
church  from  the  tyranny  to  which  it 
had  been  reduced,  it  lefi  us  without 
effectual  ecclesiastical  discipline. 

In  matters  of  faith,  too,  many  evils 


of  the  same  description  took  place 
The  people  had  been  taught  to  believe 
that  religion  consisted  in  the  perform- 
ance of  religious  duties,  and  not  in  the 
religious  state  of  the  heart,  of  which 
religious  actions  are  the  natural  and 
necessary  fruit ;  and  when  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Reformation  had  pointed 
out  the  inadequacy  of  the  acts  them- 
selves to  obtain  the  favour  of  God,  men 
were  ready  to  forget  that  the  act  gene- 
rally produces  the  temper,  and  that  the 
temper  cannot  really  exist,  unless  ac- 
companied by  the  act.  Confession,  for 
instance,  had  been  abused  ;  and  when 
men  were  told  that  it  was  not  necessary 
for  salvation,  they  assumed  that  it  did 
not  contribute  to  produce  a  humble 
frame  of  mind.  They  were  told  that 
stated  fasts  were  an  invention  of  men, 
and  they  forgot  that  fasting  is  an  insti- 
tution sanctioned  by  Christ.'  They 
learnt  that  in  many  cases  the  Roman 
Catholics  had  mistaken  and  neglected 
the  end  of  religious  performances,  and 
they  themselves,  while  keeping  the  eye 
fixed  on  the  end,  neglected  the  means 
Avhereby  that  end  might  be  obtained. 
The  Roman  Catholic  clergy  had  often 
exercised  an  authority  over  their  flocks, 
which  tended  to  destroy  the  moral  and 
religious  energies  of  the  people  ;  do  no 
conscientious  Protestants,  while  they 
deplore  the  want  of  restraint  which 
arises  from  actual  discipline  over  those 
who  are  placed  under  our  spiritual  care, 
and  which  we  are  not  allowed  to  use, 
nevertheless  neglect  to  introduce  those 
moral  restraints  which  nothing  but  re- 
ligious education  and  sound  information 
can  impart  ? 

The  extent  of  this  subject  renders  it 


•  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  abuse  of 
fastiniT  among  the  Roman  Catholics  has  produced 
an  injurious  counteraction  among  Protestants  with 
,  regard  to  this  duly;  but  undoubtedly  many  mem- 
bers of  the  church  of  Rome  submit  to  a  very  rigo- 
rous and  conscientious  abstinence  during  Lent. 
The  error  consists  in  imposing  such  rules  as  ne- 
cessarily binding  on  Christians,  and  in  substituting 
one  species  of  food  for  anoihcr.  As  early  as  1541, 
1  Gardiner  reproved  some  Cambridge  students  for 
I  neglecting  the  observance  of  Lent  ;  but  in  the  be- 
i  ginning  of  the  reign  of  Rlizahcih,  it  seems  to  have 
!  been  very  strictly  kept.    (Parker,  i.  133.)  Pro- 
clamations were  issued  concerning  fasting  in  1563, 
1572,  157(i,  ICOI.    And  P'Jizabeih  herself  would 
not  eat  flesh  during  Lent,  till  she  had  obtained  a 
dispensation  to  that  effect  (ram  the  archbishop, 
1587;  and  there  are  instances  of  other  dispensa- 
tions to  the  same  efl'ect.  (Fuller,  L\.  182.  Strype'g 
Whitgifl,  ii.  456.) 


12R 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  IX. 


impossible  that  it  should  be  fully  de- j  be  built  on  that  foundation  in  which  we 
veloped ;  and  it  must  be  left  to  the  me-  i  as  Protestants  trust,  let  us  pray  God 
ditations  of  the  thoughtful  reader  of  jthat  neither  of  us  may  as  individuals 
ecclesiastical  history,  with  the  brief  ex-  j  be  cast  out  through  our  own  faults  ; 
pression  of  a  hope  that  Roman  Catholics  and  while  we  acknowledge  the  ad  van- 
may  draw  nearer  to  Protestants  in  those  tages  derived  to  us  through  the  church 
points  where  we  surpass  them,  and  that  of  Rome,  let  him  thank  God  that  he,  as 
we  may  draw  nearer  to  them  in  those  '  a  member  of  that  communion,  has  ob- 
particulars  wherein  we  have  been  losers  tained  in  spiritual  things  many  benefits, 
in  receding  from  them.  which  he  owes  to  the  existence  of  the 

If  any  religious  Roman  Catholic  be  '  Reformation  ;  and  let  us  hoj)e  and 
unwilling  to  allow,  that  in  the  advan- j  pray,  that  the  dissemination  of  religious 
tages  before  enumerated  we  at  all  sur-  knowledge  may  by  God's  mercy  prove 
pass  him,  if  his  whole  hopes  of  salvation  I  a  blessing  to  all  Christians. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

DURING  PART  OF  THE  REIGN  OF  ELIZABETH,  FROM   1563  TO  1583. 

414.  Disputes  about  ecclesiastical  dresses.  415.  The  question  resolved  into  its  elements.  416.  Uni- 
formity in  dress  enforced  ;  Sampson  and  Humphrey.  417.  Opinions  concerning  these  points. 
418.  Of  Jewel;  Sandys;  Grindal  ;  Parker;  Whitgift.  419.  Of  foreign  divines.  420.  Conduct 
of  Elizabeth  and  Parker.  4-21.  Of  the  Puritans.  422.  Parker's  treatment  of  the  Nonconformists. 
423.  Objections  of  the  Nonconformists.  424.  Baptismal  service  ;  churching  of  wometi ;  iiiusic. 
425.  Church  discipline.  426.  Ordination;  parochial  discipline.  427.  Prophesyings ;  alienaiion  of 
church  property.  428.  Ecclesiastical  commission  ;  commissions  of  concealment.  429.  Conduct 
of  Elizabeth  about  churcli  property.  430.  Poverty  of  the  church;  (a)  question  of  church  property. 
431.  Early  history  of  the  reign.  432.  The  London  clergy.  433.  Camliridge  :  Carturight. 
434.  Convocation.  435.  Ecclesiastical  laws;  acts  of  parliament.  436.  Poor  laws.  437.  Against 
Roman  Catholics.  438.  Roman  Catholic  seminaries  abroad  ;  Persons  and  Campiati.  43'.K  The 
treatment  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  due  in  part  to  themselves.  440.  Principles  on  whi'-h  the  ques- 
tion of  the  treatment  of  them  rests.  411  Blame  due  to  the  Rotnan  Catholics.  442.  'I  heir  con- 
duct ;  the  real  causes  of  the  evil.  443.  Temporal  character  of  the  Relormation.  444.  Persecu- 
tions under  .Mary  and  Elizabeth  compared.  445.  Injustice  and  intolerance  of  the  reign.  44(>.  Se- 
verity towards  the  Nonconformists  ;  Archbishop  Parker.  447.  Grindal,  Archbishop  ;  prophesyings 
stopped;  the  archbishop  suspended.  448.  Examination  of  the  conduct  of  (Grindal.  449.  Of  the 
treatment  of  the  Puritans. 

§  414.  No  sooner  had  the  external  in  cermonies  so  numerous,  as  to  become 
enemies  of  Protestantism  lost  their  burdensome  to  its  members;  and  the 
power  to  persecute  in  England,  than  foreign  reformers,  in  avoiding  this  ex- 
the  spirit  of  discord  arose  within  the  treme,  had  perhaps  rendered  the  out- 
bosom  of  our  own  church ;  and  when  ward  offices  of  religion  too  simple,  and 
all  essential  points  of  reformation  had  therefore  less  calculated  to  excite  all 
been  established,  the  trifling  articles  of  those  feelings  among  the  people,  which 
dress  and  ceremonies  produced  a  flame,  may  beneficially  be  enlisted  in  the  cause 
which  finally  ended  in  the  temporary  of  devotion.  Many  of  the  English  di- 
destruction  of  our  church  and  constitu-  vines  had  adopted  their  ideas  oti  these 
tion.  In  any  great  change  of  opinion,  :  points  from  the  school  of  (Jeneva.  and 
among  the  mass  of  society,  it  is  natural  the  disputes  which  had  thence  arisen, 
for  men  to  run  into  extremes;  and  ■  and  which  had  previously  di.>turbed 
wherever  party  spirit  has  been  preva- '  the  peace  of  the  exiles  in  Fratilv  fort, 
lent,  the  passions  are  so  called  into  were  unfortunately  now  introduced  into 
action,  that  some  time  is  required  before  !  England.  Wc  cannot  but  deplore  i^uch 
reason  can  assume  her  command  ;  and, !  an  event;  but  it  forms  a  melancholy 
during  such  a  period,  the  externals  of  comment  on  the  words  of  St.  Paul,  and 
religion,  or  of  party  distinction,  natu- '  clearly  proves  how  little  all  otlier  gifts 
rally  produce  the  greatest  effect,  and  ujorofit,  if  not  accompanied  with  (.-hris- 
excite  the  warmest  animosity.  \  tian  charity. 

The  church  of  Rome  had  abounded  i     §  415.  In  order  to  get  a  clear  view 


CltAP.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


129 


of  the  merits  of  the  question,  it  may 
not  be  ainiss  to  resolve  it  into  its  ele- 
mentary principles ;  for  the  point  at 
issne  is  very  complicated.  It  set;rns 
to  divide  itself  into  the  following  heads. 

7"'here  are  corruptions  concerning 
which  the  Christian,  and  particularly 
the  Christian  minister,  must  undergo 
any  extremity,  rather  than  admit  of 
them.  Buc  it  may  be  questioned  whe- 
ther the  use  of  an  ecclesiastical  dress, 
or  of  ceremonies,  be  one  of  this  nature ; 
if  it  be,  the  individual  is  right  in  not 
complying;  but  if  it  be  not,  then  he 
who  resists  incurs  the  wrath  of  God 
in  withstanding  the  commands  of  his 
prince,  and  opposing  the  law  of  the 
land. 

In  these,  however,  and  other  points, 
in  which  the  civil  magistrate  has  a  full 
right  to  command,  he  may  exert  that 
power  so  as  to  do  great  injury  to  the 
cause  of  Christianity  ;  and,  as  the  sub- 
ject is  clearly  directed  to  obey  in  mat- 
ters indifferent,  so  the  magistrate  is 
bound  not  to  be  peremptory  in  his  com- 
mands, unless  there  be  some  sound 
reason  for  exerting  his  authority. 

The  first  of  these  queries  must  re- 
ceive its  answer  from  the  conscience  of 
the  subject;  the  latter,  from  the  judg- 
ment of  the  government ;  and  both 
ought  to  rest  upon  the  decisions  of  the 
word  of  God. 

But  the  difficulty  of  this  discussion 
is  much  increased  by  the  complicated 
nature  of  the  duty  of  ecclesiastical 
offic(!rs,  who  as  churchmen  are  bound 
to  obey  the  established  laws,  and  as 
governors  of  the  church,  ought  to  deal 
charitably  with  weak  brethren,  and  to 
soft(m  down  as  much  as  possible  the 
severity  of  those  laws  which  they  are 
called  upon  to  execute.  In  case,  then, 
the  laws  are  such  as  are  in  the  opinion 
of  the  individual  injurious  to  edification, 
though  he  may  himself  comply  with 
them,  yet  he  can  hardly  enforce  con- 
formity on  others ;  and  the  spiritual 
safety  of  a  man  so  situated  will  be  best 
consulted  by  resigning  the  office  with 
which  he  was  intrusted,  for  the  Chris- 
tian benefit  of  those  under  his  control. 

In  estimating,  therefore,  the  conduct 
and  treatment  of  the  ])uritans,  these 
several  bearings  must  alway  be  kept 
in  view;  and  when  the  matter  is  duly 
appreciated,  we  shall  have  every  cause  ' 
17 


to  be  thankful  that  we  live  in  times  in 
!  which  toleration  has  nearly  put  a  stop 
!  to  such  discussions. 

§  IIV).  In  the  first  year  of  Elizabeth, 
the  act  of  uniformity  was  passed,  which 
gave  full  powers  to  the  queen  with  re- 
gard to  ecclesiastical  concerns  ;  and  in 
the  last  clause  but  one  it  is  en;icted, 
that  all  ornaments  for  churches,  and 
the  ministers  thereof,  shall  remain  as 
they  were  in  the  second  year,  of  Ed- 
ward VI.'  Proceedings,  however,  were 
not  commenced  for  some  time  against 
those  ministers  who  did  not  comply 
with  this  part  of  the  law,  and  a  suffi- 
cient period  was  granted  to  the  doubt- 
ful, had  they  been  ready  to  avail  them- 
selves of  it.  But  the  evil  of  noncon- 
formity seemed  to  gain  ground  by 
delay  ;  and  in  the  beginning  of  15fJ5, 
Elizabeth  sent  a  pressing  letter  to  Par- 
ker, and  through  him  to  the  rest  of  the 
bishops,  in  which  she  enjoined  them  to 
begin  the  work  of  enforcing  uniformity.* 
It  can  hardly  be  necessary  in  the  pre- 
sent day  to  prove,  that  outward  habits 
are  to  be  ranked  among  things  indiffer- 
ent, and  that  the  clergy,  therefore, 
ought  to  comply  with  such  injunctions 
as  are  given  by  the  legal  enactments 
of  the  country  ;  but  the  general  antipa- 
thy exhibited  in  London  and  elsewhere 
to  the  cap  and  surplice,  prove  that  the 
consciences  of  brethren  were  then 
easily  offended  ;  while  the  method? 
used  to  remedy  the  disorder,  show  that 
such  scruples  were  not  always  treated 
with  becoming  tenderness.^  The  ma- 
jority of  the  London  clergy  complied 
with  the  order  concerning  the  unity  of 
apparel;  but  a  considerable  number 
refused  to  do  so,  and  were  subsequently 
deprived  of  their  preferments.  This 
species  of  tacit  resistance  to  the  author- 
ity of  the  crown  was  not  confined  to 
the  lower  orders  of  the  clergy,  or  to 
those  whose  situation  in  life,  or  want 
of  education,  might  lead  us  to  doubt 
the  probability  of  their  estimating  the 
question  fairly  ;  but  men  of  considera- 
ble weight  entertained  scruples  on  the 
subject,  and  some  of  them  were  ev.-n 
exposed  to  the  penalties  of  the  law.'' 


'  'Chnt  is,  according  to  the  rubric  of  1549  ;  soe 
<>  7iH.  3,  9. 

2  Sirypc's  Parkr-r,  i.  309. 
^  Sirvpe's  (irindal,  144. 
Sirypt's  Tarker,  i.  322. 


130 


HISTORY  OF  THK 


[Chap.  R. 


Sampson,  dean  of  Christ  Church,  and 
Humphrey,  president  of  Magdalen  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  were  cited  before  the 
ecclesiastical  commission,  and  required 
to  conform  in  the  use  of  the  cap  and 
surplice  ;  and  though  they  wrote  a 
most  submissive  petition,'  declaring 
their  scruples  and  unwillingness  to  com- 
ply, because  the  law  concerning  the 
restoration  of  the  ceremonies  of  the 
Roman -church  is  joined  with  the  ha- 
zard of  slavery,  necessity,  and  supersti- 
tion, yet  no  alternative  was  left  them 
but  that  of  surrendering  their  scruples 
or  their  places.^ 

§  417.  Their  conduct  throughout 
seems  to  have  been  that  of  men  of  ten- 
der consciences,  not  of  persons  obsti- 
nately bent  on  following  their  own  de- 
vices ;  yet  Sampson  was  imprisoned 
and  deprived,^  and  Humphrey,  after 
having  been  connived  at  for  ten  or 
eleven  years,  ultimately  complied  with 
the  ordinances  of  the  church.  Such 
(Christian  and  dignified  submission  as 
was  exhibited  by  these  men  could  not 
be  expected  from  all ;  nor,  indeed,  did 
all  others  display  it ;  but  that  species 
of  insolent  opposition  to  all  church  dis- 
cipline, of  which  instances  subsequently 
occur,  was  of  later  growth,  and  may 
possibly  owe  its  origin  to  the  severities 
now  practised.  In  estimating  the  fault 
nr  the  punishment  of  these  men,  our 
judgments  are  liable  to  err,  from  not 
knowing  what  opinions  were  generally 
entertained  about  the  dresses  them- 
selves."* In  the  present  day,  it  seems 
absurd  to  talk  of  the  necessary  connec- 
tion between  popery  and  a  square  cap 
and  surpHce ;  yet,  where  knowledge 
was  scarce,  and  prejudice  strong,  such 
a  connection  existing  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  might  have  produced  infinite 
harm.  At  all  events,  these  disputes 
among  churchmen  must  have  been  very 
injurious  to  the  cause  of  real  piety.  It 
may  now  appear  probable,  that  greater 
concessions  to  the  weakness  of  sincere 
brethren  might  have  been  made  with 
advantage  by  the  stronger  and  the 
sounder  members   of  our  distracted 


Strypc's  Parker,  lii.  No.  30,  i.  323. 
'  Ibid.  i.  327.  ^  ibid.  i.  3fi8. 

These  opinions  are  e.xprrssed  at  length  in  a 
leUer  troin  Whiitinj;ham,  dran  of  Durham,  to 
Lord  Leicester.  {Sirvpe's  Parker,  iii.  76,  No.  27, 
and  i,  329,  cU.  .xxiii.) 


church.  They  would  have  imitated 
the  true  mather  in  the  judgment  of 
Solomon,  and  have  been  ready  to  con- 
cede their  rights,  to  relinquish  even  the 
justice  of  their  cause,  sooner  than  suf- 
fer the  object  of  their  affections  to  be 
torn  asunder  in  the  struggle  ;  and  this 
I  idea  rests  on  the  opinions  expressed  by 
1  many  individuals  who  were  neither  so 
j  much  implicated  as  to  become  parties 
in  the  discussion,  nor  so  far  removed  in 
point  of  time  from  the  events,  as  to  be 
unable  to  understand  the  prejudices 
which  influenced  the  sincere  noncon- 
formist. 

§  418.  Jewel,  though  he  conformed 
himself,  and  blames  those  who  laid  too 
great  a  stress  on  the  matter,  never  seems 
to  have  been  pleased  with  the  dresses, 
and  uses  very  strong  expressions  in  dis- 
approbation of  them.^ 

Sandys,"  in  his  will  of  the  date  of 
158S,  says,  when  speaking  of  the  rites 
and  ceremonies  of  the  church,  "  So  have 
I  ever  been  and  presently  am  persuaded, 
that  some  of  them  be  not  so  expedient 
for  this  church  now;  but  that  in  the 
church  reformed,  and  in  all  this  time 
of  the  Gospel,  Avherein  the  seed  of  the 
Gospel  hath  so  long  been  sown,  they 
may  better  be  disused  by  little  and  little 
than  more  and  more  urged."  In  a  pri- 
vate letter  to  Peter  Martyr  in  1500,  he 
expresses  himself-  much  more  adverse 
to  the  dresses. 7 

Grindal  had  great  scruples  about  the 
h.abits,^  and  wrote  to  Peter  Martyr  on 
the  subject,  who  advised  that  in  his 
private  dress  the  bishop  should  cer- 
tainly comply,  but  that  if  the  public 
ministration  in  it  would  promote  the 


5  "  De  rehgione  qiiod  scriliis,  el  vesle  sceiiica, 
o  utinam  id  inipetrari  potiiisset.  (Burnet,  iii.  vi. 
No.  57.)  Nns  quidem  tarn  bonae  causae  non  dc- 
fuimus.  Sed  ilh,  quibus  ista  tantoperc  placucrunt, 
credo,  sequuli  sunt  insciliam  pre.sbylerorum  :  quos, 
quoniam  nihil  aliud  videhant  esse,  quain  stipitea, 
sine  ingenio,  sine  doctrina.  sine  moribus,  veste 
salicm  comica  volebant  populo  commendari.  Nam 
ut  alantur  bona;  liier<E,  ct  surrogclur  seges  aliqua 
doctorum  hominum,  nulla,  o  Deus  bone,  nulla 
hoc  tempore  cura  susoipiinr.  Itaque  quoniam 
vera  via  non  possuni,  isiis  liidicris  inepiiis  leneri 
vnlunt  oculos  muliitudinis."  Letter  lo  Peter 
Martyr,  1559.  So  in  the  ne.xt  of  the  same  date. 
"  Omnia  docentur  ubique  purissime.  In  ceremo- 
niis  et  larvis  passim  plusrulum  ineptitur."  No.  58. 

6  Strypc's  Whiigift,  i.  548. 

'"Tantum  manent  in  ecclesia  nostra  vesti- 
menla  ilia  papisiica,  Capas  intellige,  quas  diu  non 
duraturas  speramiis."    Burnet,  iii.  vi.  No.  61. 

'  Strype's  Grindal,  42. 


Chap.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


idea  of  the  mass,  he  had  better  not 
sanction  what  was  wrong  by  his  ex- 
ample :  and  that  at  all  events  he  should 
continue  to  speak  and  teach  against  the 
use  of  the  habits.'  In  a  letter  to  Bul- 
linger,  he  adds,  that  when  the 

bishops  who  had  been  exiles  in  Ger- 
many could  not  persuade  the  queen  and 
parliament  to  remove  these  habits  out 
of  the  church,  though  they  had  long 
endeavoured  it,  by  common  consent 
they  thought  it  best  not  to  leave  the 
church  for  some  rites,  which  were  not 
many,  nor  in  themselves  wicked  ;  espe- 
cially since  the  purity  of  the  Gospel 
remained  safe  and  free  to  them. 

It  may  fairly  be  presumed,  that  Par- 
Icer  himself  entertained  some  doubts 
concerning  the  points  which  were  after- 
wards disputed  between  the  puritans 
and  the  high  church  party ;  for  in  the 
questions  prepared  to  be  submitted  to 
convocation  in  15fJ3,-  probably  under 
his  own  direction,  and  certainly  exa- 
mined by  himself,  there  are  several 
which  manifestly  imply  that  such  a 
difference  of  opinion  might  prevail. 
They  refer  to  the  abolition  of  the  use 
of  the  vestments,  of  private  baptism  ad- 
ministered by  lay  persons,  of  organs 
and  curious  singing,  of  the  answers  of 
sponsors,  &c.^  And  Whitgift  was  one 
of  a  number  of  heads  of  houses  in  Cam- 
bridge who  petitioned  for  a  greater  li- 
cense about  the  dresses. 

§  419.  The  sentiments  of  foreign  di- 
vines may  seem  to  deserve  less  atten- 
tion,'' inasmuch  as  they  derived  the  great 
mass  of  their  information  from  persons 
who  w(!re  suffering  in  the  cause  of  non- 
conformity ;  yet  surely,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  bias  of  the  accounts 
which  they  received,  they  were  less 
likLdy  to  be  prejudiced  on  this  side  than 
the  l)ishops  were  on  that  in  which  their 
personalauthority  vvas  concerned,  which 
seemed  to  be  resisted  by  all  who  re- 
fused to  comply  with  the  injunctions  of 
the  court.  These  foreigners,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  judicious  advice  which 
they  invariably  give,  viz.,  that  any  thing 
vvas  better  than  that  the  church  should 
be  left  destitute  of  pastors,  in  conse- 
quence of  their  scruples,  frequently 


'  Strype's  Grindal,  45. 

2  Slrypc's  Ann.  i.  47.5. 

'  Strype's  Parker,  i.  336,  No.  39. 

*  Ibid.  ii.  110. 


m 

press  upon  the  bishops  the  propriety  of 
charitable  concession,  as  far  as  it  would 
be  admitted  by  the  government.  The 
church  of  Scotland  went  so  far  as  to 
address  an  epistle  to  their  brethren  in 
England,^  in  which,  perhaps,  they  press 
the  matter  more  strongly  than  it  de- 
serves ;  but  these  concurrent  testimonies 
demonstrate  one  thing  at  least,  that  a 
great  stress  was  laid  upon  the  question, 
while  the  event  proved  that  many  mi- 
nisters of  God's  word  were  silenced  in 
consequence  of  the  dresses  enjoined ; 
and  it  may  be  remarked,  that  England 
never  became  convinced  of  the  pro- 
priety of  her  ecclesiastical  habits,  till 
the  opponents  of  her  decent  forms  had 
power  enough  to  cast  them  out  of  the 
church,  and  to  substitute  their  own  more 
superstitious  simplicity.^ 

§  420.  Elizabeth  herself  was  very 
peremptory  on  the  question.''  She  could 
little  brook  resistance  on  any  point ;  but 
when  the  scruple  seemed  so  trifling,  as 
on  this  subject  it  must  have  appeared 
to  any  one  who  was  not  under  the  in- 
fluence of  prejudice  or  passion,  resist- 
ance to  her  mandates  assumed  the  sem- 
blance of  personal  opposition.  And 
when  Parker  and  the  other  bishops  had 
begun  to  execute  the  laws  against  non- 
conformists, they  must  have  been  more 
than  men,  if  they  could  divest  their 
own  minds  of  that  personality  which 
every  one  must  feel  when  engaged  in  a 
controversy,  in  which  the  question  really 
is,  whether  he  shall  be  able  to  succeed 
in  carrying  his  plans  into  execution. 
The  archbishop,  indeed,  who  was  first 
employed  in  this  unpleasant  task,'*seems 
to  have  experienced  more  of  this  feeling 
than  perhaps  beseemed  his  high  station  ; 
yet  the  situation  in  which  he  was  placed 
renders  him  an  object  of  our  pitv  rather 
than  our  blame.  He  probably  foresaw 
the  ill  effects  which  nonconformity 
would  bring  upon  the  church,  and  pre- 
pared to  resist  the  torrent  with  the  bul- 
warks of  severity  and  law.    In  this  he 

5  Strype's  Parker,  iii.  1.50,  No.  51. 

"  Clerk,  writing  on  tlie  question  of  the  habits, 
speaks,  "  de  fanaticis  nosiris  .Siiperpellicianis  et 
Galerianis,"  and  adds,  "  ut  quod  temporis  aniehac 
artihus  et  scientiis  solet  altril)iii,  id  nunc  fiitiHssi- 
mis  de  hina  caprina  altercationibiis  failitur  et  coii- 
sumitur."  Strype's  Parker,  iii.  13;i,  No.  43.  .'See 
sotne  e.xcellent  observations  about  religious  pre- 
judice by  Buchanan.    Pearson's  Life  of,  i.  115. 

'  See  ^  446, 

8  Strype's  Parker,  i.  317,  389. 


132 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


1.UHAP.  TX. 


found  himself  hardly  supported  as  he 
could  wish  by  the  court,  where  there 
existed  a  strong  party  favourable  to  the 
puritans.  He  perceived,  perhaps,  that 
the  odium  of  the  measures  \vhich  he 
was  forced  to  adopt  was  thrown  on  the 
bishops,  who  were  becominof  more  and 
more  the  objects  of  general  dislike 
and  lamented,  with  prophetic  boding, 
the  conduct  of  some  of  the  nobility, 
^whose  favour  was  raising  up  a  party 
against  the  hierarchy,  which  would  ulti- 
mately destroy  every  distinction  of  rank. 

§  421.  Little  can  be  said  in  favour  of 
the  puritans,  and  those  who  rejected  the 
ceremonies  of  the  church,  but  that  they 
were  sincere  in  the  objections  which 
they  raised  against  the  use  of  rites  cor- 
rupted in  the  church  of  Rome.  Their 
scruj)les  will  in  these  days  appear  tri- 
vial, but  they  were  not  then  esteemed 
so  ;  as  party  feeling  began  to  operate 
on  both  sides,  each  became  anxious  to 
enforce  their  own  opinions,  and  in  the 
warmth  of  controversy  the  nonconfor- 
mists seem  to  have  forgotten  that  they 
were  disobeying  the  civil  magistrate, 
and  not  to  have  considered  that  the 
bishops  were  only  enforcing  that  which 
by  law  they  were  bound  to  enforce. 
The  authority  which  the  puritans  with- 
stood was  not  the  mere  spiritual  author- 
ity which  the  episcopal  function  had 
bestowed  on  their  judges  ;  it  was  an 
indefinite  and  ample  power  conferred 
on  the  ecclesiastical  commissioners, 
from  the  supremacy  vested  by  the  par- 
liament in  the  queen.  It  was  a  power 
which  ihe  puritans  may  have  deemed 
unnecessary,  oppressive,  and  little  suit- 
ed to  the  character  of  Christian  bishops; 
but  they  must  have  known  that  it  was 
one  which  had  been  conferred  on  the 
hierarchy  by  the  law  of  the  land,  and  by 
the  persons  in  whose  hands  the  exe- 
cutive was  placed.  But  there  are  many 
considerations  which  should  prevent  us 
from  passing  any  severe  censure  on 
either  party:  the  new  standard  of  opi- 
nion to  which  the  disputants  referred, 
was  one  to  which  they  had  never  been 
accustomed  ;  the  New  Testament  itself 
is  very  indistinct  in  settling  such  points, 
and  to  reason  by  analogy  is  a  task  which 
requires  much  temper  and  experience. 
The  people,  too,  had  been  long  trained 

'  Suypp's  Parker,  ii.  323. 


to  attach  nnportance  to  ceremonies,  and 
though  ignorant  of  principles,  were 
overjoyed  in  exercising  the  privilege 
of  thinking  for  themselves,  which  they 
had  just  acquired.  This  exercise  of 
their  new  right  was  highly  unaccept- 
able to  the  queen,  and  the  government 
in  some  points  tried  to  restrain  it  so 
much,  that  the  struggle  by  degrees 
became  one  for  civil  as  well  as  for  reli- 
gious liberty. 

§  422.  It  appears,  then,  that  neither 
the  government  in  enforcing  conformity 
as  it  did,  nor  the  puritans  in  resisting  it, 
can  well  be  justified  by  any  sound  prin- 
ciples of  Christian  charity ;  the  one 
imposed  a  yoke-  Avhen  it  was  hardly 
necessary,  the  other  rejected  it  when  it 
might  and  ought  to  have  been  borne. 
Nothing,  therefore,  could  be  more  dis- 
tressing than  the  situation  of  a  con- 
scientious bishop  at  such  a  period.  It 
must  have  required  a  patience  truly 
Christian  not  to  have  been  irritated  at 
the  conduct  of  the  nonconformists,  and 
perhaps  still  more  of  Christian  courage 
to  enforce  laws,  when  hinderances  Avcrc 
thrown  in  the  way  by  the  powers  above, 
and  insults  heaped  on  those  in  authority 
by  the  party  against  whom  the  severity 
was  directed.  Parker,  the  first  metropo- 
litan of  this  reign,  was  in  many  respects 
calculated  to  shine  with  splendour  in  the 
situation  in  which  he  was  placed  :  he 
was  liberal,  and  ever  ready  to  advance 
the  interests  of  learning  or  of  talent ;  he 
was  himself  learned  and  studious,  but 
his  peculiar  qualification  seems  to  have 
been  a  desire  and  faculty  of  systematiz- 
ing and  improving  every  establishment 
to  which  he  belonged,  a  talent  which 
was  extremely  required  at  this  period  ; 
but  perhaps  he  was  not  well  calculated 
to  hold  that  even  balance  between  con- 
tending errors,  which  the  difficulties  of 
the  times  placed  more  immediately  in 


2  It  should  be  remeinliered,  that  most  of  the  re- 
gulaiions  with  regard  to  llie  dislinciive  dress  of 
the  clergy  have  gradually  been  given  up,  except- 
ing, indeed,  the  surplice,  and  the  square  cap  in 
ihe  universities.  Copes  and  tunicles  are  almost 
forgolien;  albes  are  confounded  with  surplices; 
and  the  gown  and  cassock,  with  the  square  cap 
and  hood,  are  used  according  to  the  discretion  of 
ihe  clergyman  himself  It  may  indeed  be  ques- 
tioned whether  iliis  has  not  gone  too  far.  Perhaps 
the  interests  of  the  church  would  be  best  consult- 
ed, if  without  adopting  any  distinctive  habits,  we 
all  dressed  so  that  the  world  might  from  our  ap- 
pearance presume  that  we  belonged  to  ilie  minis- 
try. 


Chap.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


133 


his  hands.  Before  the  heat  of  contro- 
versy had  bejTun,  concession  was  com- 
paratively easy;  without  giving  up  the 
ordinances  of  the  church,  a  latitude  of 
practice  might  have  been  tolerated 
which  became  inadmissible  when  the 
question  was  brought  to  an  issue.  The 
remonstrances  too  of  Parker  might  have 
had  more  iufluence  on  the  queen  than 
those  of  any  other  person,  and  it  was 
her  majesty  who  was  most  strenuous  in 
insisting  on  conformity;  but  he  seems 
hardly  to  have  wished  that  his  weak 
brethren  should  be  dealt  with  more 
gently,  for  he  was  very  peremptory  in 
his  proceedings  with  Sampson,^  though 
he  afterwards  kindly  wrote  in  his  favour 
when  ejected  from  the  deanery;  and  in 
this  conduct  was  strikingly  opposed  to 
Grindal,  who  entreated  the  dean,  even 
with  tears  in  his  eyes,  to  comply  in 
the  use  of  the  habits.'^  So  again,  when 
thirty-seven  of  the  London  clergy  re- 
fused compliance  with  the  ecclesiastical 
dresses,  and  of  these  some  of  the  best 
ministers,  by  the  acknowledgment  of 
the  archbishop  himself,  he  does  not 
appear  to  have  adopted  any  conciliatory 
steps,  or  to  have  treated  them  as  breth- 
ren in  Christ,  There  is  no  reason  to 
<^uestion  the  sincerity  of  his  motives, 
and  his  judgment  was  approved  by 
many  persons,  (especially  by  Cox,  bi- 
shop of  Ely,)  who  hoped  that,  by  re- 
ducing the  clergy  of  the  metropolis, 
all  dilficulty  would  be  obviated  else- 
where.' But  where  severity  is  used  in 
cases  of  conscience.  Christian  charity  is 
often  lost  sight  of,  and  the  omission  ne- 
ver takes  place  but  at  the  certain  loss 
of  the  party  who  neglect  it.  The  suf- 
ferers were  deemed  confessors  by  their 
friends,  and  the  party  of  the  puritans 
was  strengthened  by  their  punishment. 

§  42'i.  It  must  not  be  supposed  that 
all  the  objections'  of  the  nonconform- 
ists were  confined  to  the  ecclesiastical 
dresses,  or  that  the  cap  and  surplice 
w^ere  the  only  points  against  which 
their  animadversions   were  directed. 


'  S'rvpc's  Parker,  i.  327. 
2  Tl.i.l.  i.  •.!(;«  and  430. 
5  r>id  i  430. 

*  The  ohjeclions  of  whit  h  the  heads  are  here  set 
down  m;iy  be  seen  in  Burnet's  Reformalion,  iii. 
No.  79,  Append.;  Neal's  Puritans,  i.  192:  but 
many  are  of  course  omitted,  and  a  full  reference 
to  them  would  exceed  the  prescribed  limits  of  this 
work,  as  they  lie  scatlerea  in  various  places. 


The  Book  of  Common  Piayer  was 
generally  attacked  ;  many  of  its  cere- 
monies, especially  in  Baptism,  and  the 
Churching  of  Women,  were  rejected, 
and  organs  and  church  music  were 
considered  as  unchristian. 

The  discipline  of  the  church,  too, 
was  impugned.  Objections  were  raised 
against  episcopacy  itself,  as ,  well  as 
against  the  lordly  and  temporal  author- 
ity possessed  by  the  bishops  ;  while  the 
ordination  of  ministers,  without  their 
being  elected  by  their  flocks,  was  ac- 
counted antiscriptural,  and  the  whole 
was  summed  up  in  the  want  of  a  pres- 
bytery. 

At  the  same  time  they  brought  for- 
ward many  real  abuses,  which  the 
church  could  more  easily  deplore  than 
remedy.  With  regard  to  the  scarcity 
of  preaching  ministers,  the  blame  seems 
to  belong  exclusively  to  neither  party ; 
for  though  the  Irierarchy  undoubtedly  si- 
lenced many  who  would  have  laboured 
in  this  service,  yet  the  nonconformist 
might  have  easily  obviated  the  diffi- 
culty by  accepting  the  ecclesiastical 
dresses  :  thus  Withers,  at  Bury,  con- 
formed, because  he  found  his  congre- 
gation much  less  offended  at  the  use  of 
the  cap  than  at  his  own  silence.'  The 
non-residence,  too,  which  was  licensed 
by  authority,  could  form  no  just  ground 
of  separation  from  the  church,  as  not 
being  essential  to  the  establishment ; 
and  the  religious  conformist  must  have 
viewed  the  neglect  of  a  parish  in  the 
same  light  in  which  it  appeared  to  his 
dissenting  brethren. 

§  434.  In  the  Baptismal  Service  it 
was  objected,  that  the  use  of  the  sign 
of  the  cross  was  superstitious,  and  bor- 
rowed from  the  church  of  Rome  :  as  if 
any  misuse  of  a  custom  derived  from 
the  primitive  church  could  render  its 
nature  sinful,  or  that  the  danger  of  mis- 
conception were  not  sufficiently  guard- 
ed against,  in  the  words  of  the  prayer 
which  accompanies  that  part  of  the  ser- 
vice : — that  the  answers  were  made  in 
the  name  of  the  cliild,  and  not  in  that 
of  the  sponsors  ;  a  difference  which  at 
all  events  is  not  v(!ry  important,  since 
the  very  act  of  bringing  the  infant  to 
the  font  implies  all  that  the  words  can 
convey,  viz.,  that  the  persons  so  admit- 


*  Sirypc's  Parlicr,  i.  374. 

M 


134 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  IX, 


ted  would  become  the  servants  of  that 
Lord  into  whose  faith  they  were  bap- 
tized. Lay  baptism,  too,  fell  under 
their  censure ;  but  it  has  been  ques- 
tioned whether  it  were  ever  authorized 
by  our  church.  It  had  formerly  been 
the  custom  for  midwives  to  administer 
this  sacrament  in  cases  of  necessity  ; 
and  as  this  was  not  distinctly  forbidden, 
the  custom  was  continued,  and  thus 
tacitly  sanctioned.* 

In  the  Churching'  of  Women,  they 
liked  not  that  she  should  be  veiled  of 
necessity,  on  her  first  appearance  in  the 
congreg-ation,  or  that  she  should  always 
be  seated  in  the  same  place;  customs 
which  it  is  ridiculous  to  discuss  ;  and 
which,  in  the  process  of  time,  have  been 
disused  in  most  parishes,  and  onl}'  par- 
tially retained  in  others. 

The  offence  which  was  taken  at  or- 
gans and  church  music,  as  practised  in 
cathedrals,  was  rather  general ;  and  the 
question  of  rejecting  them  Avas  agitated 
in  the  convocation  of  1562."  But  if 
these  churches  were  served  in  those 
days  with  as  little  reverence  among  the 
subordinate  members  as  is  sometimes 
now  apt  to  be  the  case,  it  is  no  wonder 
that  sober-minded  Christians  should  be 
offended  :  and  yet  to  correct  such  neg- 
ligence seems  a  more  reasonable  and 
obvious  remedy,  than  to  deprive  our 

'  Archbishop  I'andys  says,  in  his  will,  "for  the 
private  baptism  to  he  ministered  by  women.  I  take 
neither  10  he  prescribed  nor  permitted."  (.Strype's 
Whitt;ift,  i.  548.)  But  in  the  oath  admini.-itered 
in  the  diocese  of  Canterbury,  in  1567,  to  Eleanor 
I'ead,  a  midwife,  is  the  following  clause,  "  Also, 
that  in  the  ministration  of  the  sacrament  of  bap- 
tism in  the  time  of  necessity,  I  will  use  apt  and 
accustomed  words  of  the  same  sacrament,  that  is 
10  say,  these  words  following,  or  the  like  in  effect : 
/  christen  Ihre  in  Ike  name  of  the  Father,  the  So7t. 
and  the  Ilohi  Ghnat,  and  none  other  profane 
words."  (Strype's  Annals,  I.  ii.  243.)  The  oath 
in  such  a  case  may  liave  been  borrowed  from  the 
old  formulary,  and  have  been  continued,  without 
l)eing  particularly  attended  to,  for  the  sake  of  a 
fee  paid  to  some  ecclesiastical  officer.  The  ques- 
tions asked  according  to  the  Prayer  Bonk  of  1540, 
1552,  and  1560,  seem  to  leave  little  doubt  thai  the 
custom  was  sanctioned.  "  By  whom  was  the 
child  baptized  ?  Who  was  present  when  the  child 
was  bap'izf  d  ?  Whether  they  called  upon  God 
for  grace  and  succour  in  that  nece.-siiy  ?  With 
what  thins  or  what  matter  they  did  baptize  the 
child  ?  Whether  they  think  the  child  to  be  law- 
fully and  perfectly  baptized  ?"'  e.xpressions  which 
hardly  agree  with  the  idea  of  the  child's  having 
been  baptized  by  a  minister,  and  which  questions 
are  for  that  reason  generally  omitted  at  present, 
though  they  have  been  considerably  altered  in 
point  of  word.s. 
2  Burnet,  iii.  vi.  No.  74. 


church  of  a  species  of  service  which, 
to  those  who  are  accustomed  to  it,  is 
the  most  elevating  and  delightful  in  the 
world. 

§  425.  In  point  of  discipline,  the  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  were  so  numerous, 
that  it  will  be  enough  if  we  confine  our- 
selves to  the  prominent  features  of  the 
objections,  without  entering  on  the  de- 
grees in  which  they  were  held,  or  the 
alterations  which  at  different  periods 
grew  into  vogue  with  the  nonconform- 
ists. The  chief  stumbling-block  was 
episcopacy,  as  a  distinct  order  in  the 
church,  and  the  authority  over  the  rest 
of  the  ministry  which  this  distinction 
produced  in  the  body  corporate  of  the 
establishment.  Those  who  maintained 
this  objection  might  be  again  divided 
into  two  parties  :  the  one  was  dissatis- 
fied with  episcopacy  in  the  abstract ; 
the  dissatisfaction  of  the  other  was  con- 
fined to  the  temporal  state  and  civil 
functions  of  the  bishops ;  but  among 
the  mass  of  the  nonconformists  and 
their  followers,  who  were  often  very 
ignorant  on  such  subjects,  such  a  dis- 
tinction was  little  attended  to.  They 
hated  the  bishops,  from  being  taught 
that  their  office  was  unscriptural,  and 
their  proceedings  unchristian ;  and  they 
troubled  not  themselves  to  mark  the 
difference  between  the  office  itself  and 
the  temporal  authority  vested  in  the 
bishops  of  the  church  of  England. 

The  alleged  want  of  an  efficient  pres- 
bytery was  closely  connected  with  this 
question,  and  with  the  circumstance  that 
all  ecclesiastical  power  was  given  ex- 
clusivel}-  to  the  bishops,  who  were  ap- 
pointed by  the  croAvn.  Most  of  the 
exiles  for  religion,  who  on  their  return 
formed  the  influential  part  of  the  church 
of  England,  had  been  familiar  wiih 
establishments  abroad,  in  ivhich  the 
individual  pastors  Avere  possessed  of 
considerable  Aveight  in  the  government 
of  the  church  and  its  concerns  :  on  their 
arrival  in  the  land  of  promised  rest,  they 
found  that  this  spiritual  power  AA  as  in 
no  degree  conferred  on  themselves,  but 
that  they  Avcre  subjected  to  a  very  pe- 
remptory method  of  treatment  before 
the  ecclesiastical  commission,  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Avhich  Avcre  quite  unsup- 
ported by  the  general  tenor  of  the  laAv 
of  the  land.  The  seeds  of  civil  liberty 
Avero  throughout  the  Avhole  struggle 


Chap.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


135 


closely  mixed  uj)  with  the  complaints 
of  the  puritans ;  and  the  same  men  who 
had  learnt  to  search  for  the  truth  on 
religfiou':  subjects,  and  to  pursue  it  in 
xpite  of  the  powers  of  this  world  which 
were  arrayed  asjainst  it,  were  little  likely, 
from  human  motives,  to  submit  to  in- 
junctions, however  reasonable,  which 
Were  arbitrarily  imposed. 

§  43f).  The  dispute  as  to  the  calling 
of  ministers  chiefly  owes  its  origin  to 
the  same  source.  The  warm  upholders 
of  this  opinion  would  have  said  that 
ordination  consisted  virtually  in  the 
elective  call  of  the  flock  ;  that  this  formed 
the  essence  of  the  appointment  to  the 
ministry  ;  and  that  without  it,  all  ordi- 
nation was  the  invention  of  man,  and 
not  the  institution  of  God.  Its  more 
moderate  friends  would  have  maintained 
that  the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the 
presbytery  was  sufficient  without  the 
presence  of  a  bishop,  provided  the  mi- 
nistry of  the  person  admitted  were  not 
unacceptable  to  the  parish.  Between 
these  extremes  there  exist  many  smaller 
varieties,  many  plausible  errors,  into 
which  all  men  are  apt  to  run,  when  they 
set  up  their  own  opinions  as  the  test 
of  right  and  wrong. 

The  absence  of  spiritual  discipline 
was  a  source  of  complaint  with  all  par- 
ties ;  and  the  nonconformists  lamented, 
with  some  show  of  reason,  that  the  only 
exercise  of  it  which  remained  was  con- 
fined to  non-essentials  in  religion,  of 
which  they  themselves  were  the  unfor- 
tunate victims  :  and  it  was  the  observa- 
tion of  one  of  the  best  Avishers  to  the 
church,'  that  ecclesiastical  offices  were 
now  misused  to  private  gain,  rather  than 
public  benefit.  The  country  had  been 
used,  under  the  auspices  of  the  court  of 
Rome,  to  a  strict  inspection  as  to  some 
particulars  relating  to  morals,  at  least 
to  the  idea  of  it.  In  the  prcsbyterian 
churches,  a  great  deal  of  real  discipline 
was  preserved,  and  much  actual  super- 
intendence exercised  ;  but  the  power  of 
the  church,  as  it  now  existed  in  Eng- 
land, was  inadequate  to  keep  up  the  old 
episcopal  jurisdiction  which  had  been 
carried  on  in  former  days ;  and  from 
her  adopting  little  of  the  prcsbyterian 
government,  she  wanted  the  discipline 


'  Burleigh's  Letter  to  Aylmer,  1579.  Strype's 
Aylmcr,  188. 


I  of  combination,  with  which  the  difTusion 
'  of  power  under  that  system  invested 
j  the  ministerial  body.  But  it  may  fairly 
be  questioned  whether  this  species  of 
authority  be  not  in  its  nature  wrong. 
There  are  but  two  principles  on  which 
punishment  can  ever  be  administered 
with  advantage  :  first,  when  severity  is 
used  for  the  sake  of  the  person  punished; 
and,  secondly,  when  it  is  done  for  the 
sake  of  civil  society  :  when  the  penalty 
inflicted  may  reform  the  aggressor,  or 
prevent  the  recommission  of  the  crime 
in  others,  by  the  force  of  terror,  and  the 
influence  of  example.  The  latter  of 
these  may  be  fully  exercised  by  lay 
courts  ;  and  though  on  many  occasions 
ecclesiastical  discipline  may  further  the 
former  object,  yet  the  authority  with 
M'hich  it  invests  the  pastor,  makes  him 
as  it  were  a  judge  over  his  brethren  ; 
and  wherever  temporal  disability  is  con- 
nected with  ecclesiastical  censure,'^  it 
gives  the  minister  of  the  gospel  a  cha- 
racter which  will  probably  injure  the 
state  of  his  own  mind,  and  perhaps 
alienate  the  affections  of  his  flock  ;  while 
it  cannot  fail  to  make  both  parties  refer 
their  conduct  to  the  laws  and  institu- 
tions of  men,  rather  than  to  the  com- 
mandments of  God.  But  it  was  the 
want  of  power  vested  in  the  subordinate 
ministry,  which  was  the  real  cause  of 
the  present  dissatisfaction  ;  and  neither 
the  policj'  of  the  queen,  nor  the  general 
state  of  the  clergy,  gave  any  great  pro- 
bability that  this  would  be  granted. 

§  427.  The  most  obvious  evil  which 
existed  at  this  time  was  the  want  of  an 
effective  ministry  ;  and  for  the  sake  of 
improving  the  clergy,  exercises  were 
established  in  most  of  the  dioceses, 
which  were  called  prophesyings,  from 
an  expression  used  by  St.  Paul.''  The 
manner  of  carrying  them  on  varied  in 
different  places,*  but  was  generally  as 
follows.^    The  diocese  was  divided  into 

^  In  our  own  cliurch.  temporal  pains  are  at- 
lathed  to  spiritual  punishments ;  (a  man,  for  in- 
stance, who  is  exronimunicated,  cannot  perform 
any  legal  act  ;)  and  that  proper  jealousy  which  the 
civil  courts  have  always  exercised,  lest  the  rights 
of  the  subject  should  he  in  any  way  infringed,  has 
by  degrees  driven  churchmen  from  attempting  to 
put  ecclesiastical  censures  in  force,  except  on  very 
flagrant  occasions;  so  that  even  a  clergyman 
must  have  been  guilty  of  excessive  misconduct, 
and  have  disgraced  the  church,  before  the  bishops' 
court  can  interfere  for  his  correction. 

'  1  Cor.  xiv.    ■»  Strype's  Ann.  iii.  325,472,481. 

s  Grindal,  2G0. 


13G 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


[Chap.  LX. 


convenient  districts,  and  the  clergy  be- 
longing to  each  were  assembled  at 
stated  periods,  about  once  in  the  fort- 
night, when,  together  with  jirayers, 
sorne  text  of  Scripture  was  discussed 
by  speakers  appointed  by  the  modera- 
tor, who  was  himself  nominated  by  the 
bishop  or  archdeacon,  and  was,  in  some 
dioceses,  the  dean  rural  of  the  dcaner3^ 
From  the  injudicious  proceedings  in 
particular  districts,  in  which  subjects 
tending  rather  to  schism  than  to  edifi- 
cation were  brought  forward,  objections 
were  raised  by  those  in  authority,  and 
the  mind  of  the  queen  was  prejudiced 
against  tliem,  so  that  they  were  gene- 
rally suppressed  in  1377,  though  ap- 
proved of  by  many  persons  well  able  to 
judge  on  the  question.'  The\'  formed, 
as  it  were,  a  nucleus  for  the  presbytery, 
which  might  easily  have  beeii  abused  ; 
but  had  they  been  judiciously  carried 
on,  they  might  havt^  supplied  a  defect 
which  is  still  strongly  felt.  A  young 
clergyman,  who  has  had  but  little  expe- 
rience in  the  care  of  a  parish,  might,  in 
such  a  body,  have  found  an  auth.orized 
guide  for  his  own  conduct  on  many 
minor  points,  in  which  he  hardlj-  ven- 
tures to  apply  to  his  archdeacon  or  his 
bishop  ;  and  bj^  the  frequent  discussion 
of  such  questions  the  priesthood  would 
become  better  able  to  perform  their 
duties,  while  the  very  act  of  thus  as- 
sembling would  have  given  a  spiritual 
tone  to  the  meetings  of  the  clergy,  the 
present  want  of  which  must  certainly 
be  deplored.  There  was  at  the  time 
less  trouble  in  silencing  the  whole  than 
in  remedying  or  preventing  these  dis- 
orders ;  and  the  disinclination  which 
had  been  felt  towards  these  prophcsy- 
ings,  prevented  the  adoption  of  such 
exercises  as  might  have  produced  all 
the  good,  without  occasioning  the  evils 
complained  of.  Something  of  this  sort 
was  rendered  the  more  necessary, °  on 
account  of  the  scarcity  of  preachers 
and  educated  clergymen  ;  but  Elizabeth 


•  Lord  Bacon  expresses  his  approbation  of  these 
exercises  sirongiy.  (Strype's  Ann.  v.  480.)  Sir 
Francis  Knowles,  Sir  ^\  aher  Mildmay,  and  Sir 
Thomas  .'^iniih  commended  them,  lo  say  nothing 
of  the  liishops  who  sanctioned  their  introduction. 
(Strype's  Ann.  iii.  477.) 

2  VVhitgilt  says,  "  I  thinke  it  not  amisse  for  the 
ordinarie  to  appoint  some  kinde  of  exercise  for  the 
unlearned  ministers,  but  not  in  that  forme." 
Strype's  Whitgift,  iii.  128,  No.  xiii.  12. 


seems  not  to  haw  possessed  any  very 
correct  \news  with  regard  to  their  im- 
provement. She  applied,  it  is  true,  cer- 
j  tain  lapsed  revenues  to  the  foundation 
I  of  schools,  and  patronized  the  universi- 
ties ;  but  she  adopted  sirch  measures 
with  respect  to  church  property  as 
would  have  rendered  it  impossible  that 
England  should  have  ever  possessed  a 
learned  ministry,  had  not  her  proceed- 
ings been  partialh'  stopped,  and  subse- 
quently, in  some  degree,  remedied. 
The  dignified  clergy  were,  during  her 
reign,  pillaged  most  unmercifully  ;  and 
though  many  a  sensible  and  conscien- 
tious person  might  have  esteemed  the 
former  revenues  of  the  bishops  too 
great,  yet  it  must  be  remembered  that 
high  situations  soon  become  nugatory, 
unless  they  are  supported  by  a  cor- 
responding income.  She  Avas  enabled 
to  commit  these  depredations  on  the 
establishment,  by  an  act  which  passed 
in  the  first  year  of  her  reign,  allowing 
her  to  exchange  the  lands  of  vacant 
bishoprics  for  impropriated  tithes  ;  and 
though  the  crown  Avas  probably  not 
much  the  richer  for  this  iniquitous  bill, 
yet  the  courtiers  and  favourites  of  the 
queen  made  such  use  of  it,  as  to  ren  er 
the  church  unable  to  support  its  mi- 
nistry. 

§  428.  The  great  engine  for  the  go- 
vernment of  the  church,  during  this 
reign,  w-as  the  Court  of  Ecclesiastical 
Commission.  It  was  established  under 
the  eighth  clause  of  the  Act  of  Suprema- 
cy, which  allowed  the  queen  to  delegate 
her  own  power  to  persons  appointed  for 
that  purpose.  It  was  composed  chiefly 
of  churchmen ;  but  the  names  of  some 
of  the  laity  were  always  joined  with 
them,  although,  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, the  laymen  took  less  interest  in 
the  transactions,  and  frequently  absented 
themselves,  when  offensive  measures 
were  to  be  carried  though.  Its  autho- 
rity, like  the  queen's  supremacj',  was 
indefinite  and  unlimited,  and  strongly 
resembled  that  exercised  by  the  Star 
Chamber.  The  efforts  of  the  commis- 
sioners were  first  directed  against  non- 
conformity, and  irregularities  of  less  im- 
portance ;  and  though  their  severity  fell 
the  heaviest  on  those  whose  scruples  or 
fancies  prevented  them  from  complying 
with  the  regulations  about  dresses,  &c., 
yet  the  court  soon  began  to  be  oppres- 


Chap.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  I':ngland. 


137 


sive  to  tho  poorer  clergy;'  for  whoever 
was  invested  with  such  a  power  as  was 
intrusted  to  the  members  of  it,  was 
enabled  to  convert  it  to  his  own  private 
advantatje,  by  means  of  bribes  received 
from  individuals  exposed  to  prosecution, 
or  who  were  liable  to  be  brought  before 
a  court  in  which  the  proceedings  were 
unknown  and  arbitrary:  and  the  number 
of  commissioners,  in  different  parts  of 
the  country,  allowed  very  unfit  persons 
to  be  invested  with  the  office. 

The  chief  oppression,'^  however,  arose 
afterwards  from  commissions  of  conceal- 
ments, in  which  the  queen  granted  a 
right  of  appropriating  to  the  use  of  par- 
ticular persons  such  property  as  by 
former  confiscations  belonged  to  the 
crown,  but  which  had  been  transferred 
into  other  hands.  The  proceedings  of 
the  commissioners  were  often  most  inju- 
rious to  honest  possessors,  and  one  con- 
siderable branch  of  their  profit  arose 
from  sums  given  to  stay  or  prevent  pro- 
cesses. The  value  of  what  was  at  stake 
was  often  enormous.  The  whole  foun- 
dation of  the  church  of  Norwich  was  at 
one  time  in  jeopardy  of  falling  from  the 
purposes  for  which  it  was  made,  and 
being  converted  into  a  private  estate  ;^ 
but  the  officers  of  the  crown  interfered; 
and  though  in  danger  for  a  considerable 
time,  it  was  ultimately  saved,  and  re- 
foimded  by  the  queen  in  158S. 

§  ■421).  The  granting  such  commis- 
sions is  one  among  many  impolitic  acts 
with  which  the  government  of  Elizabeth 
is  marked.  Security  of  person  and 
property  is  the  object  for  which  men 
submit  to  the  restraints  of  civil  society; 
whatever,  therefore,  tends  to  render  any 
tenure  insecure,  must,  in  some  degree, 
unhinge  the  bands  of  society ;  and  the 
feeling  of  the  possibility  of  such  insecu- 
rity is  almost  as  bad,  in  this  respect,  as 
the  reality.  From  the  quantity  of  land 
which  had  changed  its  possessors  within 
a  few  years,  almost  every  rich  subject 
must  have  held  property  which  had  once 
belonged  to  ecclesiastical  bodies,  and  his 
title,  therefore,  have  been  liable  to  be 
called  in  question,  unless  his  power  pre- 
served him  from  such  apprehensions. 
Her  conduct,  then,  must  appear  as  inju- 

'  Strype's  Parker,  ii.  306. 
2  Strype'a  Parker,  ii.  224,  and  Annals,  v.  162, 
168. 
»  Ibid.  iii.  450. 

18 


dicious  as  it  was  unjust.  The  ravage 
which  was  committed  by  Henry  was  the 
wasteful  prodigality  of  a  tyrant;  yet  fo 
those  who  view  the  payment  of  the  e.s- 
tablishment  as  the  means  of  promoting 
religion,  not  as  the  end,  the  alienation 
must  appear  a  useful,  though  somewhat 
a  harsh  measure.  Under  Edward,  the 
monarch  was  too  weak  to  resist  the  ava- 
rice of  those  who  governed,  and  Mary 
rather  enriched  than  robbed  the  establish- 
ment ;  but  Elizabeth  laid  her  hands  on 
all  that  she  could  grasp,  though,  for  the 
sake  of  keeping  up  appearances,  she 
restored  some  small  portion  in  founda- 
tions connected  with  education.  She 
acted  towards  the  property  of  the  church 
with  no  more  prudence  or  forbearance 
than  she  did  towards  that  of  the  crown, 
and  in  both  seemed  to  look  no  further 
than  the  lifehold  interest  which  she  pos- 
sessed in  it.  The  improvident  leases 
made  by  churchmen  themselves  tended 
to  impoverish  the  revenues  of  the  estab- 
lishment ;  but  for  one  case  on  record 
where  the  clergy  were  to  blame,  several 
might  be  found  where  the  interference 
of  the  court  obliged  them  to  give  away, 
in  a  legal  form,  what  belonged  to  their 
successors. 

The  queen  never  liked  to  apply  for 
money  to  parliament,  lest  the  members 
should  interfere  with  her  proceedings,* 
but  wasted  the  church  in  paying  those 
courtiers  whom  her  parsimony  prevented 
her  from  rewarding  otherwise.^  She  did 
not  begin  the  custom,  but  she  ought  to 
have  put  a  stop  to  it."  She  did  not, 
perhaps,  allow  it  to  go  so  far  as  the  pu- 
ritans wished,  or  satisfy  the  desires  of 
her  courtiers,  but  it  went  to  such  a  length 
that  England  has  felt  it  ever  since.  Nor 
has  the  liberality  of  parliament,  com- 
bined with  the  bounty  of  Q,ueen  Anne, 
been  yet  able  to  render  our  poorer  livings 
adequate  to  the  decent  maintenance  of  a 
clergyman  :  and  were  it  not  for  the  piety 
of  those  who,  through  the  possession  of 
private  property,  are  enabled  to  devote 
their  talents  to  the  service  of  God,  by 
entering  into  the  ministry,  a  great  num- 
ber of  parishes  in  England  would  be 
destitute  of  an  educated  pastor. 


*  Wordsworth's  Eccles.  Biog.  iv.  70,  and  233. 

5  Slrype's  Grindal,  42,  49. 

^  Archbishop  Parker,  in  a  letter  to  Elizabeth 
which  he  wrote  from  his  deathbed,  remonstrates 
with  her  on  this  point.    (Strype's  Parker,  ii.  430.) 

M  3 


138 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  IX. 


§  4:30.  The  poverty  of  the  church,  in 
the  early  part  of  tlie  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
Avas  excessive ;'  not  only  among  the 
higher  clergy,  who  Avere  exposed  to 
these  attacks  from  the  court,  but  among 
the  lower  and  laborious  individuals  who 
possess  no  di^iified  station,  and  have 
no  further  worldly  prospect  than  to  pro- 
vide br(?ad  for  themselves  and  their  fami- 
lies.'^ At  this  moment,  when,  from  being 
allowed  to  marry,  they  required  greater 
incomes  than  before,  the  revenues  of 
the  church  were  labouring  under  a  great 
depression,  attributable  to  a  combination 
of  several  causes. 

The  wholesale  alienation  of  church 
property  which  had  taken  place  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  had  unsettled  the 
minds  of  the  nation  with  regard  to  all 
tenures ;  might  had  legally  been  con- 
verted into  right,  and  all  men  were  ready 
to  take  advantage  of  the  change.^  The 
court  invaded  the  wealth  of  the  higher 
clergy and  they  in  their  turn  were  often 
little  careful  of  the  interests  of  their  suc- 
cessors,-^ and  sometimes  raised  a  revenue 
by  appropriating  to  themselves  the  in- 
come which  was  originally  granted  for 
the  officiating  incumbent.''  Where  the 
law  did  not  strictly  interfere,  it  was  not 
very  likely  that  lay-patrons  would  be 
very  scrupulous  as  to  the  person  to  whom 
they  committed  the  cure  of  souls ;  and,  to 
use  the  words  of  the  learned  writer  of  the 
preface  to  Bullinger's  Decads,"  "  Patrons 
now-a-days  search  not  the  universities 
for  a  most  fit  pastor ;  but  they  post  up  and 
down  the  country  for  a  most  gainful 
chapman  :  he  that  hath  the  biggest  purse 
to  pay  largelj^  not  he  that  hath  the  best 
gifts  to  preach  learnedly,  is  prcs&nted." 

1  See  ^  410. 

^  Parker  inhibited  Grindal  from  holding  a  visita- 
tion of  the  London  clergy,  (at  which  fees,  procu- 
rations, and  synodals,  are  paid  to  the  bishop.)  he- 
cause  they  had  scarcely  wherewith  to  buy  food 
and  raiment.  (Strype's  Grindal,  57.)  Grindal,  in 
his  letter  to  Elizabelh,  says,  (Ibid.  5(j5,)  "So 
that  at  this  day,  in  mine  opinion,  where  one  church 
is  able  to  yield  sufficient  living  for  a  learned 
preacher,  there  are  at  the  least  seven  churches 
unable  to  do  the  same  ;  and  in  many  parishes  of 
your  realm,  where  there  he  seven  or  eight  hundred 
souls,  (the  more  is  the  pity,)  there  are  not  eight 
pounds  a  vear  reserved  lor  a  minister."  (See  also 
Strype's  Whiigift,  iii.  171,  No.  26.) 

'  As  an  instance  of  such  proceedings,  see  the 
account  of  the  visitation  of  the  Savoy.  (Strype's 
Grindal,  236.) 

*  Strype's  Annals,  vi.  466,  No.  29. 

6  Ibid.  vi.  266,  No.  32,  i. 

6  Ibid.  vi.  471 ,  No.  32,  ii.        '  Ibid.  iv.  HG. 


To  this  may  be  added  the  loss  sustaim-d 
through  the  discontinuance  of  fees  and 
offerings  which  were  made  by  the  laity 
to  the  curates  of  their  parishes. ^  Obla- 
tions made  at  shrines,  the  jirofits  arising 
from  pilgrimages,  mortuaries,  and  per- 
sonal lilhes,  (being  the  tenth  of  all  men's 
clear  gains,)  had  in  towns  formed  a  con- 
siderable source  of  income  to  the  clergy  ; 
these  payments  had  now  ceased  ;  but 
the  government  had  been  far  from  inter- 
posing to  supply  the  deficiency."  The 
courtiers  joined  with  the  puritans  in  at- 
tacking the  church,  the  latter  to  depress 
its  power,'"  the  former  to  share  in  the 
spoil,  and  to  render  the  clergy  beggars,  in 
order  that  they  might  depend  on  them." 

*  Strype's  Whiigift.  iii.  171. 

'  Strype's  Grindal,  78. 
Strype's  Whiigift,  i.  146,  147. 

"  The  whole  question  of  church  property  is  one 
of  vast  importance  to  the  country,  and  is  unfor- 
tuna  cly  so  Irequenily  misunderstood,  that  it  may 
prove  u.'^elul  to  tay  suiiiei liiiig  ot  the  principles  on 
which  provision  ought  to  be  made  for  the  clergy. 
'I'be  payment,  it  rightly  arranged,  will  redound 
10  the  benefit  of  the  whole  body  politic.  Humanly 
speaking,  labourers  cannot  he  procured  without 
lure,  and  their  quality  will  correspond  with  the 
paymctit  which  is  provided  lor  them.  Now,  men 
are  paid  either  by  consideration,  or  by  actual  ad- 
vantages, (i.  e.  in  a  civilized  country  by  money;) 
ar.d  the  consideration  will  itself  depend  on  the 
esteem  in  which  the  profession  is  held,  as  well  as  in- 
directly on  the  rank  and  fortune  which  are  indepen- 
dently possessed  by  those  individuals  who  compose 
it.  '1  hus.  for  instance,  the  profession  of  arms  is 
honouralile,  and  therefore  the  pay  which  i.s  al'otted 
to  ofFii-ers  always  has  been,  and  should  be,  ade- 
quate to  support  the  rank  which  they  hold  in  so- 
ciety :  and  yet  we  find  men  of  family  and  fortune 
crowding  into  the  profession  for  the  sake  of  the 
honour  to  be  acquired  in  it.  Compare  this  service 
with  the  collection  of  customs  or  excise,  and  it 
will  be  found  that  the  same  pay  in  money  will 
provide  a  very  difl'erent  species  of  person  for  the 
employment. 

'i'he  duty  of  an  established  clergy  is  to  promote 
the  spiritual  benefit  of  their  brethren,  and  the  rea- 
son why  the  state  pays  them  at  all,  is,  that  the 
spiritual  and  moral  advancement  of  a  country  di- 
rectly influences  the  prosperity  of  a  stale.  For  it 
may  safely  be  asserted, that  nothing  but  vice  really 
injures  a  kingdom,  and  that  states  fall  not  from 
luxury,  hut  from  the  vices  which  accompany 
luxury.  In  England,  for  instance,  an  individual 
may  enjoy  luxuries  and  conveniences  unknown  to 
people  of  the  same  station  in  other  countries  of 
modern  Europe,  or  to  the  ancients  ;  yet  the  com- 
monwealth is  the  richer  for  our  comforts,  and  we 
are  still,  comparatively  speaking,  far  from  being  a 
vicious  nation.  The  object,  therefore,  which  the 
politician  should  have  in  view,  in  providing  for  an 
established  clergy,  is  to  assign  such  a  remunera- 
tion to  them  as  will  procure  a  body  of  men  whose 
rank  in  life  will  not  be  likely  to  render  them  irre- 
ligious, and  whose  attainments  are  such  as  to  ena- 
ble them  to  promote  the  civilization  of  society  in 
general.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  much  tem- 
poral wealth  is  not  suited  to  promote  Christianity, 


Chap.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


139 


§481.  The  events  which  took  place] 
between  the  settlement  of  the  church: 
and  the  death  of  Parker  are  not  in  them- 1 
selves  very  important  or  interesting; 
and  since  we  have  already  taken  a  ge- 
neral view  of  the  leading  features  which 
distincjuished  the  ecclesiastical  proceed- 
ings, a  brief  account  of  the  various  oc- 
currences must  suffice.  When  the  chief 
points  were  settled,  as  to  belief  and  dis- 
cipline, it  remained  only  to  allow  mat- 
ters to  take  their  own  course,  and  to 
observe  how  the  laws  and  ordinances 
answered  the  purposes  for  which  they 
were  intended.  Activity  and  exertion 
were  necessary  among  the  clergy,  in 
carrying  on  their  ministerial  duties  ;  but 


and  that  without  temporal  wealth,  such  an  educa- 
lion  cannot  he  procured  in  a  civilized  country  as 
will  render  tlie  generality  ot  teachers  adequate  to 
direct  their  flocks.  'I'he  English  politician  has  not 
the  difficulty  ot  adjusting  this  balance,  for  by  the 
great  mercy  ot  God  we  possess  an  establishment 
in  which  ihe  clergy  are  by  their  station  inixed  with 
every  rank  in  society,  and  on  the  whole  adequately 
paid.  In  a  scale  which  it  has  taken  so  many  cen- 
turies to  tbrm.  and  in  which  so  much  has  depended 
on  circumstances  apparently  accidental,  there  must 
exist  some  pieces  ol  preteritient  which  seem  to  be 
paid  loo  largely,  and  we  know  that  there  are  many 
more,  in  which  the  workman  is  inadequately  re- 
munerated. In  a  constitution  such  as  ours,  the 
true  I'riends  of  the  establishment  will  always  have 
the  eye  fi.\ed  on  what  can  most  easily  be  remedied, 
and  not  on  what  a  theorist  might  originally  have 
desired;  such  laws,  therefore,  as  tend  to  support 
ecclesiastical  disciphne  among  the  clergy  them- 
selves, and  to  make  ns  perforin  our  duties  more 
adequately,  must  be  deemed  beneficial,  and  every 
step  should  be  promoted  which  will  provide  for  the 
poorer  clergy,  for  curates  in  cases  of  non-residence, 
and  for  the  incumbents  in  livings  where  the  tithes 
are  impropriated,  which  arc  perhaps  at  present  the 
worst  paid  of  any  species  of  preferment  ;  but  he 
must  be  a  very  bold,  and  ought  to  be  a  very  cau- 
tious legislator,  who  would  venture  to  attack  the 
oldest  tenures  in  this  or  any  other  country.  That 
the  legislature  has  a  right  to  interfere  with  pro- 
perty belonging  to  either  bodies  corporate  or  indi- 
viduals, be  they  laymen  or  ecclesiastics,  cannot  be 
denied  ;  but  the  right  is  the  same  in  one  case  as 
in  the  other,  and  in  both  the  necessity  which  calls 
for  such  a  step  should  be  clearly  proved.  It  is 
always  much  more  safe  to  tax  the  property  of  some 
for  the  support  of  others,  than  to  touch  the  pro- 
perly itself.  If  the  tenths  on  the  larger  prefer- 
ments were  increased,  the  sums  thus  thrown  into 
the  hands  of  the  governors  of  Queen  Anne's 
bounty  would  gradually  provide  for  the  increase 
of  smaller  livings  ;  nor  should  it  be  forgotten,  that 
probably  one-half  of  the  English  bishoprics  do  not 
amount  in  income  to  the  salaries  of  the  judges, 
who,  upon  a  fair  estimate  of  the  nature  of  their 
offices,  and  ihe  rank  they  rightly  hold  in  society, 
are  by  no  means  loo  highly  rewarded.  And  that 
even  these  incomes  of  the  bishops  are  made  up  in 
many  cases  of  impropriations,  where  the  main- 
tenance, which  in  fnro  conscientia:  is  due  to  him 
who  performs  the  spiritual  duties  of  the  parish,  is 
taken  from  him  and  given  to  another. 


the  great  object  was  to  establish  through- 
out the  country  the  habit  of  observing' 
what  the  legislature  had  enacted.  Jewel,* 
in  speaking  of  the  state  of  the  country 
in  the  beginning  of  the  reign,  says,  that 
the  people  were  very  ignorant  and  su- 
perstitious, but  very  much  inclined  to 
religion  ;  a  state  in  which  much  labour 
was  required,  but  in  which  the  exertions 
of  the  ministry  were  not  likely  to  prove 
unsuccessful.  Few,  however,  seem  to 
have  trod  this  unpretending  path  of  spi- 
ritual and  quiet  toil :  the  one  party  were 
eager  to  introduce  innovations  incom- 
patible with  what  was  established,  the 
other  were  employed  in  repressing  these 
attempts,  and  in  providing  for  their 
temporal  interests.  The  consequences 
of  this  were  such  as  might  have  been 
expected,  and  are  characterized  in  a 
mournful  description  given  by  Strype, 
which  is  chiefly  drawn  from  the  papers 
of  Lord  Burleigh.^  "The  churchmen 
heaped  up  many  benefices,  and  resided 
upon  none,  neglecting  their  cures ; 
many  of  them  alienated  their  lands, 
made  unreasonable  leases  and  wastes 
of  their  woods,  granted  reversions  and 
advowsons  to  their  wives  and  children, 
or  to  others  for  their  use.  Churches 
ran  greatly  into  dilapidations  and  de- 
cays, and  were  kept  nasty,  and  filthy, 
and  undecent  for  God's  worship." 

§  432.  The  declaration  of  open  war 
between  the  high  and  low  church  parties 
may  be  considered  to  have  taken  place 
in  1560  ;^  when  the  proclamation  of  the 
queen  gave,  as  it  were,  the  sanction  of 
law  to  the  Advertisements'*  which  the 
bishops  had  previously  put  forth,  and 
they  began  to  enforce  uniformity  among 
the  London  clergy,  (March  Of  98 

who  appeared  before  the  commissioners, 

>  Burnet,  iii.  207,  fol.,  495,  8vo. 

2  Sirype's  Parker,  ii.  204.  '  Ibid.  i.  427. 
The  Advertisements  are  a  set  of  canons  to  en- 
force uniformity  of  "doctrine  and  preaching;  ad- 
ministration of  prayer  and  sacraments ;  certain 
orders  in  ecclesiastical  policy  ;  outward  apparel  of 
persons  ecclesiastical ;  and  promises  to  be  made 
by  those  entering  on  any  ecclesiastical  office." 
(Sparrow's  Coll.  121.)  They  were  printed  and 
published  Jan.  25th,  1565,  without  the  royal 
authority,  by  the  ecclesiastical  commissioners, 
from  whence,  indeed,  they  derive  their  name,  and 
are  not  called  Articles  or  Ordinances.  (Strype'a 
Parker,  i.  313.)  That  part  which  referred  to 
dress  was  sanctioned  by  the  proclamation,  as 
above  ;  and  the  others  seemed  to  have  been  used 
as  if  they  were  law.  (Strype's  Parker,  i.  319.) 
A  diflferent  copy  of  these  is  printed  in  Strype. 
(Strype's  Parker,  iii.  84,  No.  28. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


61  complied,  and  37  refused,  of  which 
number,  as  Parker  acknowledges,  "were 
the  best,  and  some  preachers;"'  and, 
contrary  to  the  expectation  of  their 
judges,  they  showed  reasonable  quiet- 
ness and  modesty.  When  the  three 
months  which  the  law  allowed  them  for 
consideration  had  elapsed,  they  were 
ipso  facto  deprived  of  all  their  spiritual 
promotions  ;  ^and  in  the  beginning  of 
ihe  next  year  began  to  separate  from 
the  church,  by  carrying  on  private  meet- 
ings for  devotions  and  worship,  which 
were  conducted  chiefly  after  the  formula 
of  the  church  of  Geneva.  They  alleged 
as  their  excuse,  that  in  the  Common 
Prayer  Book,  "the  ceremonies  of  anti- 
christ were  tied  to  the  service  of  God, 
so  that  no  man  might  preach  and  admi- 
nister the  sacraments  without  them." 
The  government  was  alarmed  at  such  a 
symptom  of  dissent,  and  the  ecclesiasti-  - 
cal  commissioners  were  urged  to  exert  j 
themselves.  During  this  period  of  j 
schism,  there  were  not  wanting  instances  [ 
of  men,  who,  though  they  disapproved  I 
of  the  habits,  yet  conformed  to  the  esta- 
blished law,  following  the  suggestions 
of  Beza,  who  advised  his  friends  mo- 
destly to  protest  against  these  proceed- 
ings,^ but  by  no  means  to  desert  their 
flocks  for  matters  in  themselves  not  un- 
godly. 

§  433.  This  schism  of  the  London 
clergy,  in  itself  injurious  to  the  Chris- 
tian welfare  of  the  state,  was  rendered 
far  more  formidable  by  the  appearance 
of  the  same  spirit  in  one  of  the  cradles 
of  our  church  establishment,  where  it 
might  taint  the  source  from  which  sound 
sense  and  pure  religion  ought  to  flow. 
The  university  of  Cambridge  had  for 
some  time  been  agitated  by  the  question 
of  the  habits  ;  and,  as  was  natural,  the 
younger  members  generally  ran  into 
the  novelties  of  the  day,  and  discarded 
the  appointed  dresses ;  but  at  the  end 
of  1570  the  flame  broke  forth.  Thomas 
Cartwright,  B.  D.,  Lady  Margaret 
Reader  of  Divinity,  had  been  delivering 
lectures,*  in  which  he  attacked  the  li- 
turgy and  episcopal  government,  and 
had  contributed  much  to  promote  the 
insubordination  which  had  manifested 
itself.    He  was  fellow  of  Trinity  Col- 


•  Strype's  Parker,  i.  429. 
» Ibid.  i.  483. 

*  Strype's  Whitgift,  i.  38. 


2  Ibid.  478,  ch.  ix. 


[Chap.  IX. 

lege,  of  which  Whitgift  was  head  ;  and 
perhaps  from  this  cause  Whitgift  came 
forward  as  the  decided  opponent  of  his 
opinions,  that  the  bane  and  antidote 
might  proceed  from  within  the  same 
walls.  ^Cartwright  had  been  ordered 
to  retract  certain  opinions  contrary  to 
episcopal  government,  which  he  had 
previously  maintained  in  six  articles, 
acknowledged  and  subscribed  by  him  ; 
and  after  abundant  delay  and  forbear- 
ance on  the  part  of  the  authorities,  he 
was  deprived  of  his  readership.  He 
was  anxious  to  have  maintained  a  public 
disputation,  but  he  would  only  do  so  on 
his  own  terms."  He  required  to  know 
beforehand  his  opponents  and  his  judges, 
meaning  such  judges  as  he  himself 
should  best  like  ;  but  Whitgift,  who 
had  manj'  private  discourses  with  him, 
repeatedly  offered  to  dispute  with  him, 
on  condition  that  both  parties  should 
commit  their  arguments  and  positions 
to  paper ;  a  demand  to  which  no  rea- 
sonable disputant  could  object.  The 
circumstance  of  being  silenced  by 
authority  seems  to  have  exalted  Cart- 
wright  into  a  confessor  in  the  cause  of 
puritanism  ;  but  if  episcopacy  were  to 
be  upheld  at  all,  no  gentler  steps  could 
have  been  adopted.  If  a  government 
be  strong,  it  need  not  persecute  or  pu- 
nish every  one  who  impugns  its  form 
or  constitution ;  but  how  can  it  allow 
such  a  person  to  hold  a  situation  of  trust 
under  it,  particularly  one  which  is  likely 
to  be  influential  in  forming  the  senti- 
ments of  the  rising  generation  ?  "Cart- 
wright  subsequently  vacated  his  fellow- 
ship in  Trinity  College,  according  to 
the  statutes,  (Sept.  1.572.)  in  conse- 
quence of  not  taking  orders,  about  which 
he  felt  some  scruples,  because  he  had 
experienced  no  call  to  the  ministry 
through  the  invitation  of  some  parish, 
a  point  which  he  deemed  a  necessary 
qualification  ;  as  if  to  educate  the  upper 
orders,  and  prepare  young  men  for  the 
church,  were  not  as  suitable  an  office 
for  a  minister  of  God's  word  as  any 
other  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  duties. 
This  dispute  created  a  kind  of  personal 
struggle  between  Whitgift  and  Cart- 
wright  ;  and  when  the  one  published 
his  answer  to  the  "  Admonition  to  Par- 


*  Sirype's  Whitgift,  iii.  19,  No.  ix. 

6  Ibid.  i.  42.  '  Ibid.  95. 


Chap.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


141 


liament,"'  (a  book  set  forth  by  the  puri- 
tans, attacking  the  whole  g-overninent 
of  the  church,  and  in  the  composition 
of  which  Cartwright  had  probably  a 
considerable  hand,)  the  other  imme- 
diately replied,  and  Whitgift  defended 
his  answer.  As  they  reasoned  on  dif- 
ferent principles,  it  is  not  extraordinarj'' 
that  the  partisans  of  both  sides  should 
deem  their  own  champion  successful  : 
and,  as  is  ordinarily  the  case,  the  dis- 
putants mutually  remained  of  their  ori- 
ginal opinion,  while  the  cause  of  truth 
was  promoted  by  discussion,  though  the 
harmony  of  the  church  was  disturbed. 

§  4;}1.  (a.  D.  l')7\.)  The  proceedings 
of  the  convocation  and  parliament  of 
this  year  require  a  good  deal  of  atten- 
tion ;  but  in  order  to  get  a  clear  view 
of  their  effects,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
divide  the  subjects  on  which  the  seve- 
ral laws  were  enacted. 

In  the  convocation,  the  Articles  of 
Religion  were  again  subscribed  ;  but 
any  remarks  on  this  event  will  more 
properly  be  introduced  when  we  enter 
on  the  history  of  the  Thirty-nine  Arti- 
cles, a  subject  so  important  as  to  require 
a  distinct  chapter.'' 

The  establishment  of  a  code  of  eccle- 
siastical law  was  also  brought  into  con- 
sideration. In  the  convocation,  a  set 
of  canons  pertaining  to  discipline  were 
framed,  for  the  regulation  of  the  officers 
of  the  church,  and  to  declare  the  duties 
attached  to  bishops,  deans,  archdeacons, 
&c.,  as  well  as  to  prevent  the  evils 
arising  from  non-residence,  pluralities, 
and  corrupt  presentations.  They  are 
extant  in  Sparrow's  Collection,'  though 


'  A  full  account  of  this  dispute  may  be  found 
by  ronsulliiig  ilie  index  to  Sirype.  'I'he  prin- 
ciples on  which  the  argument  in  the  Admoniiion 
is  condiieied  were,  •'  that  we  must  of  necessity 
hiive  I  he  same  kind  of  government  that  was  in  the 
apostles'  time,  and  is  expressed  in  the  Scripture, 
and  iio  other.  The  other  was,  that  we  may  not, 
in  any  wise,  nor  on  any  consideration,  retain  in 
the  church  any  lluiij.'  that  hath  been  used  under 
the  pope."  (Sirype's  Parker,  ii.  110  )  A  method 
of  reasonins.  in  which  the  first  part  is  a  mere  pe- 
tilio  priitripii,  the  hitler  a  fallacy.  The  episco- 
palian appeals  to  the  Scriptures  in  defence  of  his 
for.n  of  church  government,  (see  §  4G0.)  and  be- 
lieves it  to  lie  that  adopted  by  the  apostles.  And 
while  we  aeknowlcdire  that  the  church  of  Home  has 
preserved  the  vital  points  of  Chrisiianily ,  as  main- 
tained in  the  five  first  articles  of  our  church,  we 
must  allow  that  no  misuse  of  suhordmate  matters 
oii<;hl  to  prevent  us  froin  adopting  ihciii,  if  in  them- 
selves ihcy  are  admissible. 

'  *  485,  &c.  8  P.  223. 


they  never  received  the  sanction  of  the 
queen,  who  thought  that  the  authority 
of  tlu!  bishops,  derived  from  her  su- 
premacy, was  sufficient  to  enforce  them. 
Yet  Grindal  justly  observed,  when  Par- 
ker urged  the  adoption  of  them  in  the 
province  of  York,  that  the  fine  words 
of  her  majesty  might  fly  away  as  the 
wind,  and  would  little  serve  the  bishops, 
if  they  were  adjudged  to  have  incurred 
the  penalties  of  a  premunire,  which 
could  only  be  guarded  against  by  a 
legal  enactment  of  them,  derived  from 
the  royal  approbation  in  scripfis. 

§  435.  The  same  subject  was  brought 
forward  in  the  House  of  Commons,^  and 
reference  was  made  to  the  "Reforma- 
tio Legum  Ecclesiasticarum,"^  a  book 
drawn  up  chiefly  by  Cranmer;"  but 
which  was  laid  aside,  and  never  legally 
enacted,  in  consequence  of  the  inter- 
ruption occasioned  by  the  death  of  Ed- 
ward VI. ^  But  Elizabeth  was  ever 
adverse  to  reformation  in  religion  which 
originated  in  any  authority  but  her  own  ; 
and  though  it  appears  that  a  committee 
was  appointed,  yet,  as  they  proceeded 
to  examine  irrelevant  questions,  it  served 
but  to  excite  the  anger  of  the  queen, 


^  Sirype'.s  Parker,  ii.  62. 
Strype's  Ann.  iii.  93,  &c.  «  §  330. 

'  The  tiile  of  the  book  is  "  Reformatio  Legum 
Ecclesiasiicarum,  ex  auctoritaic  1"'  R.  Henrici 
VTII.  inchoata,  deinde  per  R.  Edvardum  VL 
proveeta  adauctaque  in  hunc  modum,  atque  nunc 
ad  pleniorem  ipsarum  reformalionem  in  lucem 
audita,  Lond.  Day.  Ap.  1571."  A  copious  ab- 
stract of  it  may  be  seen  in  Collier,  Ecc.  Hist.  ii. 
321),  &c.  It  consists  of  fifiy-one  titles,  besides 
an  Appendix,  "  De  Regulis  juris."  The  most 
remarkable  peculiarities  of  it  are,  that  it  makes 
blasphemy  and  heresy  ultimately  punishable  with 
death.  It  is  justly  severe  on  adultery,  puiiishing 
the  guilty  party  with  imprisonment  and  banish- 
ment, and  not  allowing  them  lo  marry,  a  license 
which  it  grants  to  the  innocent.  It  direcl.s  that  a 
strict  examination  shall  take  place  belore  institu- 
tion, and  forbids  pluralities.  It  directs  that  the 
dean  rural  shall  be  an  annual  officer  appointed  by 
the  bishops,  and  that  he  shall  report  the  conduct 
of  the  clergy ;  that  archdeacons  shall  reside  within 
the  limits  of  their  jurisdiction  ;  that  prebendaries 
shall  give  public  lectures  in  the  cathedral.  It  ap- 
poinis,  besides,  provincial  synods  and  diocesan 
synods  lo  be  annually  held  in  Lent.  It  gives  di- 
rections wi  h  regard  to  parochial  discipline,  recom- 
mends that  excommunication  shall  be  rarely 
used,  and  only  by  the  bishops  ;  and  that  impeni- 
tent persons  under  excommunica:ion  shall,  tdier 
forty  day.s,  he  handed  over  lo  the  civil  power,  to 
be  imprisoned  and  fined.  In  each  case  there  is 
an  appeal  from  the  archdeacon  lo  the  bishop,  then 
lo  the  archbishop,  and  lastly  to  ihe  king,  who 
shall  cause  the  (|ueslion  to  be  decided  in  a  pro- 
vincial synod,  or  before  commissioners  appointed 
by  the  crown.    See  also  ^  482, 


149 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


[Chap.  IX. 


and  a  stop  was  put  to  this  and  several 
other  bills.  It  is  curious  to  observe 
during  this  reign  the  growing  power  of 
the  House,  which,  as  it  began  to  exert  iis 
own  strengtli,  without  having  learnt  to 
confine  tlie  discussion  to  those  subjects 
which  properly  belonged  to  the  cogni- 
sance of  such  an  assembly,  was  from 
time  to  time  checked  by  the  arbitrary 
mandates  of  the  queen,  who,  in  the 
moment  when  she  most  dreaded  its  in- 
fluence, acted  towards  the  representa- 
tives of  the  people  with  a  sternness  and 
tyranny  which  would  never  have  been 
borne,  unless  it  had  been  exercised  by 
a  person  of  consummate  skill,  who 
knew  when  to  give  way  as  well  as 
when  to  press  her  authority.  A  similar 
attempt  at  remodelling  the  ecclesiastical 
laws  was  asjain  made  duringf  the  next 
year  by  Wentworth  ;  but  her  majesty- 
sent  a  message  to  the  House  through 
the  speaker,'  (1572,)  declaring  that  her 
pleasure  was  that  from  henceforth  no 
bills  concerning  religion  should  be  pre- 
ferred or  read  in  the  House,  unless  the 
same  were  considered  and  liked  by  the 
clergy  ;  and  at  the  same  time  demanded 
to  see  the  bills  in  progress.  All  this 
was  conceded  to  her  sovereign  com- 
mand ;  and  we  can  the  less  wonder 
either  at  her  interference,  or  at  the  de- 
ference which  was  paid  to  her  orders, 
when  we  consider  that  the  obvious 
tendency  of  these  latter  measures  was 
to  undermine  the  church  establishment, 
and  totally  to  alter  its  form.  The  ques- 
tion in  both  these  cases  was  chiefly 
spiritual,  over  which  the  House  of  Com- 
mons could,  properly  speaking,  have 
no  control,  nor  ought  they  to  have  legis- 
lated beyond  the  point  in  wiiich  the 
temporalities  were  directly  or  indirectly 
implicated  ;  here  they  rightly  exercised 
their  legislative  power,  and  we  have 
during  this  session  several  laws  which 
apply  solely  to  churchmen.  By  chap. 
12,  1:3  Eliz.,  such  clergymen  as  had 
been  ordained  by  any  other  form  than 
that  prescribed  in  the  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer  were  made  incapable  of 
retaining  their  preferments,  unless  they 
subscribed  to  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  ; 
which  same  subscription  was  required 
of  all  who  were  instituted  to  any  bene- 
fice ;   and  if  the   benefice  exceeded 

'  Sirype's  Parker,  ii.  203. 


thirty  pounds  per  annum,  they  were 
recjuired  to  have  taken  the  degree  of 
B.  D.  at  least  in  one  of  the  universities  ; 
no  one  could  be  ordained  a  priest  before 
twenty-four  years  of  age,  or  a  deacon 
before  twenty-three  ;  i.  e.,  if  he  were  so 
ordained,  he  was  not  a  priest  according 
to  the  law  of  England,  and  could  hold 
no  English  preferment.  So  again,  by  10 
and  20,  13  Eliz.,  it  is  enacted  that  no 
lease  of  ecclesiastical  property  shall  be 
good  in  law,  if  granted  for  a  longer  time 
than  twenty-one  years,  or  three  lives  ; 
that  tithes  shall  not  be  let,  except  the 
incumbent  reside  on  his  living,  or  lease 
them  to  a  resident  curate:  all  which 
matters  are  purely  temporal,  though 
they  refer  to  ecclesiastical  persons. 

§  436.  During  this  session,  the  uni- 
versities were  incorporated,  and  invested 
with  certain  legal  privileges,'^  and  in 
the  next  (1.572)  a  provision  was  made 
for  the  support  of  the  poor;  which, 
notwithstanding  its  misuse,  and  the 
consequent  objections  which  have  been 
raised  against  it,  ought  still  to  be  the 
glory  of  our  soil ;  and  while  we  boast 
that  no  one  can  be  a  slave  who  has 
once  touched  our  happy  land,  we  may 
rejoice  that  such  care  is  taken  of  every 
inhabitant,  that  none  can  be  starved  in 
England  without  a  direct  breach  of  our 
laws.  It  may  not  be  improper  to  re- 
mark, that  the  alteratioji  now  made  in 
the  law  did  not  at  the  time  produce  any 
great  change  in  the  treatment  of  pau- 
pers. The  custom  in  England,  as  I 
believe  in  all  Christian  countries,  had 
always  been  to  relieve  the  indigent  by 
means  of  voluntary  contributions,  which 
were  here  collected  by  churchwardens, 
and  disposed  of  by  them.  The  va- 
grant laws  had,  with  severe  penalties 
against  the  idle  and  profligate,  provided 
for  the  wants  of  those  who  were  really 
distressed,  and  we  have  many  acts  of 
parliament  which  give  directions  with 
regard  to  both  these  points.'  (March  25, 
1552.)  One  went  so  far  as  to  appoint 
that,  in  case  of  the  refusal  of  anj-- 
of  the  parishioners  to  contribute,  the 
churchwarden  was  to  apply  to  the 
bishop's  court,  and  the  bishop  to  pro- 
ceed against  them.  But  5,  14  Eliz. 
provided  for  the  poor  by  assessment 

2  Statutes  of  the  Realm. 

3  Burnet,  ii.  146,  lol.,  3j4,  8vo. 


• 


Chap.  IX.]  CHURCH  01 

throughout  the  parish,  and  subjected 
those  who  refused  to  pay  the  sum  as- 
sessed to  imprisonment,  upon  convic- 
tion before  two  justices  of  the  peace. 
The  spirit,  therefore,  of  this  law,  which 
is  justly  worthy  of  our  admiration,  is 
due  to  Christianity,  the  legal  enactment 
to  our  ancestors  ;  and  it  may  fairly  be 
questioned  whether  the  imbodying  it 
in  its  present  form,  however  necessary, 
has  not  divested  the  relief  of  the  poor 
of  its  peculiar  feature,  and  made  this 
species  of  charity  a  duty  very  unwill- 
ingly performed. 

§  i'-j7.  But  as  some  of  the  most  im- 
portant laws  passed  during  this  session 
refer  to  the  Roman  Catholics, .it  will  be 
necessary  to  turn  our  attention  towards 
them.  It  is  allowed  on  all  hands,  that 
the  measures  adopted  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  were 
conciliatory  ;  and  they  were  at  first  met 
by  a  corresponding  return  on  the  part 
of  the  majority  so  treated.  'The  Ro- 
man Catholics  did  generally  conform  to 
the  worship  of  our  church,  to  w'hich, 
though  they  might  not  have  approved 
of  all  the  alterations  in  it,  they  could 
raise  no  sound  objections.  For,  as  the 
queen  herself  wrote  to  the  duke  of  An- 
jou,  in  it  "there  was  no  part  that  had 
not  been,  yea,  that  was  not  at  that  day 
used  in  the  church  of  Rome  ;  and  that, 
if  any  thing  more  w-ere  in  ours,  the  same 
was  part  of  the  Holy  Scriptures."-  And 
Lord  Montacute,  "  a  most  devout  fol- 
lower of  the  Romish  religion,  argued  in 
its  favour  to  the  court  of  Spain,  "  that 
no  other  religion  was  brought  into  Eng- 
land than  that  which  was  consonant 
with  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  the  four 
first  CECumenical  councils."^  This  state 
of  things  continued  till  the  publication 
of  the  bull  of  Pius  V.,  1569,*  which  for- 


■  Strype's  Grindal,  98. 

^Sirypi^'s  Annals,  ili.  y5, 

'  Camden'.s  Elizabeth.  1!).  45. 
'I'lic  bull  is  dated  Feb.  -iM,  15r>9,  and  may  he 
found  in  Latin  and  English  in  Fowlis'  Popish 
Treasons,  p.  331  ;  Fuller,  i.x.  93,  only  gives  the 
iraiisla'ioti ;  Curnet,  Ref.  vi.  522,  No.  13,  gives 
tlic  Latin. 

Pius  IV.  had,  when  he  came  to  the  papacy  in 
l.itiO.  made  auenipts  at  a  reconciliation,  by  means 
ol  Parpalia,  and  again,  through  the  bishop  of  Vi- 
terbo  and  ."^ir  N.  Throgmorlon,  ambassador  in 
France;  and  an  anxiety  was  expressed  that  the 
chtirt-h  of  England  should  send  deputies  lo  the 
eou:icil  of  Trent;  but  the  project  failed.  See 
Fuller,  ix.  p  ()8,  &,c. 


ENGLAND.  143 

'  bade  her  subjects  to  pay  any  deference 
to  the  commands  of  one  whom,  in  the 
fulness  of  his  power,  he  had  excommu- 
nicated; and  when  Felton  was  found 
bold  enough  to  affix  this  document  to 
the  gates  of  the  palace  of  the  bishop  of 
London,(1570,)  he  met  with  a  fate  which 
his  mad  and  rebellious  act  justly  me- 
rited, and  became  the  cause  of  number- 
less ills  to  the  members  of  his  own  com- 
munion. One  of  its  first  consequences 
was  the  enactment  of  three  laws  levelled 
directly  against  the  Roman  Catholics, 
to  which  allusion  has  been  before  made. 

(.\.  D.  1.571.)  The  first  Avas  entitled. 
An  Act  whereby  certain  Offences  be 
made  Treason.^  The  offences  Avere  the 
affirming  that  Elizabeth  was  not  a  law- 
ful sovereign,  or  that  any  one  had  a 
better  title ;  that  she  was  a  heretic, 
schismatic,  or  infidel ;  or  that  the  right 
of  the  crown  could  not  be  determined 
by  law. 

The  second  was  against  bringing  in, 
and  putting  in  execution,  bulls  and  other 
instruments  of  the  see  of  Rome.  It 
made  all  liable  to  the  penalties  of*trea- 
son,  or  a  praemunire,  who  were  directly 
or  indirectly  accessory  to  the  bringing 
about  a  formal  reconciliation  with  the 
see  of  Rome,  in  the  case  of  any  of  her 
majesty's  subjects.  It  did  not  affect 
absolutions  given  at  confession.^ 

The  third,  an  act  against  fugitives 
over  the  sea,  imposed  on  them  the  for- 
feit of  their  property,  but  in  case  of  their 
good  behaviour  provided  for  their  fami- 
lies while  they  were  absent,  and  re- 
stored them  to  their  possessions  and 
rights  a  year  after  their  return.  A  privi- 
lege was  extended  to  peers,  which  made 
it  necessary  that  they  should  be  sent  for 
by  letters  under  the  privy  seal,  before 
they  incurred  these  penahies. 

§  438.  Yet  these  laws,  however  se- 
vere, were  not  put  in  execution  till  six 
years  after  their  enactment,  and  five 
after  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew 
had  commenced  the  Avar  of  extermina- 
tion, Avhich  the  Roman  Catholics  Avished 
to  carry  on  against  Protestants.  Cuth- 
bert  Maine,  a  priest,  Avas  the  first  Avho 
suffered  under  them,  (1,577;)  he  Avas 
executed  at  Launceston,  in  Cornwall. 
'He  is  described  by  Camden  as  an  ob- 


5  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  13  Ehz.  1,  2,  3. 

^  Butler's  Catholics,  i.  352.  '  Eliz.  224. 


144 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  IX. 


stinate  maintainer  of  the  pope's  power 
against  his  prince.  But  the  numher  of 
sufferers  was  destined  soon  to  be  in- 
creased. Their  friends  called  them  mar- 
tyrs, their  enemies  branded  them  with 
the  appellation  of  traitors;  and  they 
often  j  arlook  strons^lj'  of  the  character 
of  both.  'Had  no  succession  been  pro- 
vided against  the  ravages  of  time,  among 
the  Roman  Catholic  priesthood,  the 
stock  of  those  who  officiated  in  England 
must  soon  have  been  exhausted ;  but 
this  was  prevented  by  Dr.  William  Al- 
len, who  for  his  exertions  was  after- 
wards rewarded  by  the  church  of  Rome 
with  a  cardinal's  hat.  The  fruits  of  his 
first  labours  were 

The  En  glish  college  of  secular  clergy 
at  Douay,  156^ :  it  was  removed  to 
Rheims  from  157S  to  1.593,  when  it 
returned  back  to  Douay.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  English  college  at  Rome, 
for  the  education  of  the  secular  clergj', 
established  in  1578. 

A  seminary  at  Yalladolid,  in  Spain, 
established  for  the  same  purpose  about 
1580. 

College  at  Rome,  about  1578,  for 
seculars. 

A  seminary  at  Seville,  ditto. 

A  seminary  at  Madrid. 

If  the  objects  of  these  societies  had 
been  confined  to  the  education  of  men 
destined  to  the  ministr}^  of  religion,  the 
Protestant,  while  he  deplored  this  con- 
tinued source  of  dissension,  must  have 
admired  the  zeal  of  the  man  who  so 
rationally  promoted  the  cause  of  his 
party  ;  but  these  seminaries  were  made 
the  hotbeds  of  sedition.  The  oath' 
which  Avas  taken  by  the  students  in 
Scotland,  where  Mary  allowed  them  a 
temporary  place  of  refuge,  in  conse- 
quence of  certain  troubles  at  Douay, 
sufficiently  marks  the  political  tendency 
of  some  of  these  institutions  ;  and  the 
use  which  the  enemies  of  England  tried 
to  make  of  these  establishments  as 
strongly  points  out  the  danger^  which 

'  Builer's  Calholics,  i.  309.       =  Ibid.  i.  492. 

'  •'  I.  A.  B.,  do  acknowledge  llie  ecclef-iiisiical 
and  poliiical  power  of  his  holijic.=s — And  ihat  mv 
zeal  shall  be  for  St.  Feier — against  all  herelii-al 
kings,  princes,  slaves,  or  powers,  repugnant  unto 
the  same.  And  although  1  may  pretend,  in  ca.-e 
of  persecution,  or  otherwise,  lo  be  hereiically  lih- 
po.sed,  yet  in  soul  and  conscience  I  shall  help,  aid. 
and  succour  the  mother  church,"  &c.  Strype's 
Ann.  iv.  337. 

*  Strype's  Ann.  v.  57. 


might  be  apprehended  from  them,  and 
which  indeed  was  partly  realized  by  the 
conduct  of  some  of  their  members.  In 
January,  1581,  the  queen  issued  a  pro- 
clamation, which  commanded  the  rela- 
tives of  children  who  were  receiving 
their  education  in  foreign  countries  to 
give  notice  to  their  several  ordinaries, 
and  to  recall  them  within  four  months; 
and  the  sanguinary  laws  against  semi- 
narists and  Jesuits  were  subsequently 
put  in  force.  Persons  and  Campian 
came  over  into  England  in  June,  l.':80, 
bearing  with  them  a  suspension  of  the 
bull  of  excommunication,^  as  far  as  Ro- 
man Catholics  Avere  concerned,  till  the 
time  when  the  same  might  publicly  be 
executed.  Persons,  who  was  consti- 
tuted the  superior,*"  "  tampered  so  far 
with  the  papists,  about  deposing  the 
queen,  that  some  of  them  (I  speak,  says 
Camden,  from  their  own  credit)  thought 
to  deliver  him  into  the  magistrates' 
hand;"  "and  Campian  wrote  a  chal- 
lenge to  the  church  of  England,  by  the 
publication  of  which  the  government 
was  excited  to  use  every  means  for  their 
apprehension.  It  does  not  appear  that 
Campian  was  privy  to  this  act  of  publi- 
cation, and  in  consequence  of  the  acti- 
vity of  pursuit  which  arose  from  it. 
Persons  fled  out  of  the  kingdom ;  and 
Campian,  having  with  three  others  been 
apprehended  on  the  15th  of  July,  (1.581,) 
was  tried  for  denying  the  queen's  su- 
premacy, and  executed  in  December. 

§  4:39.  (a.  d.  1584.)  It  appears  from 
Camden  that  some  measures  in  them- 
selves unwarrantable,^  and  excited  by 
the  danger  and  jealousy  of  the  times, 
were  used  to  entrap  Roman  Catholics ; 
and  the  treasons  of  Somerville  and 
Throgmorton,  though  they  tended  to 
keep  the  flame  alive,  cannot  be  brought 
forward  as  proofs  of  the  necessity  of  any 
such  activit}',  inasmuch  as  the  treason 
itself  probably  originated  in  this  very 
cause  :  and  if  it  were  not  for  the  con- 
duct of  the  court  of  Rome,  as  well  as 
other  Roman  Catholic  courts  ;  if  it  were 
not  for  the  opinion  of  men  who  were  far 
better  able  to  judge  of  the  matter  than 
ourselves,  I  mean  the  ministers  of  Eli- 
zabeth ;  if  h  were  not  for  the  undoubted 
testimony  of  loyal  Roman  Catholics  of 

*  Camden's  Eiiz.  246.  Ibid.  ~47. 

'.Strype's  Ann.  vi.  1S3,  Xo.  6. 
'  Camden's  Eliz.  ■..94. 


Chap.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


145 


that  period,  we  might  fancy  tliat  the 
alarms  about  the  queen's  life,  and  the 
consequent  severity  towards  the  mem- 
bers of  that  communion,  sprang  from 
party  zeal  and  blind  cruelty.  But  the 
pope  had  excited  and  fostered  two  rebel- 
lions in  Ireland;'  and  Sir  Richard  Shel- 
ley, writing-  to  his  nephew,  attributes 
tlie  sufferings  of  her  majesty's  true  ser- 
vants to  the  jealousies  caused  by  the 
heads  of  some  seminaries,  and  unnatural 
subjects  abroad  and  in  a  letter  to  Lord 
Burleigh,  in  1.'j33,  he  says, That  the 
mise  ry  that  all  Christendom  suffered  for, 
was  by  the  sending  of  these  Jesuits  into 
England  after  such  sort  as  it  was  and 
had  been  used." 

The  immediate  effect  of  these  alarms, 
beyond  the  animosity  excited  against 
the  Roman  Catholics,  was  the  formation 
of  an  association,-'  in  which  the  members 
promised  to  pursue,  even  to  death,  any 
one  who  was  concerned  in  the  murder 
of  the  queen  ;  for  the  assassination  of 
the  prince  of  Orange,  and  the  plots  real 
and  pretended  against  the  life  of  Eliza- 
beth, had  put  the  whole  country  into  a 
ferment:  and  undoubtedly  a  Protestant 
might  reasonably  have  dreaded  an  event 
which,  by  putting  Mary  of  Scotland  on 
the  throne,  would  have  exposed  the 
church  of  England  to  very  imminent 
peril.  In  this  particular,  the  conduct 
of  Elizabeth  herself  seems  liable  to  very 
just  censure.  The  uncertainty  of  the 
succession  tended  above  all  other  causes 
to  prevent  the  quiet  settlement  of  the 
nation ;  for  had  any  accident  happened 
to  her  life,  a  thorough  alteration  would 
probably  have  ensued.  Her  delays  and 
dalliance  were  excusable,  if  we  view 
her  merely  as  a  woman  ;  but  she  was 
a  queen  too,  and  the  safety  of  the  state 
was  at  stake  :  she  ought,  therefore,  to 
have  sacrificed  her  own  fancies,  to  save 
the  lives  of  her  unquiet  subjects  ;  but 
selfishness  was  one  of  the  strongest 
features  of  her  character. 

§  4 19.  In  estimating  the  blame  which 
is  due  to  the  government  of  Elizabeth, 
with  regard  to  the  treatment  of  the  Ro- 
man Catholics,  the  question  seems  to 
involve  principles  of  a  very  abstract 
nature,  and  to  be  by  no  means  so  clear 
as  it  is  generally  assumed  to  be.    A  go- 

'  Camden's  Eiiz.  136,  242. 
2  .Strype'a  Annals,  v.  198. 
»  Camden's  EIiz.  300. 
19 


vernmcnt  must  always  have  a  right  to 
defend  itself,  but  retaliation  can  only  be 
justified  on  the  plea  of  future  preven- 
tion. It  may  be  conceded  by  the  Pro- 
testant, that  great  cruelty  was  used 
1  towards  the  Roman  Catholics,  and  that 
the  line  of  policy  pursued,  whether  just 
or  unjust,  was  very  injudicious;  that  a 
sincere  Roman  Catholic  priest  might 
have  acted  against  the  statutes  of  Eliza- 
beth upon  mistaken  principles,  and  pro- 
bably that  many  did  so.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  seems  likely  that  a  Pro- 
testant at  the  time  might  fairly  have 
esteemed  these  laws  necessary  and 
just ;  and  upon  abstract  principles  of 
justice  they  probably  must  be  reckoned 
just,  though  it  would  be  difficult  to  esta- 
blish their  necessity.  The  question 
would  stand  thus  :  the  head  of  a  body 
politic  (the  church  of  Rome)  officially 
promulgates  doctrines  and  assumes  an 
authority*  incompatible  with  civil  go- 
vernment; every  one,  therefore,  who 
by  any  act  maintains  that  authority, 
does  virtually  place  himself  beyond  the 
pale  of  civil  society.  We  are  not  at 
present  discussing  how  such  an  indivi- 
dual ought  to  be  treated.  It  is  obvious 
that  kindness  and  reason  would  be  most 
likely  to  bring  him  home  to  a  sense  of  his 
duty;  but  a  government  must  have  a 
right  to  use  severity,  and  that  upon  the 
first  principles  of  self-pri'servation. 

§411.  The  question,  therefore,  which 
is  to  be  solved,  is  this :  Whether  a  mis- 
sionary Roman  Catholic  priest  were 
placed  under  these  circumstances  ?  If 
he  brought  over  the  bull  of  Pius  V.,  he 
was  obviously  guilty  of  treason  ;  and  if 
he  reconciled  any  English  subject  to 
the  pope,  who  professed  and  held  such 
language  as  the  bull  maintained,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  show  that  he  was 
less  liable  to  the  punishment  of  the  law. 
And  it  appears  ecjually  obvious,  tliat  if, 
in  reconciling  a  Roman  Catholic  to  the 
church,  he  disclaimed  the  objectionable 
authority  of  the  pope,  he  must  be,  in 
foro  c.:)nscic:ili;c,  free  from  the  penal- 
ties incurred  by  a  supposed  act  of  trea- 
son, of  which  the  guilt  was  not  sub- 
stantiated by  the  circumstances  which 


*  Pius  V.  pretended  to  free  the  sulijccs  of  E!iy.;\- 
helli  from  their  allegiance  to  her.  Clement  VIII. 
granted  a  plen.iry  pardon  to  all  (he  followers  and 
a'leltors  of  'I  yrone.  as  in  (he  ease  ol  a  crusade, 
Camden's  Eliz.  581. 

N 


146 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  IX. 


attended  it,  inasmuch  as  it  wanted  the 
essence  of  the  treason,  the  objectionable 
claim  to  the  authority.  The  pope,  as  a 
sovereign,  had  waged  a  rtoXf^o?  da?tov5o5 
with  the  queen,  a  war  in  which  no  inter- 
course could  be  admitted,  no  quarter 
given  or  received.  Whoever,  therefore, 
was  a  papist,  or  performed  any  overt 
act  in  favour  of  the  papacy,  became  a 
partisan  of  that  cause,  and  liable  to  the 
penalty  due  to  any  prisoner  in  such  a 
method  of  warfare.  The  alternative  is 
a  horrid  one  ;  but  he  is  in  fault  who 
begins  such  a  war,  and  no  one  can  at- 
tribute this  blame  to  Elizabetli  or  her 
counsellors.  Persons  and  Campian, 
when  they  came  to  England'  and  brought 
a  modification  of  the  bull,  were  guilty 
of  treason,  in  foro  conscientise.  The 
temporarj'  suspension,  of  the  bull  does 
in  reality  not  alter  the  question ;  the 
bull  was  to  be  put  in  force  whenever 
circumstances  made  it  likely  to  be  in- 
jurious to  the  country.  We  may  pity 
men  who  were  exposed  to  the  necessity 
of  committing  such  a  treasonable  act, 
if  indeed  they  were  bound  in  their  con- 
sciences to  obey  the  papal  authority ; 
but  Ave  must  blame  the  pope  who  sent 
them,  not  the  government  which  hanged 
men  whose  acts  tended  to  overturn  its 
authority.  When  the  individual  con- 
victed disclaimed  the  objectionable  tenet, 
lie  was  sometimes  pardoned,  as  in  the 
case  of  Rishton,  Bosgrove,  and  Orton, 
though  others  were  executed  whose 
answers  might  have  satisfied  a  reason- 
able tribunal. 

§  442.  But  in  viewing  the  question 
with  reference  only  to  the  cruelty  of  it, 
the  state  of  danger  and  irritation  arising 
from  various  injuries  must  fairly  and 
fully  be  taken  into  consideration.  The 
Roman  Catholics  as  a  body  were  car- 
rying on  a  most  vehement  attack  against 
Elizabeth,  because  she  was  a  Protestant. 
(lofiO.)  The  pope  had  excommunicated 
her.  (15!55.)  France  and  Spain  had 
conspired  for  the  extirpation  of  heres)' . 
(1572.)  In  France  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics had  begun  by  trying  to  murder  all 
their  Protestant  countrymen.^  Spain 


'  Butler's  Caih.  i.  365.  2  Ibid.  i.  429. 

3  One  of  the  most  dreadful  features  connected 
with  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew's  consists 
in  the  approbation  civen  to  it  by  the  court  of 
Rome.  Gregory  XIH.  issued  a  bull  for  a  jubilee 
in  consequence.    It  is  curious  to  compare  the 


had  given  proofs  of  her  tender  mercies 
to  Protestants  in  the  Netherlands,  and 
was  preparing  for  the  subjugation  of 
England.     Her  own  Roman  Catholic 
subjects  were  excited  to  rebel  against 
Elizabeth ;  as  a  body,  they  never  at- 
tempted to  give  any  pledge  of  their  fi- 
duliiy ;  and  had  such  an  attempt  been 
j  made,  the  mass  of  English  Roman  Ca- 
tholics would  probably  have  refused  to 
join  in  k,  against  the  papal  authority. 
Can  any  one,  then,  in  his  senses,  won- 
der that  no  minister  of  Elizabeth  had 
courage  enough  to  adopt  a  liberal  line 
of  policy  towards. the  Roman  Catholics? 
and  if  such  had  been  adopted,  and  the 
queen  had  been  murdered,  what  would 
have  been  the  judgment  of  posterity  on 
such  a  minister  ?    No  one  possessed  of 
an}-  feeling  can  fail  to  deplore  the  lot 
of  an  honest  Roman  Catholic  priest  at 
such  a  period  ;  but  our  pity  need  not  be 
confined  to  him  alone.    A  conscientious 
minister,  or  even  the  queen  herself,  may 
well  claim  a  share  of  our  commiseration  ; 
who,  having  the  wish  to  treat  the  Ro- 
man Catholics  with   kindness,  found 
themselves  obliged   to  use  measures 
which  nothing  but  absolute  necessity 
could  palliate,  Avhich  no  necessity  per- 
haps could  justify.    But  it  would  be 
I  unjust  to  history,  if  we  failed  to  state 
1  the  causes  of  all  these  evils.  They 
;  arose  from  the  errors  of  a  church  claim- 
ing to  itself  an  indefinite  infallibility,  in 
which  the  chief  member  attempted  to 
I  enforce  the  dictates  of  his  own  will  in 
■  opposition  to  the  law  of  God.  They 
arose  from  a  priesthood,  who,  from  prin- 
]  ciples  of  blind  obedience  to  their  su- 
'  periors,  dared  not  disclaim  that  author- 
ity, when  it  was  manifestly  opposed  to 
j  the  Bible.    They  arose  from  this  cir- 
I  cumstance,  that  both  parties  mixed  up 
religion  Avith  politics,   and  concealed 
I  their  own  interested  motives  under  the 
specious  covering  of  the  cause  of  God. 
In  fact,  the  Reformation  throughout 
partook  much  more  of  a  ])olitical  na- 
ture than  it  ought  to  have  done. 

§  443.  The  temjioral  interference  of 
the  church  of  Rome  Avas  a  tyranny 
against  Avhich  the  potentates  of  Europe 
had  as  much  reason  to  contend,  as 


Prayers  of  the  Protestants  in  England  for  these 
persecutors,  their  conversion  and  salvation,  with 
this  document.  Strype's  Parker,  iii.  197,  No.  68, 
ii.  132. 


Chap.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


147 


against  the  spiritual  thraldom  which  it 
pretended  to  exercise  over  their  minds; 
and  by  the  grace  of  God,  the  struggles 
which  they  made  to  free  themselves 
from  an  earthly  yoke,  served  to  deliver 
them  from  that  spiritual  darkness  which 
would  have  continued  to  blind  their 
faculties,  and  have  prevented  them 
from  beholding  the  light.  The  imme- 
diate evil  whicli  arose  from  this  source 
was,  that  individuals  imitated  their 
governors,  so  that  a  warfare  of  exter- 
mination was  commenced  among  breth- 
ren of  the  same  nation  and  kindred. 
They  made  Protestantism  or  their  ad- 
hering to  the  church  of  Rome  the  tests 
of  a  party  zeal,  which  drove  them  into 
unwarrantable  excesses ;  and  the  names 
of  Protestant  and  liomanivt  were  ren- 
dered political  badges,  full  as  much  as 
religious  distinctions:  and  let  history 
decide  which  party  was  the  most  to 
blame,  in  a  struggle  in  which  neither 
can  be  excused.  One  thing,  indeed, 
may  be  j)leaded  in  favour  of  the  church 
of  Rome,  which  cannot  be  advanced  for 
us  ;  that  if  their  principles  be  taken  for 
granted,  and  the  question  abstractedly 
viewed,  they  are  right  in  persecuting, 
whereas  the  Protestant  can  have  no 
such  justification,  and  his  advocate  has 
only  to  deny  that  we  ever  persecuted 
for  religion.  If  there  be  no  salvation 
except  within  the  pale  of  the  church 
of  Rome,  a  conscientious  Romanist  may 
in  kindness  use  any  method  of  compul- 
sion to  bring  the  Protestant  into  com- 
munion with  himself:  whereas,  since 
the  sincere  Protestant  hopes  to  meet 
his  brethren  of  every  communion  in 
the  blessedness  which  shall  be  hereaf- 
ter, however  we  may  have  differed  on 
earth;  as  the  true  Catholic, whether  he 
be  Protestant  or  Romanist,  builds  his 
hopes  of  glory  on  the  merits  of  his  Re- 
deemer, and  places  his  prospects  of 
grace  on  the  assistance  of  the  Holy 
(Ihost,  we  can  only  use  the  weapons 
of  our  prayers  for  the  enlightening  of 
ourselves  and  others,  and  bring  forward 
those  arguments  with  which  Scripture 
will  furnish  us  ;  believing  that  every 
other  method  of  persuasion  arises  from 
the  same  source,  and  is  to  be  traced  to 
the  author  of  all  evil.  If  the  enlight- 
ened Roman  Catholic  disallow  the  con- 
clusion which  is  here  drawn,  if  he  reject 
the  idea  of  persecution,  even  to  pro- 


duce salvation  in  the  persecuted,  let 
him  honestly  examine  the  question,  and 
see  whether  this  be  not  a  legitijnate 
conclusion  from  the  datum  of  an  infal- 
lible church,  beyond  the  pale  of  which 
there  is  no  hope  of  salvation  ;  and  then 
let  him  examine  the  arguments  by  which 
the  nineteenth  article  of  our  church  are 
supported  ;  and  may  God  of  his  mercy 
show  him  and  us  the  truth  ! 

§  444.  Having  dwelt  so  long  on  ab- 
stract principles,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to 
say  something  of  the  persecutions  in 
Mary's  days,  when  compared  with 
those  exercised  against  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics under  Elizabeth.  We  will  sup- 
pose, then,  that  by  the  law  of  the  land, 
as  it  stood  at  each  of  these  periods, 
either  prisoner  could  legally  have  been 
put  to  death,  the  one  for  being  a  here- 
tic, the  other  because  he  was  a  seminary 
priest.  The  one,'  who  might  be  a  per- 
fectly illiterate  person,  because  when 
examined  he  denied  the  doctrine  of 
transubstantiation,  a  doctrine  which  all 
must  allow  to  be  beyond  reason,  not  to 
be  subject  to  the  senses,  and,  when  be- 
lieved, to  be  a  mere  act  of  faith.  The 
other,  who  must  be  an  educated  man, 
known  to  be  brought  up  at  a  seminary 
which  held  doctrines  incompatible  with 
civil  society,  because  he  refused  to  ab- 
jure opinions  concerning  the  papal  au- 
thority which  he  conscientiously  held, 
and  the  entertaining  of  which  the  su- 
preme legislature  of  this  country  had 
decided  to  be  a  legal  crime,  and  punish- 
able as  treason.  God  forbid  tliat  any 
Christian  should  for  a  moment  approve 
of  the  latter;  but  is  not  comparison  in- 
admissible? is  not  the  practical  differ- 
ence enormous  ?  May  it  not  safely  bo 
asserted,  that  nn  honest  man  expressing 
those  sentiments  which  are  now  gene- 
rally held  by  Roman  Catholics  in  Eng- 
land would  not  have  suffered  under 
Elizabeth?  and  that  a  Protestant  be- 
lieving what  we  believe,  and  teaching 
what  we  teach,  would,  if  God  had  given 
him  grace  and  strength  of  mind  enough 
to  become  a  martyr,  have  been  burnt 
under  Mary  ?  That  Roman  Catholics, 
acting  as  well  as  the  English  Catholics 

'  Bradford  was  condemned  for  denying  the  cor- 
poral presence  and  transulislantiation.  So  were 
Mrs.  A.  Ascue,  Kirby,  and  Roger  Clarke:  and 
numberless  olher  examples  might  be  found 
Sirype's  Ecc.  Mem.  III.  i  366.  Fox,  ii.  487 
and  479. 


148 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Ohap.  Uf. 


have  as  a  body  alwaj's  acted,  would 
have  been  treated  well  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Elizabeth,  is  more  than  can  be 
proved  ;  for  the  first  principles  of  tole- 
ration were  then  unknown,  cither  in 
church  or  state  ;  but  toleration  is  a  plant 
of  Protestant  growth,  and  all  true  Chris- 
tians may  join  in  the  prayer,  that  her 
branches  may  cover  the  earth. 

§  445.  The  unjust  method  in  which 
the  trials  of  Roman  Catholics  were  con- 
ducted is  sometimes  brought  forward 
as  a  charge  against  Elizabeth,  by  those 
who  advocate  their  cause  ;  but  it  must 
not  be  forgotten,  that  justice  was  never 
substantially  administered  during  this 
reign. ^  The  influence  of  the  powerful 
was  frequently  exercised  against  all 
right ;  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  if 
the  Roman  Catholics,  in  this  respect, 
were  not  more  fortunate  than  their  Pro- 
testant neighbours.  The  charge  is  well 
founded,  but  it  should  be  brought  against 
the  times  generally.  The  evil  was  com- 
mon, and  did  not  particularly  affecl  the 
Roman  Catholics.  It  arose  from  the 
ordinary  notions  of  the  people  as  much 
as  from  the  court ;  for  a  corrupt  jury  must 
be  composed  of  corrupt  individuals, 
whose  judgment  will  not  be  tolerated, 
except  when  the  feelings  of  a  country 
are  themselves  corrupted. 

But  before  we  quit  this  subject,  we 
should  recollect  that  the  general  opi- 
nions on  persecution  were  totally  dif- 
ferent from  what  they  are  at  present. 
Very  few  of  the  Roman  Catholic  per- 
suasion founded  their  hopes  of  convinc- 
ing Protestants  on  any  other  basis  than 
that  of  force;  and  the  puritan,  while  he 
required  toleration  for  himself,  while  he 
expected  that  every  scruple  of  his  own 
should  be  treated  with  tenderness,  had 


'  As  proofs  that  ihis  was  the  opinion  of  those 
who  lived  at  this  time,  see  a  letter  of  Overton  to 
Burleigh,  where,  in  speaking  of  Leicester,  he  sa3's, 
"a  nobleman  far  above  my  power  and  ability  to 
withstand  ;"  "  mine  own  counsel,  for  fear  of  dis- 
pleasure, scarce  dare  encounter  him  in  my  causes." 
(Strype's  Ann.  vi.  207,  No.  18.)  Nevil  expresses 
the  same  idea  to  Lord  Burleigh.  (Strype's  Ann. 
vi.  459  )  Lord  Essex,  writing  to  Sergeant  Puck- 
ering about  a  gentleman,  a  follower  of  the  earl's, 
under  prosecution,  treats  justice  as  if  it  were  a 
mere  piece  of  party  favour,  and  simply  threatens 
the  judge.  {.Sirype's  Ann.  v.  657.)  The  son  of 
one  Collard,  a  brewer,  in  Canterbury,  murdered 
a  poor  man  in  open  day,  and  got  his  pardon  by 
his  father  paying  240/.  to  Chief  Baron  Man  wood. 
(Strype's  Ann.  v.  391.)  There  are  some  persons 
60  ignorant  as  to  wish  for  the  good  days  of  Queen 
Bess ! 


no  desire  to  extend  the  same  allowance 
to  others.  Sampson,  who,  of  all  men, 
ought  to  have  learnt  kindness  to  those 
who  differed  from  him,  through  what  he 
had  himself  suffered, =  (Dec.  'M,  1574,) 
wrote  to  Burleigh,  to  remonstrate  with 
him  because  he  had  been  the  means  of 
delivering-  some  Roman  Catholics  out 
of  prison;  and  urges,  that  if  they  were 
no  longer  kept  in  durance,  they  should 
at  least  be  compelled  to  hear  sermons 
for  their  conversion.  And,  in  1577,  Sir 
Nicholas  Bacon,  in  one  of  the  last  let- 
ters which  he  wrote, ^  speaks  of  severity 
as  the  only  means  of  checking  the  Ro- 
man Catholics,  and  thereby  of  with- 
standing the  power  of  Rome.  The 
puritans  complained  often  of  their  treat- 
ment by  the  high  church  party  ;  but  no 
one  can  doubt,  that  they  would  have 
been  far  less  tolerant,  had  the  power 
of  enforcing  their  own  opinions  been 
placed  in  their  hands. 

§  44(5.  (a.  d.  1572.)  When  the  laws 
against  nonconformity  were  at  first  en- 
forced, they  produced,  as  might  have 
been  expected,  a  counteraction  among 
those  against  whom  they  were  directed 
Many  of  the  clergy  were  deprived  of 
their  preferments,  and  some  of  them 
formed  themselves  into  a  presbytery,  at 
Wandsworth,*  and  under  their  superin- 
tendence the  Admonition  to  Parliament 
was  published.^  The  unbending  spirit 
of  the  one  produced  severity  in  those 
who  governed,  and  severity  created 
hatred  and  animosity,  which  in  its  turn 
gave  rise  to  more  vigorous  measures; 
till  both  jjarties  neglected  the  essentials 
of  reliofion  to  dispute  about  its  externals. 
In  the  next  year,  (June  11,  157:}.)  'Eli- 
zabeth issued  a  proclamation  against  the 
puritans,  and  they,  on  their  part,  agreed 
to  protestations  declaratory  of  the  rea- 
sons for  their  not  joining  in  the  national 
worship.  In  the  autumn,  a  madman, 
of  the  name  of  Birchet,  excited  by  puri- 


2  Strype's  Ann.  iii.  491.  ^  xi,id.  iv.  98. 

*  This  presbytery,  which  was  the  first  esta- 
blished in  England,  was  for  some  lime  conducted 
in  secret  ;  and  though  the  bishops  were  acquaint- 
ed with  its  e.\istence,  they  could  not  discover  the 
members  who  composed  it,  or  prevent  the  esta- 
blishment of  similar  institutions.  The  chief  per- 
sons engaged  in  it  were  Field  and  Wilcox.  They 
published  their  regulations,  which  were  denomi- 
nated the  "  Orders  of  Wandsworth."  (Fuller, 
ix.  103.) 

5  Neal's  Pur.  i.  231,  243. 

«  Strype's  Parker,  ii.  256,  and  283. 


ChAP.  IX.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


149 


tanic  principles,  stahbed  Mr.  Hawkins, 
an  eminent  officer  in  the  navy,  mistak- 
ing him  for  Mr.  Hatton  of  the  council, 
an  event  which  aggravated  the  ill-will 
which  was  borne  towards  them  ;  and  in 
order  that  this  opposition  to  authority 
might  be  more  effectually  prevented,  a 
letter  was  written  from  the  council  to 
certain  chosen  commissioners  in  every 
shire,  (Nov.)'  exciting  them  to  enforce 
the  orders  of  the  proclamation.  During 
the  next  summer,  (a.  d.  1574,)  the  ex- 
ercises of  prophesyings-  were  put  down 
in  the  diocese  of  Norwich,  (June  7,) 
notwithstanding  some  diversity  of  opi- 
nion which  prevailed  among  the  coun- 
cil. These  several  steps  served  but  to 
make  the  line  of  separation  between 
the  puritans  and  the  church  more  defi- 
nitively marked,  and  exasperated  the 
minds  of  both.  It  is  not  easy  to  deter- 
mine how  far  any  blame  may  attach  to 
Archbishop  Parker,  for  his  conduct 
may,  in  the  judgment  of  some  persons, 
appear  to  have  been  dictated  by  correct 
views  with  regard  to  ecclesiastical  poli- 
cy ;  and  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain 
who  were  the  prime  movers  of  that 
severe  compulsion,  which  was  hardly 
warranted  by  the  cause  against  which 
it  was  directed.  It  is  generally  attri- 
buted to  the  queen  herself,'  who  could 
ill  brook  any  opposition  to  her  com- 
^  inands  ;  but  the  real  question,  as  far  as 
Parker's  character  is  concerned,  is, 
whether  he  approved  of  what  was  done, 
or  whether  he  only  followed  the  direc- 
tions of  Elizabeth  and  her  council. 
(a.  d.  1575.)  I'here  can  be  no  doubt 
that  he  was  a  great  and  good  man,  and 
that  our  church  owes  much  to  his  wis- 
dom, learning,  and  care  ;  but  it  is  not 
unlikely,  that  had  he  acted  with  the 
same  Christian  forbearance  and  deci- 
sion which  was  exhibited  by  his  succes- 
sor, he  would  have  saved  the  country 
from  much  irreligion,  fanaticism,  and 
bloodshed.  He  was  in  most  respects 
peculiarly  suited  to  his  station ;  but  in 


'  Strype's  Ann.  iii.  384. 
'  Strype's  Parker,  ii.  361. 

^  Jewell  says,  "  Keginae  certum  est,  nolle  flecli. 
(15fi7.)  Sed  regina  ferre  mutaiionem  in  rcligionc, 
hoc  tempoic,  nullam  potest."  (Burnet,  vi.  445, 
No.  84,  App.  450.  No.  88.)  Grindal  says  of  those 
who  would  not  give  w;iy,  "  Kcd  cum  hoc  non  fa- 
ciunt  nos  apud  serenissiniam  reginam  isia  oonien- 
tione  irrilatam,  nihil  possumus."  (Burnet,  403, 
No.  92.) 


'  his  intercourse  and  treatment  of  the 
puritans,  he  was  perhaps  guilty  of  an 
error  in  judgment  ;  he  was  sincere^ 
though  warm,  and  in  carrying  on  his 
plans  of  reform,  he  deprived  himself 
of  the  earthly  happiness  of  the  latter 
years  of  his  life  :  he  died  May  17.'' 

§  447.  (a.  d.  1576.)  One  of  the  early 
acts  of  Grindal  was  to  reform  the  exer- 
cises of  prophesyings,  into  which  some 
disorders  had  occasionally  crept ;  and 
i  for  this  purpose  he  issued  orders*  con- 
cerning the  manner  of  managing  the 
proceedings  of  these  assemblies:"  but 
the  queen  took  occasion,  upon  his  next 
appearance  at  court,  to  declare  herself 
offended  at  the  number  of  preachers,  as 
well  as  at  these  exercises,  desiring  him 
to  redress  both.  In  consequence  of  this, 
he  wrote  to  her  a  most  ajjostolical  epi.stle,' 
(Dec.  20th.)  and  urged  her  to  consider 
the  utility  of  such  institutions,  and  the 
duty  of  obeying  the  will  of  God,  and  not  • 
following  our  own  devices.  This  step, 
however,  did  not  at  all  coincide  with  the 
methods  by  which  Elizabeth  was  deter- 
mined to  govern  ;  and  during  the  next 
spring^  she  sent  a  letter  to  all  the  bishops, 
commanding  them  to  suppress  prophe- 
syings in  their  dioceses,  and  in  June  se- 
questered the  archbishop,  and  confined 
him  to  his  house  and  thus  made  the 
remainder  of  his  life  inactive  as  to  the 
cause  of  the  church ;  for  though  he 
appears  during  the  whole  time  to  have 
carried  on  the  ecclesiastical  business  in 
his  own  name,  yet  his  influence  and 

*  Strype's  Parker,  ii.  430. 
5  Strype's  Griiidal,  327. 

^  Tiiey  were  to  be  carried  on  in  some  eharcli 
appointed  by  the  bishop;  and  the  archdeacon,  or 
some  one  (a  grave  and  learned  graduate)  ap- 
pointed by  him,  was  to  be  the  moderator.  Such 
portions  of  Scripture  were  to  be  examined  and  dis- 
cussed as  the  bishop  should  appoint.  '1  he  lai'y 
were  never  to  speak,  nor  any  ol  the  clergy  who 
were  not  previously  judged  meet  to  be  speakers; 
the  rest  of  the  clergy  were  to  be  allowed  to  per-, 
form  exercises  before  the  clergy  in  private,  but  not 
before  the  whole  congregation.  The  speakers 
were  immediately  to  Ijc  siopp(^d  if  they  glanced  at; 
any  stale,  or  any  person  public  or  private,  or  said 
any  thing  ngaiiisl  the  laws,  rites,  policies,  and  dis-  " 
cipline  ol'  the  church  of  England  ;  and  if  ihey  had 
ever  been  silenced,  thry  were  not  to  be  admitted 
again  without  a  fresh  appointment. 
Strype's  Grindal,  558,  No.  ix. 
8  Ibid.  342. 

'  Strype's  Grindal,  343.  Another  source  of  di.s- 
plcasure  is  hinted  at  by  Strype  and  Camden, 
(Grindal,  4-10,  aiul  Klizabelh,  2S7,)  arising  from 
his  not  graiilin2  a  dispcnsaiiim  to  .Inlio,  a  physi<'ian 
ot  Lord  Leicester's;  but  the  authority  on  whicli 
I  this  story  rests  is  questicmable. 

N 


150 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  IX. 


authority  were  thus  rendered  nug-atory 
at  a  period  when  every  thing-  depended 
on  the  favour  of  the  court.  He  seems, 
indeed,  to  have  tendered  his  resignation 
with  a  sincere  wish  for  its  acceptance  ; 
but  Whitgift  had  too  much  right  feeling 
to  allow  him  to  enter  on  an  office  during 
the  lifetime  of  an  incumbent,  who,  though 
he  difiered  from  his  successor  in  princi- 
ples, was  manifestly  acting  the  part  of 
an  honest  man.'  The  convocation,  too, 
in  1581,  showed  their  respect  for  Grindal 
by  presenting  a  petition  in  his  favour, 
drawn  up  by  Tobie  Mathews,  dean  of 
Christ  Church,  and  printed  in  Fuller;^ 
and  though  there  remains  no  document 
which  decidedly  proves  the  time  of  his 
restoration,  yet  it  probably  took  place  in 
the  next  year.  He  died  July  (5,  1583, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Whitgift,  bishop 
of  Worcester.^ 

§  148.  (a.  d.  1583.)  The  conduct  of 
Grindal  must  always  appear  most  exem- 
plary. He  was  himself  adverse  to  the 
ecclesiastical  dresses  ;  yet  upon  the  ad- 
vice of  Peter  Martyr^  he  conformed,  and 
exerted  himself  to  effect  the  same  in  his 
brethren,  because  he  saw  that  the  want 
of  a  sufficient  ministry  was  the  greatest 
evil  which  could  happen  to  the  church  : 
but  when  such  measures  were  adopted 
as  were  against  his  conscience,  he  re- 
monstrated as  a  Christian  patriot,  and 
offered  a  resignation  of  his  office,  in 
which  he  could  not  fulfil  the  duties  re- 
quired of  him  by  the  crown  without 
offending  his  God.  The  question  of 
;vhether  he  was  right  in  his  judgment 
is  totally  indifferent ;  but  a  monarch  with 
lialf  the  sense  which  Elizabeth  pos- 
sessed, had  she  not  been  hurried  away 
by  her  passions,  would  have  treated  him 
in  a  very  different  manner,  even  though 
she  supposed  him  to  be  in  the  wrong : 
.she  might  have  accepted  his  resignation, 
and  behaved  towards  him  with  more 
personal  kindness.  But  as  it  was,  the 
ill  consequences  of  this  affair  were  very 
apparent ;  discipline  was  neglected,^  and 
the  j  uritan  party  so  far  prevailed  as  to 
introduce  many  clergymen  of  their  own 
opinions  into  ecclesiastical  situations, 
notwithstanding  the  seeming  triumph  of 
the  other  side :  and  the  parliament  of 

I  Sirvpc's  Whlicrift,  i.  222.       2  Fuller,  ix.  120. 

3  Snypo's  (irindal,  403. 

<  Burnet,  v.  418. 

">  Sirype's  Whitgift,  i.  22G. 


1581  presented  a  petition  in  favour  of  ec- 
clesiastical reform,  the  general  tendency 
of  which  was  apparently  to  abridge  the 
power  of  the  bishops"  by  making  the 
concurrence  of  the  dean  and  chapter,  or 
six  preachers,  necessary  for  certain  epis- 
copal acts,  such  as  ordaining,  commuting 
penance,  &c.  Most  of  the  articles  of 
this  petition  which  regard  residence  and 
pluralities  have  been  since,  wholly  or 
partially,  adopted,  excepting  indeed  the 
fifth  and  sixth — that  no  dignitary  of  the 
church  should  hold  more  than  one  living 
together  with  his  cathedral  preferment ; 
and  that  no  more  than  two  such  digni- 
ties should  be  tenable  by  the  same 
person. 7 

§  449.  But  it  may  not  be  amiss  here 
to  say  something  more  of  the  treatment 
of  the  puritans ;  for  the  line  of  policy 
was  noAv  so  decidedly  taken  up  by  the 
government,  that  any  subsequent  con- 
cession must  have  looked  like  vacilla- 
tion of  judgment,  or  weakness  of  power. 
Let  it  be  asked,  then,  what  the  treatment 
of  the  puritans  ought  to  have  been  ?  how 
should  uniformity  have  been  preserved, 
without  giving  up  episcopacy  or  other 
essentials  ?  Before  we  enter  on  such  a 
discussion,  it  may  be  useful  to  consider 
how  far  the  then  existing  law  differed 
from  the  present ;  and  how  far  that  law 
itself  was  the  cause  of  the  opposition 
raised  against  it.  There  Avas  then  no- 
thing which  resembled  toleration  towards 
Protestant  dissenters  :  if  an  individual 
were  offended  at  any  part  of  the  service, 
he  could  not  absent  himself  from  church, 
as  he  would  have  incurred  a  severe 
penalty  by  so  doing :  he  had  no  other 
place  of  worship  to  which  he  might 
retire  ;  for,  in  all  probability,  at  first, 
many  of  the  puritans  would  have  been 
perfectly  contented  with  this ;  and  if 
their  passions  had  been  allowed  to  cool, 
if  an  opportunity  of  viewing  our  decent 
forms  had  been  given  them,  many  might 
have  quietly  returned  into  the  bosom  of 
the  church.  Such  steps,  however,  were 
little  suited  for  the  cliaracter  of  Elizabeth, 
who  would  as  readily  have  surrendered 
her  crown  as  have  allowed  her  subjects 
to  exercise  their  private  judgments  on 
such  matters ;  and  the  ])unishment  of 
death  was  esteemed  the  only  remedy  for 

6  Sirype's  Whitgift,  iii.  47,  [No.  3.] 
'  This  has  just  now  (August,  1840)  become  the 
law  of  the  land. 


€nAP.  X.] 


CHURCH  OF 


ENGLAND. 


151 


Brovvnists,'  who  denied  the  queen's  su- 
j^reniacy  in  anj'  but  civil  matters.  He, 
therefore,  who  could  raise  a  scruple  in 
the  mind  of  an  individual,  as  to  the  le- 
gitimacy of  a  ceremony,  raised  a  spirit 
of  insubordination  in  the  breast  in  which 
it  was  implanted ;  and  among  the  various 
opinions  which  jjrevailed,  and  the  ele- 
ments of  discord  which  were  thus  dif- 
fused throughout  the  kingdom,  it  was 
the  public  danger  alone  which  kept  the 
nation  united.  Sermons  tended  to  foster 
these  sentiments  of  free  investigation, 
and  Elizabeth,  who  clearly  saw  their 
tendency,  instead  of  trying  to  direct  them 
to  useful  objects,  and  to  disseminate  real 
Christianity,  endeavoured  to  curtail  the 
frequency  of  them,  if  not  to  suppress 
them  altogether.  Now  had  the  laws 
against  nonconformity  been  made  much 
more  easy  with  regard  to  those  who 
were  already  in  orders,  and  possessed 
of  preferment ;  had  the  better  sort  of 
nonconformists  been  treated  with  lenity, 
and  had  the  government  shut  its  eyes  to 
their  failings  ;  had  all  interrogatories  ex 
officio  mcro'  been  disused,  which  served 
but  to  imbody  the  nonconformists  ;  had 
every  means  been  exerted  to  instruct  the 


rising  generation,  and  to  convince  them 
practically  that  the  dress  was  an  indif- 
ferent point,  (for  many  of  the  noncon- 
formists were  at  first  weak  brethren,  and 
were  often  rendered  turbulent  merely 
by  severity ;)  had  strictness  of  subscrip- 
tion been  required  from  all  who  took 
possession  of  benefices,  and  the  same 
sort  of  laxity  allowed,  which  now  pre- 
vails with  regard  to  dress  ;  had  the  go- 
vernment and  the  bishops  exerted  their 
first  energies  in  reforming  undoubted 
abuses,  it  is  probable  that  nonconformity 
would  not  have  been  so  closely  con- 
nected with  revolutionary  principles  and 
the  assertion  of  civil  rights  ;  and  that  in 
the  subsequent  struggle,  the  church 
might  have  helped  to  support  the  throne, 
instead  of  proving  the  readiest  point 
through  which  the  sovereign  could  be 
attacked.  As  it  was,  Elizabeth  supported 
the  church  by  her  energy  and  talents,  and 
circumstances  enabled  her  to  triumph 
over  the  rising  spirits  of  freedom  in  the 
country ;  but  in  the  hands  of  James  and 
Charles,  the  abuses  real  and  imaginary, 
which  existed  in  the  church,  contributed 
greatly  to  overthrow  the  monarchy. 


CHAPTER  X. 

FROM  WHITGIFt's  APPOINTMENT,    15S3,   TO  THE  END  OF  THE  REIGN. 

450.  Whitgift,  archbishop;  he  requires  subscription  to  the  "  Three  Articles."  4r)l.  Treatment  of 
the  puritans ;  opposition  to  the  bishops.  452.  Objects  of  the  puritans.  453.  Law  framed  against 
the  queen  of  Siois.  454.  Hooker  and  Travers.  4:35.  Doalh  of  Mary  queen  of  Scots.  456.  At- 
tempts at  innovation  ;  convoralion.  457.  Armada  ;  conduct  of  the  Roman  Catholics.  458.  Con- 
duct of  the  puritans.  459.  Treatment  of  them.  460.  Question  of  episcopacy.  4G1.  Treatment 
of  the  Mbellers.  4(12.  Roman  Catholics.  463,464.  Origin  of  tiie  Lambeth  Articles.  465.  Greater 
peace  in  the  church.  466.  Change  of  opinion  in  certain  puritans.  467.  Character  of  Ehzabeth. 
468.  Hcrlicatmenl  of  the  puritans  and  Roman  CathoHcs.  4C9.  Religious,  but  arbitrary.  470.  Death 
of  Elizabeth.    471.  State  of  tlie  church. 

§  4.')0.  The  selection  of  Whitgift  for  '  amining  how  the  regulations  affecting 
the  metropolitan  see  was  jiulicious,  con-  recusancy  and  nonconformity  were  ob- 
sidering  the  line  of  policy  with  regard 
to  cliurch  matters  which  Elizabeth  had 
deteriniiied  to  adopt.  The  question 
was  now,  whether  force  should  compel 
the  clergy  to  be  all  of  one  mind  about 
indifTerent  matters ;  and  the  present 
archbishop  was  a  fit  instrument  to  de- 
cide it  according  to  the  wishes  of  the 
queen. 

^  He  began  his  administration  by  ex- 

'  Strype's  Ann.  v.  269.  *  See  §  458, 

9  Strype's  Whitgift,  i.  227,  &c. 


served,  ana  aaaressecl  a  circular  letter 
to  his  brethren  the  bishojis,  directing 
them  to  take  care  that  the  articles'  con- 
cerning these  matt(-rs,  on  which  they 
had  agreed,  should  be  duly  enforced. 

These  are  printed  in  Sirype,  and  contain  in 
the  sixth  section  the  three  Articles  in  the  thirty- 
sixth  canon,  to  which  Whitgift  required  stihscrip- 
tion.  (Whitgift,  i.  229.)  They  had  the  sanction 
of  the  bishops  and  of  tlie  queen  ;  but  the  legality 
of  requiring  subscription  to  them  may  still  be 
doubted.  See  this  part  of  the  question  discussed 
in  Neal's  Puritans,  i.  320. 


15-3 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  X. 


In  his  own  diocese,  he  began  at  once  a 
very  rigid  inquiry  into  the  state  of  the 
clergy,  and  strictly  enjoined  subscrip- 
tion to  the  three  articles,  which  now 
stand  in  the  thirty-sixth  canon.  From 
the  subordinate  officers,  who  were  de- 
puted to  carry  on  this  investigation,' 
the  ministers  of  Kent  addressed  them- 
selves to  the  archbishop  in  person,  who, 
having  spent  two  or  three  days  in  en- 
deavouring to  convince  them,  proceeded 
to  the  snsjjcnsion  of  such  as  persisted 
in  their  noncompliance,  while  they  on 
their  part  appealed  to  the  council.  The 
same  step  was  also  adopted  by  certain 
ministers  in  Suffolk, =  who  were  placed 
under  the  same  circumstances,  and  in 
whose  favour  some  of  the  magistrates 
of  the  county  had  ventured  to  petition.  * 
This  produced  a  sort  of  remonstrance 
from  the  council,  and  an  answer  from 
the  archbishop,  who  was  determined  to 
proceed  with  vigour,  and  to  exercise 
the  powers  of  the  ecclesiastical  com- 
mission. 

§  451.  The  articles  and  interrogato- 
ries which  were  issued  during  the 
spring  of  1584  are  a  strong  instance 
of  the  indefinite  and  tyrannical  power 
then  exercised  by  the  governors  of  the 
church.*  They  were  queries  ex  officio 
mero,  proposed  to  clergymen,  whose 
only  accuser  was  common  fame,  and 
who  were  expected  to  answer  on  oath 
questions  which  involved  not  only  their 
opinions  on  matters  in  which  they  had, 
or  might  have,  conformed,  but  the  very 
fact  of  their  conformity  and  their  future 
intentions  lormed  part  of  the  inquiry. 
Whitgift  and  the  other  bishops  con- 
tended, that  in  their  proceeding  in  this 
way  they  were  borne  out  by  received 
custom  and  the  usages  of  other  courts, 
and  that  such  steps  were  necessary, 
when  no  information  could  be  procured 
against  nonconforming  and  popular 
ministers  ;  but  this  circumstance,  if  in- 
deed the  fact  were  so,  proved  the  total 
abhorrence  which  the  mass  of  the  popu- 
lation must  have  felt  towards  ecclesias- 
tical courts,  or  that  such  nonconformity 
could  not  be  very  frequent  or  considera- 
ble, when  no  evidence  could  be  obtained 
of  a  fact  done  in  the  face  of  the  whole 

1  Strype's  Whitgift.  i.  245. 

2  Stn-pe's  Ann.  v.  264. 
s  Sirvpe's  Whitgift,  i.  250. 
*  Ibid.  iii.  61,  No.  iv. 


congregation,  among  whom  any  stran- 
ger might  be  present.  And  Burleigh, 
who  was  the  sound  friend  of  the  church, 
though  not  an  admirer  of  all  ecclesias- 
tical proceedings,^  characterizes  these 
articles  as  "  so  curiously  penned,  so  full 
of  branches  and  circumstances,  as  I 
think  the  inquisitors  of  Spain  used  not 
so  many  questions  to  comprehend  and 
to  trap  their  preyes."  He  strongly 
advises  a  more  charitable  method  of 
treatment,  and  while  he  disputes  not 
the  legality  of  what  was  done,  he  sub- 
joins, omnia  licent,  yet,  omnia  non  ex- 
pediunf.  As  to  the  wisdom  and  pro- 
priet}^  of  allowing  the  church  to  remain 
as  it  was  by  law  established,*  the 
bishops  seem  to  have  convinced  several 
of  the  court  by  two  conferences  held 
with  the  opposite  party  in  the  presence 
of  those  who  entertained  doubts  on  this 
subject :  in  the  latter  of  these,  which 
took  place  at  Lambeth  in  1585,  the 
archbishop  during  four  hours  confuted 
and  answered  in  a  most  satisfactory 
manner  their  scruples  and  objections. 
But  the  steps  which  he  took  to  enforce 
conformity,  and  unity  of  opinion,  were 
not  so  well  received  ;'  and  this  induced 
him  to  comply  with  the  suggestions  of 
Walsingham,  who  advised  that  incum- 
bents already  in  possession  of  their 
preferments  should  not  be  pressed  to 
subscribe  the  three  articles,  provided 
they  gave  a  written  promise  that  they 
would  comply  with  the  use  of  the  Com- 
mon Prayer.  For  that  prudent  minis- 
ter could  not  shut  his  eyes  to  the  grow 
ing  dislike  which  the  conduct  of  the 
ecclesiastical  courts  was  daily  creating 
towards  the  bishops  and  the  church  ; 
an  enmity  by  no  means  confined  to  the 
sufferers,  or  to  the  lower  orders  in  the 
country,  but  discoverable  among  many 
who  were  possessed  of  considerable 
authorit}'.  Lord  Leicester  was  long 
looked  up  to  as  the  head  of  the  anti- 
episcopal  party,  and  the  archbishop 
regarded  him  as  a  decided  opponent  of 
his  measures.*  Mr.  Beal,  clerk  of  the 
council,  was  earnest  too  on  the  subject, 
and  wrote  against  the  examination  of 
delinquents  by  oath,  ex  officio  mero,  and 

5  Strype's  Whitgift,  iii.  106,  No.  ix.  and  Fuller, 
ijt.  156. 

*  Paul's  Whitgift.    Wordsworth's  Ecc.  Biog. 
iv.  343. 
"  Srry-pe's  Whitgift,  i.  431. 
8  Paul's  Whitgift.  Wordsworth's  E.  B.  iv.  35a 


Chap.  X.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


153 


the  use  of  torture  and  Sir  F.  Knowles 
on  several  occasions  exhibited  so  much 
antipathy  to  the  bishops,  that  the  queen 
forbade  him  to  meddle  with  the  ques- 
tion. And  some  of  this  party,  in  order  to 
alarm  the  bench,  and  perhaps  to  share 
in  the  spoils  of  the  church,  tried  to  pro- 
mote a  commission,  {ad  mrlius  in/jtiiren- 
dum,)  to  ascertain  the  real  value  of  ec- 
clesiastical property  ;  but  the  exertions 
of  the  archbishop,  and  other  friends  of 
the  establishment,  prevented  the  mea- 
sure from  being  carried  into  efTect. 

In  the  convocation  which  was  held 
during-  the  end  of  the  last  year,  and  the 
beginning  of  this,  were  promulgated  the 
Jirticiili  pro  clero  in  Sijnodo  Londin. 
1584,^^  which  contain  some  judicious 
regulations  with  regard  to  the  essentials 
of  ecclesiastical  discipline. 

§4.'33.  The  puritans,  during  the  session 
of  parliament,^  were  very  strenuous  in 
the  cause  of  reform  on  many  points  in 
which  reformation  was  undoubtedly 
wanted.  The  great  object  which  they 
kept  in  view  was  to  establish  a  preach- 
ing ministr)-,  a  desire  in  which  they 
were  fully  met  by  the  high  church  party ; 
but  their  opinions  did  not  coincide  as  to 
the  means  by  which  this  end  was  to  be 
obtained.  They  would  have  applied  the 
sums  expended  in  choral  establishments 
to  the  payment  of  preachers,  and  have 
transferred  all  ecclesiastical  impropria- 
tions to  the  use  of  the  curates  of  those 
places  where  the  corps  lay  ;  and  would 
even  have  laid  their  hands  on  lay  im- 
propriations, a  step  in  which  there  was 
no  great  probability  of  their  receiving 
much  support  from  their  friends  at  court. 
The  bishops  looked  to  conformity  as  the 
chief  remedy  for  the  evils  which  they 
deplored,  and  thought  that  the  keeping 
up  of  establishments,  in  which  the  higher 
offices  might  reward  a  learned  ministry, 
was  most  likely  to  produce  the  real  pros- 
perity of  the  church.  At  the  same  time 
it  was  the  avowed  object  of  the  reformers 
to  introduce  much  of  the  presbyterian 
government ;  every  question  arising  in 


'  Strype's  Whitaift,  i.  401,  &c. 

2  Sparrow's  Collcclion,  191 .  They  were  almost 
entirely  drawn  up  by  Whitgilt  himself,  as  will  ap- 
pear by  comparing  No.  xiv.  and  xviii.  130,  145, 
(Slrype's  Whitgift,  iii.,)  but  may  be  traced  back  in 
their  origin  to  the  lower  house  of  convocation,  in 
1580,  who  presented  a  draft  of  a  similar  bill  to  the 
lords.    (Strype's  Grindal,  587,  No.  xiv.) 

'  Strype's  Ann.  vi.  278,  No.  39. 

20 


a  diocese  or  parish  was  to  be  subjected 
to  the  decision  of  a  general  or  provincial 
synod,  to  be  assembled  at  stated  periods. 
The  revision  of  the  Common  Prayer,  of 
the  Ordination  Service,  as  well  as  of  all 
other  rites  and  ceremonies,  was  to  be 
referred  to  the  authority  of  the  same 
tribunal,  and  submitted  to  the  approba- 
tion of  the  queen.  As  far  as  morals 
were  concerned,  they  sought  a  severe 
disci[)line,  and  were  particularly  anxious 
to  curtail  the  worldly  pomp  of  the  epis- 
copal order.  They  requested  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  new  set  of  ecclesiastical 
laws,  since  in  the  present  administration 
of  those  which  existed  several  abuses 
were  to  be  found,  particularly  with 
regard  to  excommunication  for  contu- 
macy ;  while  the  licenses  for  pluralities, 
non-residence,  and  the  ordination  of 
clergymen  Avithout  any  ministerial  oflice, 
were  frequently  exposed  to  strong  com- 
plaints. With  regard  to  many  of  these 
points,  the  laws  had  done  almost  all  tliat 
could  be  effected  by  legal  enactments, 
and  the  bishops  were  anxious  to  remedy 
what  was  wanting ;  but  it  is  curious  to 
observe  how  man 3-  of  these  changes  have 
been  gradually  and  partially  introduced. 
We  must  omit  the  introduction  of  the 
presbyterian  government,  in  which  we 
are  nearly  as  we  were  ;  but  the  want  of 
any  thing  of  this  sort  depends  probably 
more  on  circumstances,  than  in  any  fun- 
damental reason  in  the  constitution  of 
our  church  establishment.  These  at- 
tempts, however,  were  at  the  time  ren- 
dered fruitless  ;  for  Whitgiff  addressed 
himself  to  the  queen,  urging  her  to  stop 
all  such  proceedings,  and  to  rest  the 
discipline  of  the  church  on  her  own 
supremacy,  a  step  to  which  her  incli- 
nations were  always  sufficiently  dis- 
posed. 

§  453.  This  parliament  was  strongly 
impressed  with  the  idea  of  resisting  the 
Roman  Catholic  party,  which  was  at  this 
time  not  only  powerful,  but  very  active 
in  the  world.  They  passed,^  therefore, 
tw^o  acts,  one  for  the  surety  of  the  queen's 
person,  the  other  against  Jesuits  and 
seminary  priests.  The  first  of  these 
was  levelled  against  the  unfortunate 
Mary,  queen  of  Scots,  whose  misfor- 
tunes and  hard  treatment,  towards  the 


4  Strype's  Whitgift,  i.  391. 

5  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  1,  2. 


154 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  X. 


end  of  her  life,  rendered  her  an  object 
of  pity,  rather  than  of  that  just  reproach 
which  her  early  conduct  probably 
merited.  This  law  made  any  conni- 
vance at  compassino;  the  queen's  death, 
in  any  person  of  whatever  description, 
liable  to  the  pains  of  treason.  As  if  an  [ 
act  of  parliament  could  alter  the  nature 
of  international  law,  or  divest  murder 
of  its  atrocity,  by  giving  it  the  form  of  a 
legal  trial ;  as  if  any  law  of  England 
could  establish  a  jurisdiction  over  an 
independent  princess,  from  which  her 
own  rights  had  rendered  her  free.  And 
here  it  should  be  remembered,  that  the 
voice  of  the  kingdom  was  full  as  loud 
and  guilty  as  the  wishes  "of  the  queen, 
and  that  no  persons  were  more  strenuous 
than  the  puritans  in  their  endeavours  to 
bring  the  queen  of  Scots  to  the  scaffold. 
The  second  directed  all  seminary  priests 
and  Jesuits  to  leave  the  kingdom  on  pain 
of  death,  and  imposed  heavy  penalties 
on  those  who  received  or  aided  them. 
The  act,  however,  was  limited  to  tliose 
who  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  supre- 
macy.' 

Elizabeth  also  soon  afterwards  under- 
took the  protection  of  the  Netherlands, 
and  in  the  next  spring  sent  Leicester  to 
command  in  Holland  against  the  forces 
of  the  Roman  Catholics  and  Spanish 
party. 

§  454.  In  this  year  a  dispute  took 
place,  rendered  memorable  from  having 
been  the  oricfin  of  Hooker's  excelhnt 
treatise  on  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  a  work 
which  has  tended  more  perhaps  to  settle 
the  question  of  church  government  than 
any  other  which  ever  appeared.'^  On 
the  death  of  Father  Alvie,  master  of  the 
Temple,  great  interest  was  made  by  the 


'  It  should  be  remembered,  that  the  oath  of  su- 
premacy at  that  time  did  not  contain  the  objection- 
able wiirds  ■■  I  bat  damnable  doctrine  and  position," 
&c.  I  call  them  objectionable,  because  a  sincere 
Roman  Catholic,  however  he  disapproves  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  pope's  power  of  deposing  kings, 
will  hardly  like  to  call  that  doctrine  damnable 
which  the  head  of  his  church  still  perhaps  main- 
tains. In  3a  Henry  VIII.  ch.  i.  ^  7.  the  oath  con- 
tains strong  expressions  against  the  usurped  power 
of  Rome ;  that  1  Eiiz.  ch.  i.  ^  9,  is  much  shortened 
and  less  objectionable  to  a  Roman  Catholic.  The 
oath  of  alleniance  3  Jac.  I.  ch.  iv.  §  9.  is  much 
longer,  and  introduces  the  clause  "damnable  doc- 
trine." &c.  1  William  and  Mary,  ch.  viii.  ^  12. 
the  present  oath  was  established  ;  so  that  the  oath 
of  Elizabeth  is.  among  the  four,  the  one  which  a 
Roman  Catholic  would  least  scruple  to  take. 

•  Mtypc'ti  VNiii  gitt,  i.  310. 


friends  of  Travers  to  obtain  this  situation 
for  him.^  He  had  long  been  engaged 
in  giving  the  evening  lectures  there  ; 
but  Whitgift,  who  entertained  no  good 
opinion  of  him,  and  doubted  of  his  con- 
formity, raised  so  decided  an  opposition 
to  the  nomination,  that  the  mastership 
was  procured  for  Hooker,  by  Sandys, 
bishop  of  London.  The  archbishop, 
indeed,  had  been  well  acquainted  with 
Travers,  who  was  formerly  fellow  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  had 
shown  a  strong  preference  for  the  dis- 
cipline of  Geneva,  according  to  the 
forms  of  which  church  he  was  afterwards 
ordained  at  Antwerp.  As  the  queen 
deferred  much  to  the  opinion  of  the  arch- 
bishop, the  appointment  of  Travers  was 
wholly  refused,  unless  he  could  give 
proof  that  he  had  been  ordained  accord- 
ing to  the  laws  of  England,  and  would 
subscribe  to  those  articles  which  were 
imposed  by  ecclesiastical  and  royal  au- 
thority, as  well  as  the  Thirty-nine.*  For 
Travers  refused  to  do  any  more  than 
what  v^•as  enjoined  by  statute.  He  had 
endeavoured  for  some  time  to  introduce 
the  presbyterian  government  into  the 
Temple,^  and  was  supposed  to  be  the 
author  of  a  book  on  ecclesiastical  go- 
vernment, Avhich  entirely  rejected  epis- 
copacy and  when  Hooker  came  to  take 
possession  of  his  new  office,  Travers 
wished  to  have  proposed  him  for  the 
approbation  of  the  society,  and  upon  his 
refusal  some  unpleasantness  had  grown 
up  between  them,  which  was  increased 
by  objections  raised  to  trifles  in  the  ser- 
vice. Avherein  the  master  differed  from 
the  lecturer  by  conformmg  strictly  to  the 
customs  and  laws  of  the  church."  The 
quarrel  thus  begun  grew  more  important, 
when  Travers  objected  to  some  positions 
contained  in  Hooker's  sermons,  and  a 
puljjit  controversy  arose  between  them, 
in  which  the  forenoon  sermon  spake 
Canterbury',  and  the  afternoon  Geneva. 
The  consequence  was,  that  Whitgift  si- 
lenced Travers,*  and  he  appealed  to  the 


3  Walton's  Hooker,  Wordsw.  Ecc.  Biog.  iv.  245. 

Strype's  Whitgift.  i.  344. 
^  Strype's  Ann.  v.  353. 

^"Disciplina  Ecclcsiae  sacra  e.\  Deiveibode- 
scripta."  This  was  afterwards  translated  and  pub- 
lished by  Cartwright,  "  A  full  and  plain  declaration 
of  Ecclesiastical  Discipline,"  &c.  See  Index  to 
Strype. 

'  Hooker's  Answer  to  Travers,  ^  3,  4. 
*  Strype's  Whitg.  i.  474 


ClIAP.  X.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND, 


155 


council.'  In  his  Supplication  to  the 
council,  he  tries  to  vindicate  liis  ordina- 
tion, and  license  to  preach,  and  finds 
fault  with  the  doctrines  delivered  by 
Hooker  ;  and  as  this  document  became 
public,  the  master  was  obliged  to  return 
an  answer,  in  which  he  vindicates  him- 
self, and  states  that  Travers-  was  silenced 
for  breaking  an  order  of  the  Advertise- 
ments, which  forbade  any  minister  to 
answer  the  errors  of  other  preachers 
except  in  private,  or  by  sending  informa- 
tion to  the  Ecclesiastical  Commission. 
But  from  the  Supplication  of  Travers, 
and  the  answers  of  Whitgift  to  his  argu- 
ments,' there  can  be  little  doubt  that  his 
non-episcopal  ordination  was  one  very 
decided  reason  for  his  suspension. 
Travers  was  never  reinstated,  but  a 
party  was  raised  against  the  master ; 
and  it  was  to  convince  them  that  he 
commenced  his  immortal  work  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  Polity. 

§  455.  It  was  towards  the  end  of  the 


'  Travers'  Supplication  to  the  council,  and 
Hooker's  Answer,  are  printed  in  the  end  of  the 
Eccl  siastical  Polity.  'I'o  those  who  are  unac- 
quainted with  ecclesiastical  law,  the  treatment  of 
Travers  may  seem  in  some  degree  unjust.  He 
argues  that  he  was  in  orders  because  tiie  statute 
(12,  13  Eliz.)  directed,  that  those  who  had  been 
ordained  by  any  odier  riles  than  those  of  the  church 
of  England  should  subscribe  to  the  Thirty-nine 
Ariicles,  implying  that  alter  that  act  they  were 
fully  entitled  to  the  advantages  belonging  to  other 
members  of  the  esiablishmcnt.  This  applied  di- 
rectly to  the  Roman  Catholic  priesthood,  and  the 
same  law  prevails  now.  But  according  to  the  doc- 
trine of  an  episcopalian  church,  he  who  was  or- 
dained without  the  presence  of  a  bishop  was  never 
ordained  at  all  :  lie  wants  the  essence  of  ordina- 
tion, the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the  bishop  ;  and 
this  law,  therefore,  does  not  apply  to  him.  It  is 
difficult  to  determine  the  intention  of  the  original 
framers  ol  the  law.  The  early  practice  was  proba- 
bly on  the  side  of  Travers,  (as  in  the  case  of 
Whitiingham,  to  which  he  appeals,  and  which 
was  much  stronger  than  his  own.)  (Strypc's  An- 
nals, iv.  Ih7.)  The  present  interpretation  of  it  is 
entirely  in  favour  of  the  archbishop.  The  words 
are  :  "  Every  person  under  the  degree  of  bishop, 
which  doth  or  shall  pretend  to  be  a  priest  or  minis- 
ter of  God's  holy  word  and  sacraments,  by  reason 
of  any  other  form  of  institution,  consecration,  or 
ordering,  than  the  form  set  forth  by  parliament,  in 
the  lime  oi  the  late  king  of  most  worthy  memory, 
King  Edward  VT.,  or  now  used  in  the  reign  of  our 
iTiosi  gracious  sovereign  lady,  before  the  feast  of 
the  nativity  of  Christ  ne.xt  following,  shall  in  the 
presence  of  the  bishop  or  guardian  of  the  spirit- 
ualitie.a  of  some  one  diocese,  where  he  haih  or 
shall  have  ecclesiastical  living,  declare  his  as.sent, 
and  sulisrribe  to  all  the  articles  of  religion,  which 
oiily  coni'ern  the  confession  of  the  true  Christian 
laiih,  and  the  doctrines  of  the  sacraments  com- 
prised in  a  book,"  &,c.  &,c.  (13  Eliz.  ch.  12  )  1571. 

^  Hooker's  Answer,  §  17. 

»  Strype's  Whitg.  iii.  185,  No.  30 


!  year  1580  that  the  conspiracy  of  Ba- 
!  bington  was  discovered,*  in  which  the 
false  principles  inculcated  by  Roman 
I  Catholic  teachers  urged  on  some  young, 
'  zealous,  and  unwary  individuals  to  at- 
tempt the  murder  of  Elizabeth.  They 
met  with  their  merited  fate  and  were 
I  executed,  to  the  number  of  fourteen  ; 
I  but  their  fall  implicated  the  royal  pri- 
j  soner,  and  the  fears  and  suspicions  of 
'the  kingdom  conspired  to  bring  Mary 
j  to  her  trial  and  the  scaffold.    This  treat- 
'  ment  of  the  queen  of  Scots  has  been 
■  viewed  in  different  lights  by  the  parti- 
sans of  opposite  sides  ;  but  one  or  two 
considerations  so  strongly  stamp  its  cha- 
I  racter,  that  however  legal  it  might  have 
been  in  England,  it  can  never  stand  be- 
I  fore  the  tribunal  of  the  world.  Nothing 
j  could  subject  Mary  to  an  English  court 
'  of  justice,  but  her  own  injudicious  sub- 
mission to  it ;  and  it  is  a  fair  question 
for  casuists  to  decide,  how  far  any  act 
which  originated  from  presumed  force^ 
can  bind  the  person  who  submits  to  it. 
At  all  events,  the  conditions  of  the  act 
of  Parliament  ought  to  have  been  com- 
!  plied  with,"  (1  13°  Eliz.)  and  the  testi- 
mony of  her  secretaries  have  been  con- 
[  firmed  by  their  being  confronted  to  her: 
;  but  few  or  no  criminals,  in  those  happy 
days,  had  the  advantage  of  even-handed 
justice.    Her  guilt  must  ever  remain 
problematical ;  and  however  this  trans- 
j  action  must  disgrace  the  name  of  Eliza- 
beth, it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the 
nation  was  full  as  guilty  as  the  queen. ^ 
The  policy,  too,  of  the  measure  may  be 
I  questioned,  if  indeed  it  can  possibly  be 
i  politic  to  do  wrong. 

§  456.  (a.  d.  1587.)  The  firmness  of 
the  queen  during  the  last  parliament  did 
not  damp  the  ardour  for  innovation  ;  for 
on  Feb.  27  a  bill  was  brought  forward 
which  would  have  abrogated  all  eccle- 
siastical law,  and  substituted  a  new  code 
in  its  place  ;  but  during  the  debate  on 
the  question,  whether  the  book  which 
contained  it  should  be  read,  the  house 
adjourned,  and  several  of  the  more  vio- 
lent members  were  afterwards  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower  by  the  queen.' 
The  book,^  as  appears  from  the  draft 
of  a  speech  against  it,  would  have  left 


«  Camden's  Eliz.  339.  s  ibid.  352. 

«  Ibid.  362. 

'  Strype's  Whitgift,  i.  509.  8  ibid.  i.  488. 
9  Ibid.  iii.  186,  No.  31. 


196 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  X. 


the  m  inister  at  liberty  to  use  what  prayers 
he  chose  ;  would  have  ahered  several 
of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  ;  would  have 
taken  away  the  patronage  of  livhigs,  by 
making  them  elective,  and  probably 
have  touched  lay-impropriations ;  would 
have  overthrown  episcopacy  and  all 
ecclesiastical  distinctions  ;  would  have 
destroyed  the  supremacy,  and  allowed 
the  presbytery  to  exercise  ecclesiastical 
authority  over  the  queen  herself.  All 
this  was  at  once  stopped  :  but  some 
petition  seems  to  have  been  presented; 
for  an  answer  to  one  is  still  extant,'  in 
which  her  majesty  steadily  and  judi- 
ciously expresses  her  opinion  of  the  ill 
efTect  of  alterations,  when  essentials 
were  already  established,  and  her  de- 
termination to  support  what  the  law  had 
settled.  The  steps  which  were  here 
taken  were  much  under  the  influence 
of  the  classes  of  ministers  of  Warwick 
and  Northampton  ;-  and  the  proceedings 
of  these  reformers  seem  to  indicate  an 
idea,  that  if  the  civil  magistrate  did  not 
remedy  the  evils  complained  of,^  it  be- 
came their  duty  to  take  the  redressing 
them  into  their  own  hands.  The  activity 
of  the  anti-episcopalians  does  not  ne- 
cessarily imply  any  remissness  on  the 
part  of  the  bishops ;  for  in  the  convoca- 
tion held  at  the  same  time  with  the  par- 
liament, some  very  good  orders  were 
agreed  to,*  with  regard  to  exercises  to 
be  performed  by  such  ministers  as  had 
not  taken  the  degree  of  M.  A. ;  their 
catechisin<r  and  expounding  the  Cate- 
chism :  and  to  compel  all  preachers  to 
deliver,  every  year,  eight  sermons  at 
least  at  each  of  their  benefices. 

§  457.  (a.  d.  15S8.)  The  history  of 
this  eventful  year  belongs  much  more 
to  the  civil  than  the  ecclesiastical  histo- 
rian ;  for  notwithstanding  the  steps 
which  were  taken  to  urge  the  Roman 
Catholics  of  England  to  unite  in  the  at- 
tempt at  subjugating  our  island,  it  is 
manifest  that  the  mass  of  them  viewed 
the  matter  in  its  true  light,  and  joined 
hand  and  heart  in  the  common  cause, 
wherever  the  government  was  wise 
enough  to  employ  their  ser^nces.  But 
it  should  not  be  forgotten,  when  we 
examine  the  treatment  which  they  re- 
ceived at  the  hands  of  the  Protestants, 


and  which  everj*  well  wisher  to  the 
honour  of  our  cause  must  deplore,  that 
the  men  who  were  supposed  to  possess 
the  most  si)iritual  influence  among  them, 
Cardinal  Allen  and  Father  Persons, 
were  exerting  their  utmost  endeavours 
to  enslave  their  country.  The  conduct 
of  a  party  must  ordinarily  be  viewed 
from  what  is  done  by  its  leaders  ;  and 
perhaps  there  never  was  a  cause  so 
'  cursed  with  injudicious  leaders,  as  that 
of  the  English  Roman  Catholics.  This 
example,  however,  was  by  no  means 
universally  followed  by  the  ecclesiastics ; 
for  Wryght,  a  priest  of  the  college  of 
Douay,^  and  living  therefore  in  a  state 
j  of  proscription,  wrote  a  tract  for  the 
I  satisfaction  of  some  Roman  Catholics, 
j  in  which  he  proves  that  it  was  their 
duty  to  defend  the  country  against  the 
invasion  of  Philip  ;  and,  together  with 
the  expressed  opinions  of  several  per- 
sons of  that  persuasion,  we  have  the 
subsequent  testimonj-  of  Burleigh,  who 
at  the  very  moment  in  which  he  speaks 
of  confining  them,  adds,  "Yet  with 
signification  unto  tl  em,  that  the  same 
is  not  to  be  done,  so  much  for  doubt  of 
an}-  disloyal  attempts  by  themselves,  as 
to  notify  to  the  rebels  and  enemies 
abroad,"^  that  the  expectations  which 
they  had  been  led  to  form  of  assistance 
in  England  were  unfounded. 

§  45S.  The  pressure  of  external  dan- 
ger did  not  by  any  means  free  the  church 
from  domestic  troubles ;  for  the  more 
violent  of  the  puritan  party  had  long 
been  making  preparations,  and  now 
opened  a  vigorous  attack  on  the  episco- 
palians, by  publishing  books  which  re- 
viled the  whole  body,  as  well  as  the  in- 
dividual members.  The  most  noted  of 
these  works  was  put  forth  under  the 
fictitious  name  of  Martin  Marprelate, 
from  which  circumstance  the  whole  class 
of  writers  who  pursued  a  similar  track, 
adopted,  or  were  ranked  under,  the  same 
denomination  of  Martins.  A  proclama- 
tion was  directed  against  them  in  the 
spring  of  1589;  and'  by  the  activity  of 
the  archbishop,*  the  press  from  which 
these  libels  proceeded  was  taken,  and 
several  of  those  concerned  in  this  un 
christian  task  were  by  degrees  disco 
vered  and  punished ;  but  the  energy 


\  '  Slrvpe's  Whitgift,  i.  494. 

» Ibid.  i.  502.  9  Ibid.  i.  504. 

*  Ibid.  iii.  194,  No.  32. 


5  Strype's  Annals,  vi.  583,  No.  65. 

8  Str>-pe's  Whitgift,  ii.  4. 

7  Ibid.  iii.  216,  No.  41.  »  Ibid.  i.  601. 


Chap.  X.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


157 


which  this  circumstance  excited  unfor- 
tunately brought  many  of  the  puritans 
into  trouble,  who  were  not  at  all  en- 
gaged in  propagating  the  evil.  And 
their  own  conscientious  refusal  to  take 
the  oath  ex  officio  7ncro,  lest  they  should 
thus  indirectly  accuse  themselves  or 
their  friends,  detained  them  in  prison 
for  a  considerable  time.  Cartwright 
was  confined  eighteen  months,*  though 
he  declared  that  for  the  last  thirteen 
years  he  never  wrote  or  procured  any 
thing  to  be  printed  which  might  in  any 
sort  be  offensive  to  her  majesty  and  the 
state,''  much  less  had  any  hand,  or  so 
much  as  a  finger,  in  the  book  under 
Martin's  name.  From  the  proceedings 
against  him  and  others,  as  they  are  re- 
corded (June  2)  in  an  authentic  docu- 
ment containing  the  charges  and  an- 
swers  to  them,  given  by  the  prisoners,'' 
there  seems  to  have  been  a  decided 
party  formed  for  the  purpose  of  altermg 
the  government  of  the  church.  It  was 
their  wish  to  proceed  by  legal  methods, 
while  there  was  any  hope  of  success 
from  them  ;  and  it  may  fairly  be  doubt- 
ed whether  the  better  sort  had  any 
thoughts  of  employing  force  ;  for  they 
declare  that  to  their  knowledge  no  mi- 
nister had  any  other  intention  than  that 
of  using  prayer,  teaching,  and  humble 
supplication  to  her  majesty  and  the 
parliament.*  Yet  on  the  other  side  it 
cannot  be  questioned,  but  that  by  hold- 
ing assemblies,  and  passing  resolutions 
as  their  own  authorized  opinions,  they 
were  taking  such  steps  as  must  pro- 
bably lead  to  rebellion;^  and  many  of 
the  warmer  partisans  of  the  presbytery 
manifestly  intended  to  adopt  more  for- 
cible measures.  When  Cartwright  was 
brou2rht  before  the  star  chamber^  he  re- 
fused to  take  the  oath,  to  answer  all 
questions  ex  officio  mero :''  and  till  he 

'  Strvpe"s  Whitaiift.  ii.  88. 
MhiH.  iii.  231,  No.  1. 

'  Il.id.  iii  242,  No.  4.  "  Ibid.  iii.  258. 

s  Il)id.  i.  613.  «  .See  ^  .554. 

'  The  whole  method  of  prooecdinir  ,j-  nfficiomero 
would  iiow-n-dnys  appear  very  nrliiirary  and  un- 
lerriMn.  Wright  ihe  piiriian,  in  tiis  a':swers  to 
the  matters  urged  acainst  him.  hesiii.si,  "  F'irst.  he 
mn~t  himiVily  desired  ihnt  it  niiirht  l)e  con.sidered 
whether  any  man  hy  our  laws  he  l)oiind  to  aeensc 
hiiri.self.  upon  liis  (latli.  for  anv  deed  or  w  ord,  miieh 
le^s  to  dechnrc  his  ihoiiahts."  (Strvpe's  .Ann.  vi. 
22H,  No.  23.)  In  the^  ease  of  Bainbridce  and 
John.son,  it  was  referred  to  .several  doctor,'!  of  the 
arches,  who  answered,  that  the  parties  were  bound 
J.  ■•iiswer  upon  oath,  and  added  :  "  And  wc  find 


had  done  this,  his  judges  would  listen 
to  nothing  which  he  had  to  advance  in 
his  own  favour.  It  is  the  expressed 
opinion  of  some  one  who  seemed  to  be 
their  counsel,  "  that  there  was  no  mat- 
ter proved  of  any  meetings  or  conven- 
ticles seditiously  made  and  executed  by 
Cartwright  and  his  fellows."**  And  the 
judgment  of  Popham,  the  attorney- 
general,  does  not  speak  a  very  different 
language." 

§  459.  Whatever  they  might  do  here- 
after, their  present  plan  was  to  use  per- 
suasion ;  and  for  this  purpose  they  meant 
to  form  a  sj^nod,  to  be  held  either  at  one 
of  the  universities  or  London,  where 
assembling  would  not  attract  notice,'" 
and  to  divide  themselves,  at  other  times, 
j  into  classes,  or  provincial  synods.  In 
\  the  meetings  which  did  take  place,  it 
appears  that  they  passed  certain  reso- 
lutions which  tended  to  tlie  subversion 
of  all  episcopal  discipline  ;  and  it  is  not 
unlikely  that,  had  they  been  suffered  to 
continue,  and  acquire  strength,  they 
might  have  been  able  to  alter  the  con- 
stitution of  the  church,  if  not  of  the  state. 
Such  assemblies,  therefore,  could  not  be 
j  allowed  by  a  wise  government ;  but  the 
methods  which  were  adopted  for  their 
prevention,  seem  to  have  been  calcu- 


it  harder  in  our  learning  to  give  a  good  reason  of 
doubt,  than  to  yield  any  other  resolution,  though 
there  preceded  in  such  a  case  neither  special  accu- 
sation or  denunciation."  (Strype's  -Ann.  vi.  122  ) 
The  argument  in  favour  of  oaihs  ex  officio  is  as 
follows :  It  a  iTian  be  accused  before  his  ordinary 
of  any  crime,  lie  is  not  bound  to  impeach  himself, 
but  if  he  be  e.vainined  on  account  of  some  crime 
which  from  its  nature  it  would  be  difficult  to  prove, 
and  which  neverllieless  the  judge  ecclesiastical 
may  wish  to  remedy,  the  notoriety  of  faine  is 
taken  for  evidence  against  him.  and  he  is  bound 
!  to  clear  himself  by  his  own  oaih,  and  by  that  of 
compurgators,  declaring  that  they  believe  his  oath 
to  be  true.  (Strype's  Whitgift,  iii.  233,  No.  2.) 
The  ground  of  this  is,  that  tlie  inflictions  of  an 
ecclesiastical  court  are  by  law  deemed  iiuilicincE 
not  ■pcena.  This  arjiumcnt  is  signed  by  nine  doc- 
tors of  civil  law,  and  stated  to  be  the  universal 
practice  of  ecclesiastical  courts.  In  examining 
the  question,  we  must  not  overlook  the  feelings 
of  the  times  with  regard  to  such  a  point.  Beal, 
clerk  of  the  council  and  a  puritan,  would  have  put 
the  Roman  Catholics  upon  their  oath  twice  every 
year,  that  they  had  not  aided  Jesuits  or  seminary 
priests,  ihev  being  under  a  bond  not  to  do  so. 
(.Strype's  VVhitgifi,  iii.  203,  No.  35.)  !\Iorice,  a 
learned  civilian,  wrote  a  tract,  in  which  he  ob- 
jected to  the  legality  of  the  oath,  (Ibid.  ii.  30,)  and 
wished  the  matter  to  be  referred  to  the  learned 
judges  of  the  realm,  which  his  grace  liked  not. 
(Ibid.  29.) 

«  Strype's  Whitgift,  ii.  84.  9  Ibid.  ii.  83. 

'"Ibid.ii.G. 

o 


158 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  X. 


lated  rather  to  exasperate  tl;an  to  con- 1 
vince ;  and  tlioiigh  tliej''  had  the  efTect 
of  silencing  them  for  the  time,  yet  they 
must  have  j^rodiiced  a  feeling  among 
the  people  very  unfavourable  to  the 
cause  which  they  ivere  intended  to  sup- 
port. The  petition  of  Eusebius  Pagit, 
some  time  student  of  Christ  Church,' 
addressed  to  the  lord  admiral,  contains  a 
pathetic  remonstrance  from  a  good  and 
peaceable  Christian.  He  had  been 
forced  to  quit  his  preferment  upon  some 
scruple  with  regard  to  the  service,  and 
had  continued  to  hold  communion  with 
the  church  of  England,  because  he  sin- 
cerely esteemed  it  to  be  the  church  of 
God,  and  endeavoured  to  support  him- 
self by  keeping  school :  but  from  this 
last  resource  he  was  again  driven  ;  and 
his  pra3-ergoes  not  bej'ond  the  request, 
that  he  might  obtain  some  employment 
for  the  support  of  his  family  which 
might  prevent  him  from  becoming  a 
vagabond.  It  must  have  been  this  se- 
verity towards  the  lower  members  of 
the  church,  which  so  strongly  exaspe- 
rated the  minds  of  the  country  against 
bishops  ;  for,  from  the  motions  which 
were  annually  made  in  parliament,  and 
the  decided  favour  which  was  shown  by 
many  towards  the  presbyterian  disci- 
pline, it  is  evident  that  the  nation  was 
beginning  to  advocate  the  cause  which 
the  archbishop  endeavoured  to  suppress. 
And  it  is  also  clear  that  there  must  have 
been  some  mismanagement  in  the  hier- 
archy, which  concentrated  all  the  senti- 
ments, arising  from  a  wish  for  civil 
liberty,  in  formidable  array  against 
themselves.  The  arguments  in  favour 
of  episcopacy,  if  fairly  advanced,  are  so 
strong,  that  the  question,  when  the  esta- 
blishment was  once  fixed,  might  have 
safely  been  left  to  the  force  of  reason, 
while  steady  moderation  was  used  to 
prevent  any  very  gross  violations  of  the 
orders  of  the  church,  and  the  combina- 
nations  of  its  interested  opponents. 

§  460.  The  argument  in  favour  of 
episcopacy  seems  to  stand  thus  : — When 
the  Reformation  began,  it  found  episco- 
pacy established  in  the  church  of  Rome, 
and  possessed  of  distinctive  offices,  of 
which  the  power  of  ordination  seems  to 
be  the  most  peculiar  to  it.'^    One  party 

'  Strype's  Whiigifi,  iii.  2i^5,  No.  11. 
2  The  disiinciive  chnracierisiics  of  a  bishop,  as 
laid  dowti  by  Bishop  Davenani,  in  his  beautiful 


of  the  Reformers  retained  it  as  they 
found  it,  but  tried  to  separate  it  from 
the  abuses  with  which  it  had  been  com- 
bined ;  the  other  rejected  it  altogether, 
and  made  two  orders  only  in  the  church, 
(viz.  priests  and  deacons,)  appointing 
such  superior  ofiicers  as  Avere  primi 
inter  pares.  The  point  at  issue  there- 
fore is,  were  there  three  distinct  orders^ 
in  the  primitive  church  ?  and  if  so,  was 
the  right  and  office  of  ordaining  pecu- 
liar to  the  highest  of  these  ? 

In  the  apostolical  historj',  as  con- 
tained in  the  New  Testament,  these 
questions  are  not  clearly  answered,  and 
there  is  much  indistinctness  about  the 
names  of  bishop  and  priest  or  elder  ;  but 
if  we  suppose,  by  way  of  hypothesis, 
that  there  were  bishops,  priests,  and 
deacons,  we  shall  find  no  statements 
which  cannot  be  easily  reconciled  with 
the  supposition.* 

As  we    proceed  with  ecclesiastical 

deteiminaiion  on  Diveisiiy  of  Degrees  in  ihe  Mi- 
nislei's  of  the  Gospel,  are  ihiee  :  1st,  '1  liat,  how- 
ever many  presbyters  there  may  be,  iliere  is 
never  more  ilian  one  hisiiop  in  a  eily  ;  2d,  ']'he 
power  of  ordination  ;  3d,  '1  lie  jntifdiclion  over  the 
tiergy.  To  these  may  be  added,  the  power  of 
conhrniing.  of  consecrating  churches,  Sec.  In  the 
whole  of  (his  rucsiion  the  reader  may  be  referred 
to  Bingham's  Antiquities,  a  work  in  which  he  who 
seeks  lor  information  on  any  ecclesiastical  subjec. 
may  be  almost  sure  to  find  it. 

^  Here,  too,  there  is  an  equivocal  term  in  Ir** 
word  "order."  At  the  council  of 'i'rent,  though 
there  was  no  question  about  episcopacy,  there  was 
a  discussion  as  to  whether  bisliops  were  a  distinct 
Ol  der  or  only  a  difl'crent  jurisdiction.  (F.  Paul.  557.) 
'1  he  Saxon  church  was  governed  by  bishops,  yet 
the  canons  declare  thai  there  is  no  essential  difler- 
once  between  the  two  orders  ol  bi.-hops  and 
priests.  (Johnson's  Canons.  'J57.  17.)  '1  his  must 
always  he  taken  into  account  in  quesiions  wi  h  re- 
gard to  episcopacy.  See  also  ^117,  279.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  suppose  that  Wiclif  and  the  Erudi- 
tion intended  to  reject  e|)i>i()pacy,  though  they 
denied  the  distinctness  of  the  oidcrs.  H  he  real 
P'>int  at  issue  is.  whether  a  person  could  be  or- 
dained in  the  priinitive  church  wiihout  the  pre- 
sence of  an  apostle,  or  ol  one  holding  a  peculiarly 
delegated  authority,  t.  e.,  of  a  bisiiop.  See  Bing- 
ham, i.  p.  81. 

'I  he  argument  roncernipc  the  name  of  hishop 
is  frequently  mistaken  There  is  no  doubt  that 
nriff/i-OTo;  is  equivalent,  in  the  New  Testament,  to 
-pcaPO-tfOi,  and  I  am  not  aware  ihtit  it  is  ever  used 
for  what  we  should  call  a  bishop.  But  then  tl.e 
terms  used  in  the  New  Testament  lor  hiflmp  are 
nVforoXo;,  or  ayyfXof,  and  Clemens  Romanus,  the 
third  bishop  of  Rome,  is  called  an  apostle  by  Cle- 
mens Ale.xandrinns.  Strom,  iv.  17.  'I  he  conces- 
sion, therefore,  of  the  use  of  the  name  fViVitoirof 
proves  nothing.  The  presbyterian  is  forced  to  say 
that  the  order  equivalent  to  that  of  the  apostles 
does  not  now  exist  in  the  church,  which  is  really 
bptrging  the  question,  and  to  explain  nyyrXof  by  the 
chief  prislor  of  Ihe  rlnirrh.  So  that  the  argument 
from  the  names  is  rather  in  favour  of  episcopacy. 


Chap  X.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


159 


history,  these  same  traces  become  more 
decisive,  till  we  find  that  at  an  early 
period  the  questions  are  both  answered 
in  the  affirmative  ;'  and  we  infer,  there- 
fore, that  unless  it  can  be  shown  that  a 
change  in  this  particular  took  place,  we 
may  presume  that  the  same  ecclesiasti- 
cal constitution  existed  from  the  time 
^of  the  apostles.  A  presbyterian  might 
arg-ue,  that  in  the  apostolical  history  of 
the  New  Testament  there  is  nothing 
which  militates  against  the  hypothesis 
of  the  -two  orders  only,  at  least  nothing 
which  proves  the  point ;  that  St.  James 
might  have  been  the  chief  elder,  the 
moderator,  of  the  church  of  Jerusalem  ; 
that  Timothy  and  Titus'^  might  have 
held  no  higher  office  than  that  of  dean 
in  a  cathedral  church,  or  archdeacon  in 
a  diocese ;  and  that  as  the  presbytery  had 
the  pov/er  of  ordaining,  they,  as  its  su- 
perintendents, were  directed  by  St.  Paul 
to  set  all  things  in  order.  But  then  this 
hypothesis  does  not  account  for  the  in- 
troduction of  episcopacy,  without  even 
a  hint  from  the  historians  that  any  alter- 
ation in  the  church  government  was 
effected.  When  to  this  it  is  added,  that 
there  never  existed  a  church  without 
episcopacy  till  the  Reformation,  the 
proof  seems  as  strong  as  moral  proof 
can  be,  that  it  is  most  probable  that 
episcopacy  is  derived  from  the  times  of 
the  apostles.  And  this  conclusion  is 
quite  sufficient  to  guide  the  conduct  of 
a  sober-minded  Christian.^  But  to  re- 
turn to  the  history, 

'  Ignaiii  Epist.  ad  Smyrnasos,  ^  viii.  nam;  m 
imaK'mM  AkoXi  lOzXrc,  <1);  '\ri70iif  Xprard,-  no  -rarpi'  koi  no 
irp£  (3'trcpio),  (j;  nXf  moaniXoif  roi;  ii  SiaKojons  ivrpcKZcd'c, 

t'EJ!)  ii/roXfiti.  (Coielerii,  ii.  36.) 

Oi/f  tfov  hriv  Xf-ipis  rav  iiric/fiin-O'j,  ovre  Pawri^^av,  ourj 
ayinw  noirtt',  &,c.,  meaning,  perhaps,  that  with- 
out the  ordination  ol  a  bishop,  at  least  witiiout  the 
/      sane: ion  of  a  bishop,  no  minister  may  perform 
either  of  the  two  sacraments. 

Ad  Piiiladelphenos,  iv.  p.  31.  'Eu  Bmiaarfjptov, 
u;  ci;  tTijTOTO,-,  'lipa  T(.)  TTpca,! "Ttptoi ,  naX  iiuKdnoii  ni; 
aiMXoi;  //O),  &c.  fl.  A.  D.  107. 

2  For  myself,  I  cannot  understand  how  this  hy- 
potlifsis  can  explain  the  words  of  St.  Paul,  (  Tit.  i. 
5.)  '-For  this  cause  left  I  thee  in  Crete,  that 
thou  shouldest  set  in  order  the  things  that  are 
wanting,  and  ordain  elders  in  every  cit'y-,  as  I  had 
appointed  thee,"  &c.  Tiius  must  have  hal  a 
delegated  authority  very  difi'erent  in  its  nature 
from  that  of  a  moderator  in  a  presbyterian  rhurch. 
Bui  other  persons  may  see  the  matter  diflercnily. 

*'rhe  force  of  this  argument  wdl  be  much  in- 
creased by  comparing  it  with  that  in  favour  of  in- 
fant baptism,  or  any  other  parallel  case,  as  that 
the  sacraments  are  to  be  administered  by  clergy- 
men only,  which  presbylerians  allow  as  wi;ll  as 
episcopalians.    The  elements  of  the  argument  will 


§  461.  The  treatment  of  the  libellers 
then^selves  when  discovered,  was,  ac- 
cording to  the  system  then  pursued, 
much  less  objectionable  ;  because  the 
outrageous  nature  of  their  writings  ob- 
viously pointed  out  to  the  civil  magis 
trate  the  necessity  of  adopting  severity.* 
Udal  and  Penry,  who  were  the  princi- 
pal writers  of  some  of  the  books  which 
attacked  episcopacy,^  forfeited  their 
lives  to  the  vengeance  of  insulted  so- 
ciety, by  the  vehemence  with  which 
they  abused  the  established  govern- 
ment. It  may  be  more  wise  in  a  go- 
vernment on  some  occasions  to  overlook 
such  transgressions  ;  but  if  any  notice 
be  taken  of  thein,  an  authority  which 
will  defend  itself  must  inflict  some  pu- 
nishment on  such  offenders.  Hacket, 
who  represented  our  Saviour,  with 
Coppinger''  and  Arthington,  his  pro- 
phets of  mercy,  and  judgment,  were 
candidates  rather  for  a  mad-house,  than 
a  dungeon.  Greenwood  and  Barrow,' 
who  suffered  for  writing  seditious  books 
and  pamphlets,  were  on  the  high  road 
to  introduce  the  horrors  of  anarchy 
which  the  anabaptists  had  exhibited  in 
Germany.*  These  extreme  cases,  how- 
ever, cannot  fairly  be  charged  on  the 
puritans  ;  for  though  they  were  the  na- 
tural fruit  of  the  proceedings  of  that 
party,  yet  the  better  sort  of  noncon- 
formists utterly  disliked  what  these 
persons  did,^  and  were  in  their  turns 
exposed  to  the  animadversions  of  these 
ultra  reformists,  who  regarded  them  as 
only  half  reformed.  It  may  be  doubt- 
ful, perhaps,  even  in  these  cases,  whe- 
ther gentler  remedies  might  not  have 
been  adopted  with  success  ;  but  it  is 
obvious  that  something  more  than  ar- 
gument was  necessary  for  beings  who 
made  so  bad  a  use  of  their  reasoning 
faculties.  And  the  satirical  productions 
of  Tom  Nash,'"  who  answered  them  in 
their   own  way,  had  probably  more 


in  each  case  be  the  same :  that  at  a  certain  time 
it  was  found  existing  in  the  church;  that  history 
states  not  when  it  began  ;  iuid  that  the  supposition 
of  it  having  existed  from  the  limes  of  the  apostles 
is  not  contradicted,  but  ralhtr  supported  by  the 
apostolic  history.  Moral  demonstration  hardly 
admits  of  proof  more  satisfactory. 

"  Rirypc's  Whitgift,  ii.  %.        3  jhid.  ii.  17.5. 

"  Paul's  Whitgift ;  Wordsw.  Eccl.  Biog.  iv.  354. 

'  Sirype's  Whitgift,  ii.  186. 

"  Paul's  Whitgift,  357.  »  Ibid.  362. 

'"Walton's  Hooker;  Wordsw.  Eccl.  Biog.  iv. 


160 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  X. 


effect  with  the  people,  than  either  argu- 
ment  or  severity. 

§  4()2.  The  national  alarm,  excited 
by  the  conduct  of  foreign  Roman  Ca- 
tholic courts,  and  which  proved  so  in- 
jurious to  those  of  that  persuasion  who 
belonged  to  England,  had  not  been  ob- 
literated b}'  the  general  readiness  and 
fidelity  exhibited  by  Roman  Catholics 
themselves  during  the  period  of  danger 
Avliich  was  lately  passed  ;  and  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  same  threatening  policy 
on  the  part  of  Spain  and  Italy,  tended 
to  continue  the  same  cautionary  and 
harsh  measures  on  that  of  the  English 
governnient.  The  parliament  of  this 
year  enacted  some  very  severe  laws, 
wliich  affected  the  puritans  and  Roman 
Catholics,  The  first  subjected  all  above 
the  age  of  sixteen,  who  did  not  frequent 
their  parish  church,  to  the  penalty  of 
imprisonment;  and  in  case  of  their  not 
conforming  after  three  months,  th;  y 
were  obliged  to  abjure  the  realm,  and 
if  they  returned  were  declared  felons 
without  benefit  of  clergy.  Their  goods 
were  lost  to  them  during  their  lives, 
and  their  friends  forbidden  to  hai-bour 
or  conceal  their  persons.  This  act 
more  particularly  touched  the  puri- 
tans,' whose  conduct  in  1588  had  given 
just  offence  to  the  country.  The  second 
confined  all  popish  recusants,  who  had 
any  property,  to  their  own  places  of 
residence,  and  imposed  the  penalty  of 
the  loss  of  all  their  possessions,  in  case 
of  their  removing  from  thence,  except 
on  specified  occasions  ;  while  those  who 
were  not  possessed  of  goods  to  a  greater 
amount  than  twenty  marks  per  annum, 
or  40/.  actual  property,  were  forced  to 
abjure  the  realm  ;  and  in  default  of  this, 
or  in  case  of  returning,  were  adjudged 
felons  without  benefit  of  clergy.  There 
were  also  some  executions  of  Roman 
Catholics,  which  kept  alive  the  flame 
of  animosity  on  the  one  part,  and  of 
terror  on  the  other;  and  the  law  which 
treated  all  priests  as  traitors,  perhaps 
m  some  cases  produced  the  treason 
which  it  was  intended  to  prevent; 
while  the  declarations^  and  opinions 
maintained  b)'  some  Roman  Catholics 
created  a  horror  and  antipathy  against 
a  religion,  v.-hich  could  foster  such  sen- 
timents, and  allow  of  such  expressions 

'  Panrrofi,  Word.«w.  Ecrl.  Biog.  iv.  3S9. 
2  .Siryjie's  An;],  vii.  91,  No.  45. 


without  the  strongest  reprobation.  But 
the  soothing  hand  of  time  was  not  des- 
titute of  its  effects;  and  many  of  the 
Roman  Catholics  began  to  find  out  for 
themselves  the  unjustifiable  lengths  into 
which  their  leaders  would  have  guided 
them.  One  of  them  in  l'i97  writes  to 
Burleigh,'  "that  the  course  they  ran 
into  tended,  for  aught  he  could  per- 
ceive, to  the  ruin  of  our  country,  over- 
throw of  the  monarchy,  destruction  of 
all  the  nobility,  and  to  bring  England 
into  perpetual  bondage  of  the  S])a- 
niards :  they  neither,  as  it  seemed," 
added  he,  "respecting  religion,  (though 
they  made  it  their  cloak,)  their  native 
soil,  nor  any  thing  else,  but  their  own 
ambitious  humour;  persuaded  by  this 
means  to  attain  to  special  authority  and 
government  under  the  king  of  Spain." 

In  l(i02,  upon  a  quarrel  between  the 
Seculars  and  Jesuits,''  the  former  pub- 
lished several  books,  in  which  they 
threw  the  whole  blame  of  the  persecu- 
tion on  the  latter ;  and  declared  that 
the  kindness  of  the  queen  had  con- 
tinued, till  the  ill  conduct  of  the  see  of 
Rome,  and  this  part  of  her  Roman  Ca- 
tholic subjects,  had  forced  her  to  adoj.t 
severe  measures.  And  in  consequence 
of  a  proclamation  which  was  now  is- 
sued,'^ thirteen  secular  priests  came  for- 
ward, and  made  a  formal  declaration 
of  their  own  fidelity.  Though  the  ef- 
fects of  these  circumstances  come  not 
up  to  our  wishes,  yet  we  may  fairly 
conclude  that  they  were  not  destitute 
of  their  use  ;  for  notwithstanding  the 
invasion  of  Ireland  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  the  crusade  which  was  jjublislud 
by  Clement  VIII.,  in  favour  of  Tyrone, 
yet  the  executions  towards  the  end  of 
the  reign  appear  less  frequent." 

§  (a.  d.  1595.)  The  church  was 
destined  this  year  to  meet  with  internal 
trouble,  in  doctrine  as  well  as  di;;ci- 
pline  ;  and  a  theological  question,  on 
which  the  two  divinity  jirofessors  at 
Cambridge  were  at  variance,  became 
the  subject  of  discussion  between  the 

'  Siryp'^'s  VVhiieiCl.  ii.  3fi9. 

*  Camden's  Kl'r/..  r.Ol. 

5  Butler's  Cailiolips.  ii.  Tif). 

^  It  is  ralcninicd  liy  Mili'er.  lliat  ?01  Rnmnn 
f'atliolics  siifiered  dealli  dnriiifj;  tliis  leiijii:  ]5  U>T 
denying  llie  o,neiMi'.s  .«\ipieninc'y,  ICfi  lur  ihi'  exer- 
cise of  priestly  lunciions,  and  llie  others  for  heinp; 
reeoneiled  to  the  rluireh  ol  Rome,  or  aiding  or 
assisting  priests;  90  died  in  prison,  105  were 
banished.    (Butler's  Engli6.h  Catholics,  i.  398.) 


Ohap.  X.] 


CHURCH  OF 


ENGLAND. 


161 


unlearned,'  whose  attainments  frequent- 
ly J  id  not  allow  them  to  see  even  the 
dilficulties  which  it  involves.  The  opi- 
nions of  many  persons  in  Cambridge 
dill  not  correspond  with  what  had  been 
taiight  by  Calvin  with  regard  lo  pre- 
destination ;  and  in  a  sermon  preached 
before  the  University,  William  Barret,' 
fellow  of  Cuius  college,  denied  the  ab- 
solute decree  of  reprobation  without  re- 
spect to  sin,  and  the  certainty  of  faith, 
affirming  that  Christians  might  fall  from 
grace.  Being  called  upon  to  answer 
for  this  supposed  heterodoxy,  he  was 
enjoined  to  make  a  public  recantation 
drawn  up  by  the  heads  themselves, 
which  act  he  performed  in  so  very 
negUgent  a  manner,  that  he  was  again 
suipmoned  before  the  authorities.  Upon 
this  he  complained  to  the  archbishop, 
and  when  his  recantation  was  examined, 
it  was  found  to  contain  the  denial  of 
docfines  generally  received  in  the 
church,  and  to  be  as  objectionable  as 
those  opinions  which  he  had  broached  ; 
(he  recanted,  for  instance,  "that  sin  is 
the  proper  and  primary  cause  of  re- 
probation.")'^ In  this  part  of  the  pro- 
ceeding another  dispute  arose,  as  to 
the  final  jurisdiction  of  the  university 
over  its  own  members,  and  when  this 
was  amicably  settled,  the  matter  was 
discussed  in  the  archbishop's  palace;' 
and  the  Lambeth  Articles  were  the  fruit 
of  the  conference. 

§  4(}1.  1.  God  from  eternity  hath  pre- 
destinated certain  men  unto  life,*  certain 
men  he  hath  reprobated. 

2.  The  moving  or  efficient  cause  of 
predestination  unto  life,  is  not  the  fore- 
sight of  faith,  or  of  perseverance,  or  of 
good  works,  or  of  any  thing  that  is  in 
the  person  predestinated,  but  only  the 
good-will  and  pleasure  of  God. 

a.  There  is  predetermined  a  certain 
number  of  the  predestinate,  which  can 
neither  be  augmented  nor  diminished. 

4.  Those  who  are  not  predestinated  to 
salvation  shall  he  necessarily  damned 
for  their  sins. 

5.  A  true,  living,  and  justifying  faith. 


'  Strype's  Whitjiift,  ii.  228. 
2         iii.         No.  2>. 

■>  Sir  Phil.  VVarwicic.  Mcni.  p.  SG,  attributes  the 
want  of  moderation  visible  in  these  articles  to 
Fletfher,  bishop  of  London. 

*  Fuller,  SIccl.  Hist.  i.x.  230  and  Strype's  Whitg. 
ii.  280. 

21 


and  the  Spirit  of  God  justifying,  is  not 
extinguished,  falleth  not  away,  it  va- 
nisheth  not  away  in  the  elect,  neither 
finally  nor  totally. 

(j.  A  man  truly  faithful,  that  is,  such 
a  one  who  is  endued  with  a  justifying 
faith,  is  certain,  with  the  full  assurance 
of  faith,  of  the  remission  of  his  sins, 
and  of  his  everlasting  salvation  in 
Christ. 

7.  Saving  grace  is  not  given,  is  not 
granted,  is  not  communicated  to  all 
men,  by  which  they  may  be  saved  if 
they  will. 

8.  No  man  can  come  to  Christ,  un- 
less it  shall  be  given  unto  him,  and 
unless  the  Father  shall  draw  him;  and 
all  men  are  not  drawn  by  the  Father 
that  they  may  come  to  the  Son. 

9.  It  is  not  in  the  will  or  power  of 
every  one  to  be  saved. 

Whatever  may  be  the  opinion  of  any 
individual  reader,  as  to  the  truth  of 
these  articles,  it  will  require  but  little 
powers  of  criticism  to  remark  the  dog- 
matical manner  in  which  they  are  ex- 
pressed, and  to  observe  how  different 
their  tone  is  from  the  language  of  Scrip- 
ture, and  the  articles  of  our  church. 
Nor  can  we  be  surprised  if  such  a  de- 
cision failed  to  produce  peace  in  the  uni- 
versity or  elsewhere,^  and  excited  the 
displeasure  of  those  who  cared  for  the 
tranquillity  of  the  church.  One  of  the 
professors,  Baro,  immediately  opposed 
the  errors  which  these  articles  were 
calculated  to  produce,  and  was  exa- 
mined in  consequence  before  the  heads; 
and  it  was  only  by  the  quiet  interference 
of  the  archbishop,  that  this  poor  man, 
who  had  taught  divinity  in  Cambridge 
for  many  years  with  no  higher  a  stipend 
than  twenty  pounds  per  annum,  escaped 
the  loss  of  even  this  trifling  pittance  ; 
and  that  for  preaching  doctrines  which 
are  in  perfect  accordance  with  the  arti- 
cles of  the  church  of  Englanci.^ 


Strype'.s  Whirgifi,  ii.  2SG. 
"  MoMiriirurt.  in  his  App'llo  ad  Cmsarcm,  {p.  .5.5 
— 72.)  says  that  these  ar:icles  were  lorbiddeii  by 
puhiit^  authority.  And  Collier  asserts  the  same; 
(li.  (M.T  ;)  but  Fuller  doubt.s  ihis;  (i.-i.  231;)  and 
tlioiis;h  perhap.s  Elizabeth  niiijht  have  eommanded 
ilic  arc-hbi.-hop  to  suppress  them,  yet  as  they  were 
drawn  tip  by  no  authoriiy,  but  merely  by  some 
bishops  an<l  divines  who  met  at  Lanibeili,  they 
never  were  the  doctrines  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, thousih  they  mii^ht  e.xpress  the  opinions  of 
some  of  her  most  exalted  members  at  that  period. 
Strype's  Whi  gift,  ii.  290. 


162 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Ch/p.  X. 


§  465.  The  advancing  age  of  the 
queen  and  the  archbishop  tended  much 
to  soften  down  the  asperities  which  pre- 
vious events  had  excited  between  the 
contending  parties,  and  the  government 
of  Whitgift  was  crowned  towards  its 
latter  end  with  more  peace  than  had 
marked  his  early  labours  ;  and  however 
peremptory'  some  of  his  conduct  may 
appear,  he  was  a  sincere  reformer  of 
abuses,  and  entirely  free  from  many 
faults  which  are  but  too  apt  to  degrade 
the  higher  clergy  in  the  eyes  of  the 
people.  In  the  House  of  Commons, 
indeed,  in  1.598  and  1(301,  some  at- 
tempts were  made  to  interfere  with 
ecclesiastical  matters,  but  the  objects  of 
the  bills  brought  forward  were  totally 
changed.  The  framers  of  them  now 
tried  to  reform  real  abuses  which  ex- 
isted in  the  establishment,  not  to  destroy 
and  undermine  the  establishment  itself. 
^They  complained  of  excessive  fees, 
of  delays,  of  unnecessary  citations, 
while  grievous  sins  were  left  untouched, 
as  well  as  other  abuses  in  the  bishops' 
courts.  They  objected  to  pluralities, 
to  non-residence  ;  and  though  the  au- 
thority of  the  queen''  put  a  hasty  stop 
to  these  attempts,  yet  the  attention  of 
the  government  was  directed  to  the 
subjects,  and  such  remedies  were  de- 
vised by  the  archbishop  and  his  col- 
leagues as  were  calculated  to  obviate 
the  evils  for  the  future. 

§  ICAi.  The  quiet  of  the  church  was 
also  much  promoted  by  the  maturer 
judgments  of  those  who  had  been 
chiefly  instrumental  in  causing  the  dis- 
turbances. "Robert  Browne,  the  founder 
of  the  sect  called  Brownisls,  the  first 
body  of  separatists  from  our  church, 
became  wiser  as  he  grew  older,  and 
returned  once  more  into  her  bosom  ; 
and  Cartwright,  who  had  fought  among 
the  foremost  of  the  party,  was  so  con- 


'  Sir  G.  Paul  speaks  in  fucIi  higli  terms  of  the 
gentleness  nf  Whitgift,  in  the  pasFage  where  he 
alludes  to  this  charge,  that  the  epiiliet  may  ap- 
pear to  have  been  applied  rashly  ;  (Words.  Ecc. 
IJiog.  iv.  /!7I  ;)  hut  some  of  his  expressions  about 
Cariwiight  are  very  warm  ;  (Strype's  Whitgift,  i. 
%  ;)  and  in  giving  his  sentence  conceriiiiii;  the 
heresy  of  Christ's  sinning,  he  says,  "  'I'his  is  my 
resolution,  which  I  would  have  you  and  all  men 
to  know.  And  those  that  shall  impugn  this,  or 
teach  to  the  contrary,  I  will  prosecute  with  extre- 
mity, and  to  extremity;"  (Snype's  Whitgift,  ii. 
65;)  words  which  are  at  least  peremptory. 

*  Strype's  Whitgift,  ii.  374. 

» Ibid.  ii.  445.  Ibid.  i.  619. 


vinccd  of  his  error,  that  he  declared  his 
sorrow  for  "  the  unnecessary  troubles 
he  had  caused  in  the  church  by  the 
schism  he  had  been  the  great  fomenter 
of;  and  wislied  he  was  to  begin  his  life 
again,  that  he  might  testify  to  the  world 
the  dislike  he  had  ol'  his  former  ways. 
The  writings  of  Hooker  and  Bancroft 
liad,  under  God's  providence,  been  very 
instrumental  in  producing  this  happy 
effect,  and  we  have  only  to  lament  that 
the  question  had  not  been  more  left  to 
the  force  of  reason  for  its  answer. 
When  the  nonconformists  began  to  pur- 
sue a  line  of  conduct  which  interfered 
with  the  civil  rights  of  the  establish- 
ment ;  when  they  adopted  such  mea- 
sures as  would  tend  to  overthrow  the 
crown,  unless  a  timely  restraint  were 
put  upon  them,  it  was  absolutely  neces- 
sary that  the  authority  of  government 
should  repress  their  meetings  ;  but  per- 
haps much  of  the  opposition  to  episco- 
pacy arose  from  the  manner  in  which 
the  judicial  powers  of  the  bishops  were 
exercised.  The  final  repentance  of 
such  a  man  as  Cartwright  is  one  of  the 
strongest  testimonies  in  favour  of  the 
hierarchy.  He  had  been  far  from  ex- 
hibiting the  worst  specimen  of  those 
who  had  opposed  the  cause  of  the  esta- 
blished church ;  he  had  possessed 
knowledge  for  the  investigation  of 
truth,  and  carried  with  him  much  zeal 
for  reformation ;  he  had  exj)erienced 
some  harsh  treatment,  and  had  given 
way  to  a  schismatic  spirit  in  his  own 
proceedings ;  but  with  him  the  truth 
prevailed,  and  he  saw  his  error  before 
his  death  ;  nor  is  it  iniprobable  that  the 
later  kindness  of  Whitgift  might  have 
helped  in  producing  this  effect.  It  is 
possible  that  the  diabolical  spirit  of 
schism,  with  which  some  of  this  party 
were  infected,  who,  in  the  hopes  of 
remedying  evils  which  they  could  see, 
ran  themselves  into  ten  thousand  greater 
evils,  of  Avhich  no  one  could  foresee 
the  extent,  and  who  set  at  defiance 
every  law  which  Christianity  has  given 
us  for  our  guidance,  might  not  have  been 
restrained  without  the  strong  hand  of 
power;  but  much  connivance,  and 
much  more  personal  kindness,  were 
perfectly  comj^atible  with  the  severe 
enforcement  of  general  obedience  ;  and 

5  Suype's  Whitgift,  ii.  460. 


Chap.  X.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


163 


though  the  peace  now  produced  may 
be  attributed  to  the  previous  severity, 
yet  the  success  of  the  line  of  policy 
which  had  latterly  been  pursued,  and 
the  tranquillity  which  accompitnied  it, 
seem  to  plead  most  strongly  in  favour 
of  lenient  measures. 

§  4(i7.  (a.  d.  1003.)  The  reign  of  Eli- 
zabeth was  now  drawing  to  a  close,  after 
a  prosperous  continuance  of  forty-four 
years,  over  which  the  disastrous  trou- 
bles of  succeeding  times  have  thrown 
so  strong  a  glow,  that  we  frequently 
find  a  comparative  estimate  of  the  age 
in  which  we  live  falsely  made  in  favour 
of  this  period  of  our  history.  Eliza- 
beth, as  a  governor — for  in  this  light 
alone  is  it  fair  to  estimate  her  character 
— was  possessed  of  considerable  talent, 
which  she  generally  employed  to  the 
advantage  of  the  state  :  whatever  her 
weakness  as  a  woman  may  have  been, 
she  selected  her  servants  more  accord- 
ing to  her  judgment  than  her  passions; 
and  in  most  of  her  transactions  she  was 
well  served,  and  consulted  the  good  of 
her  subjects,  as  far  as  their  welfare  was 
consistent  with  her  own  plans  or  ideas. 
She  regarded,  if  I  may  use  the  expres- 
sion, the  kingdom  as  her  private  pro- 
perty, and  her  object  was  to  render  the 
estate  as  good  as  possible.  She  had 
only  a  lifehold  interest  in  the  property, 
and  was  less  careful,  therefore,  of  the 
peculiar  interests  of  her  successor. 
From  her  disinclination  to  be  controlled, 
she  was  always  unwilling  to  make  any 
calls  upon  the  parliament,  and  sacrificed 
the  property  which  belonged  to  the 
crown  and  the  nation,  for  the  sake  of 
rewarding  those  who  were  about  her; 
and  thus  converted  to  her  own  personal 
advantage  that  which  ought  to  have 
provided  for  the  wants  of  posterity. 
The  same  feeling  gave  a  parsimonious 
turn  to  much  of  her  conduct;'  it  made 
her  unwilling  to  spend  money  for  ne- 
cessary objects,  and  rendered  her  al- 
ways much  inclined  to  receive  pre- 
sents ;''  it  was  this  which  made  her 
g'uilty  of  an  obvious  meanness  in  seiz- 
ing on  the  property  of  her  favourite 
Leicester^  immediately  on  his  death,  in 
order  to  satisfy  the  sum  in  which  he 
was  indebted  to  her  treasury.    In  no 

'  Strype's  Smith,  140,  &.c. 
2  Strype's  Ann.  iv.  209. 
^  Camden's  Elizabeth,  420. 


point,  however,  was  this  fault  so  con- 
spicuous, as  with  regard  to  the  church  ; 
but  the  instances  are  far  too  numerous 
to  be  here  recorded.  The  reader  may 
be  referred  to  an  address  of  Whitgift 
to  her  majesty,  which  is  given  in  Wal- 
ton's Life  of  Hooker.'*  Parsimony, 
however,  was  no  further  used  than  as  a 
means  of  enabling  her  to  govern  ;  she 
was  unwilling  to  ask  for  money,  lest 
she  should  become  indebted  to  those 
who  granted  it.  Of  power,  for  its  own 
sake,  she  was  peculiarly- fond  ;  and  in 
no  species  of  power  did  she  take  a 
greater  delight  than  in  that  which  be- 
longed to  the  supremacy — a  point 
which  was  attacked  by  two  descrip- 
tions of  her  subjects,  the  puritans  and 
the  Roman  Catholics.  The  treatment 
which  she  wished  to  adopt  with  regard 
to  these  two  parties,  and  her  decided 
temper,  are  characteristically  marked 
in  an  observation  of  her  own,  made 
to  Malvesier,  the  ambassador  from 
France.^  She  told  him  "  that  she 
would  maintain  the  religion  that  she 
■vias  crowned  in,  and  that  she  was  bap- 
tized in  :  and  would  suppress  the  pa- 
pistical religion,  that  it  should  not  grow. 
But  that  she  would  root  out  puritan  ism, 
and  the  favourers  thereof.  And  that 
she  had  rather  be  the  last  of  her  line 
without  marriage,  than  Monsieur  should 
innovate  or  alter  any  thing  in  her  re- 
formed church."  And  this  lino  of 
policy  seems  to  have  been  pursued 
systematically  on  her  part. 

§  468.  Had  the  Roman  Catholics  al- 
lowed her  to  follow  her  own  designs,  she 
would  probably  have  used  little  severity 
towards  them,  as  she  was  in  some  par- 
ticulars certainly  not  adverse  to  them," 
and  on  several  occasions,  even  after 
compulsion  had  begun,  she  exhibited  an 
unwillingness  to  shed  blood,''  and  an  in- 
clination in  their  favour.  But  the  preju- 
dices of  her  Protestant  subjects  were 
offended  at  any  kindness  which  was 
shown  to  their  Roman  Catholic  breth- 


■>  Wordsw.  Eccl.  Biogr.  iv.  233. 
5  Strype's  Ann.  iv.  242. 

8  Elizabeth  may  be  said  to  have  mixed  up  with 
her  Protestantism  many  feelings  favourable  to 
Roman  Catholic  customs.  She  was  fond  of  out- 
v/ard  show  in  religion,  as  was  visible  in  the  whole 
question  about  the  ecclesiastical  dresses.  She  re- 
tained the  cru<  ifi.x  in  her  own  chapel,  408  ;)  she 
was  adverse  to  the  marriage  of  the  clergy. 

'  Strype's  Ann.  v.  188,  197. 


164 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  X. 


ren and  we  can  feel  less  surprise  that  j 
the  unjustifiable  conduct  of  the  more  ' 
conspicuous    members   of    that   body  I 
should  have  exasperated  the  Protestants.  | 
With  regard  to  puritanism.  -which  she 
hated,  the  question  was  totally  diflerent.  [ 
This  faction  owed  much  of  its  existence  ! 
to  a  spirit  of  insubordination,  and  was  ' 
coupled  with  a  strong-  desire  of  estab- ' 
lishing  the  civil  liberties  of  the  subject : 
but  its  votaries  carried  their  notions  of 
freedom  into  the  confines  of  libertinism, 
and  Elizabeth  was  little  likely  to  approve  j 
of  a  system,  which  directed  the  specu- 
lations of  its  followers  to  the  strict  cx- 
-amination  of  what  the  law  had  already 
settled.    She  was  a  great  friend  to  edu- 
cation, as  the  surest  means  of  eradicating 
the  power  of  the  papacy ;  but  she  did 
not  cleariv  foresee  that  the  dissemination 
of  knowledge  was  incompatible  with  the 
absolute  poAver  which  she  wished  to  ex- 
ercise.   It  was  with  the  view  probably 
of  checking  investigation  that  she  was 
ever  hostile  to  multiplying  serm.ons,  and 
the  steps  which  she  look  to  put  a  stop 
to  prophesyings  owe  their  origin  to  the 
same  cause.    Indeed,  the  peremptory 
manner  in  which  she  decided  ecclesias- 
tical questions  fell  under  the  rebuke  of 
Grindal,^  who  told  her,  that  church  mat- 
ters were  to  be  settled  according  to  the 
will  of  God,  not  her  own ;  and  that  she 
too  Vv'as  mortal,  and  must  answer  before 
the  tribunal  of  Christ.    It  was  the  same 
love  of  power,  the  same  objection  to 
being  controlled  in  any  way,  which  con- 
tributed to  prevent  her  from  marrying  ; 
and  this  disinclination  to  the  married 
state  in  her  own  person,  rendered  her 
very  tyrannical  on  this  point  v/ith  regard 
to  all  about  her,  and,  combined  with  early 
prejudices,  made  her  always  adverse  to 
the  marriage  of  the  clergy.^ 

'  Strype's  Parker,  iii.  83,  No.  27. 

2  Sirype's  Gvindal,  57-2,  No.  9. 

3  Sir  Simon  Degge  tells  us.  "  That  pric.s;s'  chil- 
dren, in  the  beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  were 
fain  10  be  Icgiiinia'ed.  In  llie  first  and  third  of 
King  Edward,  all  laws,  staluies,  and  canons, 
against  the  marriage  of  priests,  were  made  null 
and  void.  (See  §  311,3-29.)  And  by  another 
statute  in  the  fifih  and  si.xth  of  King  Edward,  it 
was  adjudeed  and  declared,  that  the  marriage  of 
priests  was  lawful,  and  legiiimaled  thrir  children, 
and  made  ihem  capable  to  endow  their  wives,  and 
to  be  tenants  by  courtesy.  But  these  laws  were 
repealed  in  the  first  of  Queen  Mary,  and  lay  re- 
pealed all  Queen  Elizabeth's  days,  (§  360,)  till  the 
first  of  King  James,  and  then  ihe  latter  ac's  of 
King  Edward  were  revived,  and  made  perpetual, 


§  409.  With  all  this,  she  possessed  a 
strong  feeling  of  religion,  was  scrupu- 
lous in  the  observance  of  the  outward 
offices  of  it,  and  from  the  judgment  ol 
those  who  were  best  able  to  decide  the 
question,''  (as  far  as  one  human  being 
can  form  an  estimate  of  another,)  she 
was  truly  religious.  There  is  an  answer 
of  hers  to  the  House  of  Commons,^ 
towards  the  end  of  her  reign ;  which 
marks  a  most  conscientious  sovereign  ; 
and  the  excuse  for  her  errors,  which  she 
makes  towards  the  conclusion  of  it,  (viz. 
that  princes  are  often  deceived  by  the 
interested  advice  of  their  servants,  who 
prevent  the  truth  from  coming  to  them,) 
would  be  valid  in  her  favour,  had  not 
the  whole  political  proceedings  of  this 
reign  placed  the  broad  hand  of  authority 
over  every  attempt  Avhicb  was  made  to 
remedy  evils  by  free  and  impartial  dis- 
cussion. Her  great  qualities  have  met 
with  so  many  panegyrists,  that  it  is  un- 
necessary to  dilate  upon  them.  She 
was  perhaps  the  greatest  monarch  who 
ever  sat  on  the  throne  of  England  ;  but 
the  present  generation  has  every  reason 
to  congratulate  itself,  that  the  real  hap- 
piness and  prosperity  of  the  subject  have 
been  more  substantially  consulted  in  our 
own  days. 

§  470.  The  immediate  death  of  Eliza- 
beth was  attended  with  some  painful  cir- 
cumstances, in  the  explanation  of  which, 
various  historians  have  amused  them- 
selves ;  but  the  ordinary  decay  of  nature, 
and  the  suflerings  of  ill  heahh,  in  an  old 
woman  who  had  always  followed  her 
own  inclinations  as  n;.uch  as  the  queen, 


and  priesis'  children  made  legiiimatc."  (.Strype's 
Parker,  ii.  461.)  'i  he  act  was  unrepealed  specifi- 
cally, but  the  Iiijunciions  of  Elizabelh  (§  40b) 
presume  the  legality  of  the  marriage  of  priesis, 
and  probably  she  deemed  it  virtually  repealed  in 
the  general  terms  which  abrogated  ail  the  ecclesi- 
astical acts  of  Mary.  It  is  ■  bvious,  however,  that 
churchmen  did  not  think  so,  for  Archbishop  Parker 
calls  his  wile  Margaret  Parker,  alias  Harlesion, 
and  procured  the  legitimation  ot  bis  children:  her 
brother  was  the  heir  of  Mrs.  Parker.  Elizabeth 
would  absolutely  have  forbidden  the  marriage  of 
the  clergy,  if  Cecil  had  not  interposed  ;  she  did 
actually  forbid  the  residence  of  women  within 
cathedral  closes;  (Strype's  Parker,  i.  21-2 ;)  and 
when  Fletcher,  newly  made  bishop  of  London,  in 
1594,  "  married  a  fine  lady''  as  his  second  wife, 
the  queen  banished  him  from  court,  "as  being  a 
very  indecent  act  for  an  elderly  clergyman." 
(.Strype's  Whitgift,  ii.  215.)  She  was  equally  ar- 
bitrary about  the  marriage  of  other  persons  con- 
nected with  the  court. 

■>  Burnet,  Ref  vi.  388,  No.  63. 

s  Camden,  Eliz.  635. 


Chap.  X.] 


CHURCH  OF  England, 


165 


seem  fully  adLM|uate  to  account  for  her 
unpleasant  condition.  The  earliest  ac- 
count of  tliis  event  which  is  extant,  and 
which  is  probably  derived  from  the  pen 
of  some  one  who  was  present  when  it 
took  place,  is  as  follows  "  The  queen 
had  for  three  weeks  been  labouring 
under  a  disorder  which  strongly  affected 
her  spirits,  and  produced  a  kind  of  stupor 
accompanied  with  appearances  of  in- 
sanity: she  could  not  be  induced  by 
reason,  entreaties,  or  any  contrivance,  to 
try  the  effect  of  medicine  ;  and  there 
was  much  difiiculty  in  persuading  her 
to  use  such  nourishment  as  was  neces- 
sary for  her  animal  support.  The  sleep 
which  she  enjoyed  was  very  little,  and 
that  not  taken  in  bed,  but  among  pillows, 
on  which  she  had  accustomed  herself 
to  recline  during  whole  days  without 
moving :  her  intellect  remained  to  the 
last,  though  for  three  days  she  was  un- 
able to  speak."  Camden,  too,  describes 
her  excessive  melancholy  and  depres- 
ssion,  and  gives  the  generally  received 
opinions  concerning  the  cause  of  it  :^ 
but  adds,  "  And  as  she  had  done  alwaj's 
before,  in  the  prime  of  her  age,  so  now 
much  more,  she  refused  all  help  of 
physic."  She  was  attended  in  her  last 
hours  by  Whitgift,  Bancroft,  and  Wat- 
son her  almoner,'  and  partook  with  much 
satisfaction  of  the  outward  consolations 
of  religion.  *  "  On  March  24,  she  was 
called  out  of  the  prison  of  her  earthly 
body,  to  enjoy  an  everlasting  country  in 
heaven,  peaceably  and  quietly  leaving 
this  life,  after  that  hajjpy  manner  of  de- 
parture which  Augustus  wished  for." 

§  471.  In  estimating  the  state  of  the 
church  at  this  period,  when  it  had  now 
been  established  for  forty  years,  we  can- 
not but  deplore  the  little  progress  which 
had  been  made  in  essentials.  The  time 
had  been  wasted  in  disputes  about  un- 
important matters,  and  what  had  been 
settled,  stood,  as  far  as  human  institu- 
tions are  concerned,  on  no  firmer  basis 
than  such  as  the  caprice  of  a  monarch 
or  the  prevalence  of  a  party  might  have 
destroyed  in  a  moment.  The  chief 
blame  of  this  seems  to  rest  with  the 
leaders  of  the  puritanic  party.  There 


'  Strype's  Annals,  vii.  521,  No.  276.  Strype's 
Whitgifi,  ii.  466. 

'  Camden's  Eli/.alicih,  659. 

StryiMj's  Wliiigift,  ii.  466. 
^  Camden's  Elizabeth,  661. 


were  points  which  they  wished  to  be 
altered  ;  and  for  the  sake  of  effecting 
their  purpose,  they  allowed  th(,'mselves, 
and  by  their  proceedings  excited  others, 
to  direct  their  chief  efforts  towards  non- 
essentials. They  saw  that  the  church 
of  Christ  was  suffering  from  a  want  of 
attention  to  the  important  concerns  of 
religion,  and  they  were  so  far  from  re- 
linquishing their  prejudices,  and  coming 
forward  to  supply  the  defect,  that  they 
principally  exerted  themselves  in  fanning 
the  flame  of  discord.  They  were  perhaps 
unwisely  dealt  with ;  they  were  certainly 
treated  with  severity:  but  the  injudi- 
cious conduct  of  their  superiors  could 
never  be  an  excuse  for  their  relinquish- 
ing their  posts  and  duties,  could  scarcely 
even  palliate  the  schismatic  activity 
which  many  of  them  displayed.  The 
blame  of  a  want  of  concession,  and  of 
harshness  of  treatment,  must  be  attri- 
buted first  to  the  queen,*  and  then  to 
Parker,  Aylmer,  and  Whitgift ;  and  yet 
great  caution  is  necessary  in  speaking 
of  such  men  as  the  two  archbishops 
were,  to  whom  our  church  owes  so 
much.  The  alteration  of  opinions,  aris- 
ing from  the  change  of  times,  makes  it 
very  difficult  to  estimate  their  conduct 
fairly :  they  were  both  upright,  con- 
scientious men,  who  had  to  strive  against 
the  jobbing  dishonesty  of  the  mass  of 
the  courtiers,  and  against  the  prejudices 
and  wilfulness  of  the  queen  :  they  were 
little  supported  by  many  of  their  brethrea 
the  bishops  :  for  what  with  the  general 
ignorance  of  the  times,  which  furnished 
no  great  supply  of  fit  men ;  with  the 
appointment  to  ecclesiastical  offices  from 
interest  rather  than  merit ;  with  the 
temptations  to  wiiich  high  situations  in 
the  church  expose  those  who  fill  them; 
the  government  in  spiritual  matters 
seems  to  have  rested  much  more  on  the 
individual  character  of  the  rulers,  than 
is  ever  to  be  wished.  Nor  can  it  be 
concealed  that  the  ill-conduct  of  the  dig- 
nified clergy  tiiemselvcs  added  much  to 
the  burden  which  was  imposed  on  those 
who  held  the  highest  offices  in  the 
church.  Burleigh,  (1.575,)  in  writing  to 
Grindal,  says,"  "  that  though  he  liked  not 
the  unruly  reprehendei's  of  the  clergy 
at  this  time,  yet  he  feared  the  abuse 
of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  both  by 


»  See  <-  416.  «  Sirype's  Grindal,  2S]. 


166 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  X. 


bishops  and  archdeacons,  gave  too  great 
an  occasion  to  those  stoical  and  irregu- 
lar rovers  to  muUipIy  their  invectives 
against  the  state  of  our  clergy."  And 
in  another  letter  to  Whitgift,*  when  again 
speaking  of  filling  up  preferments,  that 
"  he  saw  such  worldliness  in  many  that 
were  otherwise  affected  before  they 
came  to  cathedral  churches,  that  he 
feared  the  places  altered  the  men." 
The  universities  contributed  Ihtle  to 
remedy  or  obviate  the  danger  of  the 
times  the  state  of  Oxford  Avas  deplora- 
ble ;  she  was  overrun  with  popery  and 
disorder  :^  and  Cambridge,  to  which  this 


period  owes  so  much,  was,  as  we  have 
seen,  at  one  moment  a  prey  to  puritan- 
ism,  at  another  engaged  in  disputes 
which  tended  to  any  thing  rather  than 
edification. 

The  feeling  which  the  more  attentive 
study  of  these  times  is  calculated  to  in- 
spire, is  the  conviction  of  the  superin- 
tendence of  Providence  over  the  church 
of  Christ.  The  exertions  of  the  best  of 
human  beings  are  often  misdirected,  are 
oftener  thwarted  by  the  evil  passions  of 
the  interested  ;  and  yet  all  things  work 
together  for  good  to  them  that  love 
God. 


A  LIST  OF  THE  AUTHENTIC  COPIES  OF  THE  THIRTY-NINE 

ARTICLES. 


Size. 

By  whom  printed. 

Copies  existing. 

Lan- 
guage. 

By  whom 
reprinted. 

XLII. 

C.  C.  C.  Oxf. 

Sparrow. 

1553. 

Reg.  Wolfe. 

Camb.,  &  Pub. 

Lat. 

Lamb. 

Lib.  Camb. 

Burney." 

Grafton.^ 

Bodley 

Eng. 

Sparrow. 
Burney. 

XXXVIII, 
1563. 

4to. 

Reg.  Wolfe. 

Bodley.  3  cop. 
C.  C.  C.  Oxford. 

Lat. 

Burney. 

No  date. 

8vo. 

Jugg  &  Cawood. 

Ch.  Ch.  Oxford. 

Eng- 

Lamb. 

No  date. 

St.  John's  Camb. 

XXXIX. 
157  L 

4to. 

Day 

C.  C.  C.  Camb. 
Ch.  Ch.  Bodley. 

Lat. 

Lamb. 
Sparrow. 

Jugg  &  Cawood. 

C.C.C.Camb.& 
Pub.  Lib.  Camb. 

Eng. 

Lamb. 
Burney. 

St.  John's  &  Jes. 

Eng. 

Cambridge. 

>  Sirype's  Whitgift,  i.  338.        2  Jbid.  i.  CIO. 
'  .Sirype's  Orindal,  lOG. 

'  The  reprints  to  which  allusion  is  here  made, 
are  to  be  found  in  Sparrow's  Collection  ol  Articles. 
8  very  useful  book,  but  so  incorrectly  published 
as  to  be  quite  useless  on  all  critical  questions.  4to. 

Articles  of  Religion,  &c.,  printed  in  1811, 1  be- 


lieve by  Dr.  Burney,  but  unfortunately  never 
published.  4to. 

Dr.  Lamb's  Historical  Account  of  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles,  Camb.  1829,  4to.,  a  very  useful  but 
expensive  work. 

^  Sparrow  says,  John  Day.  The  Catechism  is 
by  Day. 


I 


Ohap  X.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


167 


APPENDIX  C.  TO  CHAPTER  X. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  THIRTY-NINE  ARTICLES. 

481.  Tlie  Forty-two  Articles.  482.  Probably  framed  by  Cranmer.  483.  Taken  partly  from  the 
Augsburg  Confession.  484.  Not  sanctioned  by  convocation.  485.  Parker  prepares  ilie  articles 
for  convocation;  .subscription  required.  4S(i.  The  coniroveried  clause  in  the  twcniictii  article. 
487.  Idea  of  the  author.    488.  Laud,  not  to  blame  about  the  article. 


§  4S1.  Although  the  value  which 
we  attach  to  the  Thirty-nine  Articles 
must  depend  on  other  grounds  than  the 
authority  to  which  they  owe  their  ex- 
istence, or  our  respect  lor  the  individu- 
als by  whom  they  were  framed  ;  yet  the 
history  of  their  composition  and  the  de- 
tails which  attended  the  original  publi- 
cation and  revision  of  them,  can  never 
fail  to  be  interesting  antl  instructive. 

The  Articles  of  our  Church  were  first 
published  in  the  year  1553;'  they  came 
forth  under  the  title,  "The  articles 
agreed  upon  by  the  bishops  and  other 
learned  and  godly  men,  in  the  last  con- 
vocation at  London,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  MDLIL,  for  to  root  out  the  dis- 
cord of  opinions,  and  establish  the 
agreement  of  true  religion ;  likewise 
published  by  the  king's  majesty's  au- 
thority, 1.55;}."  They  were  published 
together  with  a  short  Catechism,  (§  iWl,) 
and  were  printed,  as  well  as  the  Cate- 
chism, in  Latin  and  English.  They 
were  in  number  forty-two,  and  do  not 
exactly  correspond  with  the  present 
Thirty-nine.  The  accounts  which  have 
been  handed  down  to  us  of  their  first 
composition  are  involved  in  so  much 
uncertainty,  that  what  is  generally  re- 
ceived concerning  them  is  more  worthy 
of  the  name  of  tradition  than  of  history. 

§  482.  The  power  which  had  been 
originally  granted  to  Henry  VIIL,''  of 
appointing  n  committee  for  the  forma- 
tion of  ecclesiastical  laws,  and  of  which 
no  use  was  made  during  his  reign,  was 
renewed  in  1549  to  Edward  VL,  by  an 
act  of  parliament  which  limited  its  dura- 
tion to  the  space  of  three  years. ^ 

(a.  d.  1551.)  The  committee  was  ac- 

'  Larnb,  X  2  Sirype's  Crannicr.  388. 

'  The  truit  of  llio  labours  of  this  committee  are 
published  in  the  Juf.irmnliu  Lestim  Eccltsiastica- 
ram,  ^  435, The  early  .sections  contain  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  but  the  words 
used  are  not  the  same.  They  may  indeed  be 
deemed  an  authorized  expression  of  the  meaning 
of  our  articles. 


tually  appointed  Oct.  6th,  "And  this 
year  the  archbishop  was  directed  to 
draw  up  a  book  of  Articles  for  preserv- 
ing and  maintaining  peace  and  unity 
of  doctrine  in  the  church ;  that  being 
finished,  they  might  be  set  forth  by 
public  authority."  This  he  did,  and 
they  were  delivered  "  to  other  bishops 
to  be  inspected  and  subscribed,  I  sup- 
pose by  them."-*  (a.  d.  1552.)  In  the 
May  following,  the  archbishop  was  di- 
rected by  the  council  to  send  the  Ar- 
ticles, and  to  signify  whether  the  same 
were  set  forth  by  any  authority ;  allud- 
ing, probably,  to  the  power  vested  in 
the  commissioners  by  the  act  of  1549, 
and  which  would  continue  in  force  till  the 
end  of  1552.  In  September  the  arch- 
bishop sent  the  book  which  he  had  now 
set  in  order,  by  supplying  what  was 
wanting,  and  prefixing  titles  to  the  seve- 
ral articles,  to  Sir  William  Cecil  and  Sir 
John  Cheke,^  desiring  them  to  take  the 
same  into  their  seriou.s  consideration, 
and  to  present  them  to  the  king.  They, 
however,  imagined  that  it  would  be 
better  for  the  metropolitan  to  offer  them 
himself;  and  he  did  so.  In  October  a 
letter  was  addressed  by  the  council  to 
Harley,  Bell,  Horn,  Grindal,  Pern,  and 
Knox,  to  consider  certain  articles,  which 
could  hardly  be  any  other  than  these. 
The  archbishop  received  the  articles 
from  the  council  Nov.  23d,  and  sent 
them  back  on  the  24th,  expressing,  at  the 

The  first  sketch  of  the  articles  was  prepared 
in  llic  summer  of  1551  ;  but  it  seems  not  to  have 
confained  the  whole  of  the  articles  which  were 
published  in  the  spring  ol  1553.  The  five  first, 
the  IXih,  Xth. -and  Xyilih,  were  wanlinn;  and 
the  clause  in  the  XXVTlIth,  (ihc  XXIXth  of  the 
Forty-two,)  against  consubstantiaiion,  or  the  ubi- 
quity of  Christ's  body,  was  added,  wliicli  was 
subsequently  otniited  in  i5fi3.  (Laurence's  Bampt. 
Lect.  22f^,  and  p.  3'J  )  'I'hese  circumstances  are 
gathered  from  a  book  published  at  Antwerp  in 
15()4,  giving  an  account  of  a  dispute  which  had 
been  held  between  Hooper  and  two  of  his  pre- 
bendaries, on  the  subject  of  these  articles,  in  1552. 
(Strype's  Cranmer,  390.) 
*  titrype's  Cranmer,  39L 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  X. 


same  time,  a  wish  that  the  bishops 
might  be  empowered  to  require  sub- 
scrii'lion  to  them.  All  these  details, 
wliich  form  the  Avhole  which  is  hnown 
of  the  composition  of  the  Articles, 
strongly  tend  to  confirm  the  idea  that 
they  were  composed  by  Cranmer  him- 
self; and  when  he  was  examined  before 
the  commissioners  appointed  during'  the 
reign  of  (iueen  Mary,'  he  acknowledged 
"that  they  were  his  doings."  He  is 
generally  said  to  have  made  use  of  the 
assistance  of  Bishop  Ridley,  and  the 
draft  of  them  might  probably  have  been 
submitted  to  the  inspection  of  other  di- 
vines ;  but  it  is  quite  uncertain  whether 
they  received  any  alterations  from  these 
persons,  or  whether  they  were  even 
examined  by  them.  It  is  indeed  most 
probable  that  this  was  the  case  :  for  in 
the  letter  of  Edward  VI.,  dated  June  9, 
155^,  and  addressed  to  the  bishops, 
they  are  called  "  Certain  Articles  de- 
vised and  gathered  with  great  study, ^ 
and  by  counsel  and  good  advice  of  the 
greatest  learned  part  of  our  bishops  of 
this  realm,  and  sundry  others  of  our  cler- 
gy ;"  expressions  which  would  hardly 
have  been  used,  unless  more  bishops 
than  Cranmer  and  Ridley  had  been 
concerned  in  their  preparation. 

§  483.  Whether  they  were  composed 
by  Cranmer,  or  were  drawn  up  by  any 
other  hand,  it  will  be  curious  to  inquire 
from  what  sources  they  are  chiefly  de- 
rived, since  it  is  not  probable  that  a  man 
possessed  of  so  much  caution  as  marked 
the  general  conduct  of  the  archbishop, 
would  have  suflered  a  document  to  be 
prepared,  which  was  intended  to  convey 
the  authoritative  opinion  of  the  church 
of  England,  without  consulting,  and 
perhaps  imitating  works  of  the  same 
description  which  had  already  been  re- 
ceived among  the  most  distinguished 
of  the  reformers. 

(a.  D.  1530.)  Whatever  use  he  might 
have  made  of  the  Helvetic  Confession' 
in  forming  his  own  opinions,  he  does 
not  appear  to  have  introduced  it  into 
the  work  in  which  he  was  engaged  :  but 
with  regard  to  the  Confession  of  Augs- 
burg, (1530,  printed  1531,  and  repub- 
lished with  alterations  1540,)  there  is 
not  only  a  general  agreement  in  doc- 

"  Strype's  Cranmer,  390,  ch.  ixvii. 
2  Strype's  Mem.  II.  ii.  105. 
'  See  Sylloge  Confessionum. 


trine,  but  in  many  places  the  very 
words  of  the  one  arc  transferred  into 
the  other.''  Several  of  the  present  ar- 
ticles are  taken  from  papers  drawn  up 
by  the  committee  of  doctrines,^  1540; 
but  as  these  do  in  two  instances  corre- 
spond also  with  the  Augsburg  Confes- 
sion, it  is  not  improbable  that  they  like- 
wise owe  their  origin  to  the  pen  of  the 
archbishop  himself.  We  may  also  con- 
clude that  the  Xlth  Article,  on  Justifi- 
cation, is  drawn  from  no  other  source 
than  the  laborious  investigations  of  Cran- 
mer. In  a  book  of  his  own,  wherein  he 
had  written  out  a  large  collection  of 
quotations  from  Holy  Scripture  as  Avell 
as  from  different  authors,"  he  sums  up 
the  argument  in  words  corresponding, 
in  a  great  degree,  with  those  of  the 
article  ;  and  reference  is  made  in  the 
same  article  to  the  Homily  on  Salvation, 
tlioagh  under  a  false  title,  which  is  gene- 
rally esteemed  to  be  the  production  of 
Cranmer.  With  regard  to  the  XVIIth 
article,  great  uncertainty  prevails  con- 
cerning the  author;  yet  there  are  some 
passages  in  the  works  of  Luther  and 
iVIelancthon,  which,  from  the  similarity 
of  idea,  and  occasionally  of  expression, 
if  they  formed  not  a  text  on  whicli  the 
framers  of  the  articles  commented,  jniglu 
at  least  have  been  in  their  view  when 
engaged  in  the  composition  of  it,'  and 


'  Ar  icles  I.  and  II.  of  the  'I'liiriy-iiine  aru  ob- 
viously taken  Irom  articles  I.  and  ill.  of  the  Con- 
fession :  the  first  sentence  of  XXV.,  and  most  of 
XXXI.,  agree,  in  above  half  the  words  which 
liicy  contain,  wiih  expressions  used  in  the  Augs- 
burg Confession  ;  the  IXth  and  XVIth  are  princi- 
pally derived  from  the  saine  .-source.   Articles  IV. 

XIV.  XXIII.  XXVI.  xxxn.  xxxiv.  coi.taiu 

e.\'pi'essions  which  leave  liitle  doubt  in  the  mind 
that  the  Augsburg  Confession  was  familiar  to  the 
person  who  wasdrawinglhem  up.  ArliclesXXlV. 
and  X-KX.  niighi  be  added  to  these,  but  they 
were  inirodiiced  by  Archbishop  Parker,  and  are 
not  in  the  F'orly-iwo  Articles.  The  article  on 
the  Holy  (jhost  (V.)  is  wanting  in  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  and  so  it  is  in  the  Forty-two.  The 
term  ex  opere  operalo  occurs  in  the  Article  of  the 
Forty-two  which  corresponds  with  the  present 
XXVih,  and  the  same  term  exists  in  the  Xlllth 
article  of  the  Augsburg  Confession.  'I'he  verbal 
correspondence  is  more  strongly  marked  by  com- 
paring these  coincidences  wtih  tho.se  parts  of  the 
Helvetic  Confession,  in  which  the  same  ideas  are 
conveyed  in  very  dissimilar  language.  See  Apo- 
crvpha,  17;  Triniiv.  20;  Predestination,  34. 
Strype's  Mcm.  I.  ii.  44:2,  No.  112. 

G  Burnet,  i.  288  fol.,  52-2,  8vo. 

'  Luther  wrote  his  preface  to  the  Epistle  to  (he 
Romans  in  German,  and  it  was  translated  into 
Laiin  by  Justus  Jonas,  15'23.  The  quotation  is 
long,  but  loo  curious  to  be  jmilled.    I  have  lo 


<.  HAP.  X.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


169 


leave  little  doubt  that  it  was  derived 
from  the  Gei*man  school  of  theology. 

§  481.  From  the  title  under  which 
the  Articles  were  originally  published, 
it  might  be  supposed  that  tlicy  derived 
their  authority  from  the  sanction  of 
convocation  ;  but  if  they  were  ever  sub- 
mitted to  the  upper  house,  which  is  very 
questionable,  it  is  indubitable  that  they 
were  never  brought  before  the  lower ; 
while  all  the  original  mandates  which 
remain,  prove  that  they  were  promul- 
gated by  a  royal  proclamation  alone.' 
Their  publication,  however,  was  so  ra- 
pidly followed  by  the  re-establishment 
of  popery  under  Q,ueen  Mary,'^  that  only 
a  small  part  of  the  clergy  ever  actually 
subscribed  them. 

§483.  (a.  D.  1562.)  The  examination 
of  the  Articles  early  engaged  the  atten- 
tion of  the  church  when  it  was  re-esta- 
blished in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth ;  and 
the  task  of  remodelling  them,  and  of 
making  such  alterations  as  circum- 
stances, or  a  further  view  of  the  subject, 
might  dictate,  fell  into  the  hands  of 


ihank  mv  iriond  Dr.  Burton  for  pointing  it  out  to 
me.  (Wurli.'j,  Wiieb.  1554,  v.  100.) 

"  Et  haec  eerie  siabilis  sententia  et  immota  proe- 
destiiiaiionis  necessitas  summe  necessaria  e.si. 
Tarn  imbeciiles  eiiini  sumus,  ut  si  in  nosiris  inani- 
Ijus  siiutn  csset,  paucissimi  aut  nulli  salvarciinir, 
diabolus  enim  omnes  vinccret.  Nunc  cum  ha;c 
.stabilis  et  cerlissiina  Dei  sententia  muiari  non 
possit,  nec  ab  ulla  creatura  conveili,  turn  certe 
spes  est  nobis  rcliqua,  tandem  viiicendi  peccati, 
ijiiantumvis  etiam  nunc  in  carne  sajviat. 

"  At  [lie  ciiriosuU  iili  liabenis  cohibendi  sunt, 
ipii  anteqiiam  Christum  et  virtutem  crucis  discant, 
ahy.ssutn  illam  pra;destinaiionis  scrutantur,  et  num 
praedestiriaii  sint  necne,  frustra  investiijant.  Nam 
111  liaud  dubie  in  roiif itsionem  cu?iscie7i.t iai  aut  dis- 
I'-'r'it ionem,  fua  hue  intpla  curiositat.e  duceni  et 
priTciijitdhinU  seipsos.  Til  vera  in  ralionc  discen- 
durum  siicrarum  rcrum  sequere  seriem  et  ordinem 
liir  Irit  lilum  ah  Aposlolo. 

"  Piinium  disce  co^nilionem  Chri.sli,  ut  agnos- 
ras  ornncs  vires  tuas  nihil  valere  nisi  ad  peccandum. 
Deiiidc  ut  per  fidem  cum  carne  tua  assidue  luetc- 
ris!,  quein;idinodum,  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  capite 
docuit.  .Mox  cum  ad  caput  8  perveneris,  iioc 
est,  ubi  cruceni  et  tribulationcs  expertus  fueris, 
banc  morlifirationem  esse  salularcm  et  rcpeten- 
dam,  tuni  prininm  didcesce.t  necessitas  h'-e.c  prae- 
(Ipsti/iationis,  tum  primum  senties  in  9,  10,  et  11, 
quam  ph  na  consolal ionis  sit  prcedestinatio.  Nam 
nisi  tribuhitionem  e.xpertus  sis,  nisi  ad  portas  int'eri 
aliquando,  ut  in  Davide  et  aliis  Sanctis  videmus, 
ductiim  te  sonseris,  non  poleris  banc  prcpdrslina- 
linnis  sent enliam,  sine  periculo  et  blasphemo  quo- 
dam  fremitu  naturie  contra  Deum  tractare." 

The  passages  from  Melancthon,  and  another 
from  Lutlier,  are  printed  by  Archbishop  Lau- 
rence, (Bampt.  Lect.  notes  4  and  6.  .Serm.  viii. 
430,  &c.) 

'  .'^trype's  Cranmer,  432.  Mem,  IL  ii,  24,  278. 
2  Cranmer,  422. 

22 


Archbishop  Parker.  The  method  which 
was  jjursued  in  this  work  was  as  fol- 
lows. He  prej)ared  a  copy  of  the  Ar- 
ticles for  the  examination  of  the  convo- 
cation,-' into  which  he  introduced  con- 
siderable alterations  of  his  own :  he 
omitted  four  of  those  of  King  Edward 
VL,  which  formed  the  Xth,  XVIth, 
XlXth,  and  XLIst,  of  the  Forty-two. 
He  introduced  four  new  ones,  V.  XLl. 
XXIX.  XXX. ;  and  altered,  more  or 
less,  seventeen  of  the  others,  IL  VI. 
VII.  IX.  X.  XI.  XVII.  XXII.  XXIV. 
XXV.  XXVII.  XXVIII.  XXXII. 
XXXIV.  XXXV.  XXXVI.  XXXVII.* 
The  convocation  which  met  on  January 
11,  (1.503,)  made  several  alterations  in 
this  copy  prepared  by  Parker.  They 
omitted  XL.  XLL  and  XLII. ;  and  when 
they  were  printed,  the  XXIXth  also  was 
left"  out ;  they  altered  III.  IX.  XXL 
XXV.  XXVlil.  XXXIV.,  and  the  title 
of  XVI.  The  Articles  so  changed  were 
subscribed  by  the  upper  house  of  con- 
vocation on  the  2Jth,  and  by  the  lower 
house  on  the  5th  of  February.  They 
were  printed  in  Latin  and  in  English, 
and  consist  of  XXXVIII. 

(a.  d.  15f56.)  An  attempt  was  after- 
wards made  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  uni- 
formity of  doctrine,^  by  requiring  the 
clergy  to  subscribe  the  Articles  of  Re- 
ligion;  it  passed  the  commons,  but  was 
stopped  in  the  lords  by  the  queen,  who 
deemed  it  an  infringement  on  her  eccle- 
siastical supremacy. 

In  1571,  the  same  attempt  was  again 
made  on  the  part  of  the  commons  ;'■  and 
Elizabeth,  with  that  wisdom  which 
marked  her  whole  government,  with- 
drew an  opposition  which  would  pro- 


3  Lamb,  13. 

^  Many  of  these  alterations  are  talien  from  the 
Wirtemberg  Confession,  which  was  composed  in 
1551,  and  in  tiie  following  year  exhibited  in  the 
Council  of  Trent  ;  e.  g.  part  of  the  lid,  the  Vth, 
Vlth,  Xth,  Xlth,  Xllth.  The  archbi-'^hop  of 
Cashei  adds  the  XXth.  (Laurence's  Bampton 
Lect.  233.)  I  almost  doubt  of  this.  The  sense  is 
the  same,  not  the  words.  The  only  changes 
which  are  worthy  of  remark,  from  proving  any 
alteration  in  point  of  doctrine,  are  to  be  found  in 
the  Vlth  and  the  XXVIIIth.  The  Vlth  is  less 
favourable  to  traditions,  and  draws  the  dislinclion 
between  the  canonical  and  apocryphal  scriptures; 
and  the  XXVIIIth  leaves  out  a  sentence  contra- 
dictory of  consubstantiation  or  ubiquitinarianism. 
Burnet  can  hardly  be  correct  in  his  supposition 
that  this  was  done  to  please  the  Roman  Catholics. 
Transubstantiation  is  denied  in  the  sentence  be- 
fore, which  is  not  altered. 

1*  Lamb,  24.  «  Ibid.  25. 

P 


170 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[ClIAP.  X. 


bably  have  had  no  other  effect  than  that 
of  entailing  upon  herself  an  ultimate 
defeat.  The  Articles  which  the  clergy 
are  by  this  act  called  upon  to  subscribe 
are  designated  as  comprised  in  a  book 
imprinted,  intituled,  "Articles,"  &c. 
but  the  extent  of  the  subscription  is  again 
limited,  by  their  being  subsequently 
confined  to  those  "  which  only  concern 
the  confession  of  the  true  Christian  faith, 
and  the  doctrine  of  the  sacraments" 
comprised,  &c. ;  by  which  expressions 
the  XlXth,  XXth,  XXXVth,  and 
XXXVlth  are  virtually  excluded.  In 
the  convocation  which  was  sitting  at  the 
same  lime,  Parker  commenced  a  review 
of  the  Articles,  for  the  purpose  of  sanc- 
tioning, by  the  authority  of  convocation, 
the  Articles  to  which  subscription  should 
be  required  of  the  clergj^  When  some 
trifling  alteration  had  been  made,  and 
the  XXIXth  article  restored,  these  Ar- 
ticles, then  consisting  of  the  present 
XXXIX,  were  subscribed  by  the  upper 
house  on  the  eleventh  of  May,  and  after- 
wards published  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  Bishop  Jewel,"  and  the  ratifica- 
tion with  which  they  now  conclude  was 
added.  But  it  is  very  extraordinary 
that  disputes  have  arisen,  and  the  great- 
est uncertainty  still  prevails,  as  to  the 
copy  of  the  Articles  which  may  be 
deemed  the  authorized  one,  from  this 
period  till  the  point  was  virtually  settled 
by  the  canons  passed  in  the  convocation 
of  1004. 

§  4815.  The  records  of  the  English 
convocations  were  unfortunately  burnt 
at  the  fire  of  London  in  1060,  so  that  it 
is  impossible  to  refer  to  the  original  do- 
cuments: and  the  manuscript  and  print- 
ed copies  of  them  exhibit  such  variety 
as  tends  rather  to  involve  the  question 
in  greater  difficulty. 

The  disputed  clause  is  that  with  which 
the  XXth  Article  now  commences. 

"  Habet  ecclesia  ritus  sive  casremo- 
nias^  statuendi  jus,  et  in  fidei  controver- 
siis  auctoritatem ;  quamvis"  Ecclesite 
non  licet,  &c. 


'  This  can  be  no  olher  than  that  published  1563, 
by  Jugg  and  Cawood,  which  dors  not  contain  the 
controverted  clause  of  the  XXth  Article.  See  H86. 

2  Bishop  Jewel  made  several  minute  corrections 
of  the  Articles,  which  may  be  seen  in  Lamb,  p.  30,  j 
and  put  the  finishing  hand  to  our  present  Articles. 

^  It  is  curious  that  the  words  sivc  rarcmonias  do  : 
not  exist  in  Wolfe's  edition  of  iri63,  nor  in  the 
transcript  from  the  records  of  convocation  1562,  I 


"The  church  hath  power  to  decree 
rites  and  ceremonies,  and  authority  in 
controversies  of  faith  ;  and  yet"  it  is  not 
lawful  for  the  church,  &c. 

The  testimonies  concerning  the  au- 
thenticity of  this  clause  are  as  follows: 

It  is  not  found, 

1.  In  the  Latin  manuscript  signed  by 
the  archbishops  and  bishops  in  the  con- 
vocation, 1.502. 

2.  In  the  English  editions  of  Jugg 
and  Cawood,  150:5," 

'S.  In  the  English  manuscript  signed 
by  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  and 
bishops  in  the  convocation  of  1571. 

4.  In  the  Latin  edition^  Published  un- 
of  Day,  1571.  j     der  the  di- 

5.  In  the  English  edi-       rection  of 
tion  of  Jugg  and  Ca-  |  Bishop 
wood,  1571.  J  Jewel. 

It  is  found, 

1.  In  the  Latin  edition  of  Wolfe  of 
1503. 

2.  In  one  (or  two?)  of  the  later  edi- 
tions of  Jugg  and  Cawood  of  1571. 

3.  And  appears  frequently  after  1579.' 
(a.  d.  1037.)  But  in  the  examination 

of  Laud,  when  the  question  w'as  agi- 
tated," a  declaration  of  a  notary  public 
was  produced  before  the  star  chamber, 
which  testified  that  the  clause  did  exist 
in  the  authoritative  copy  of  the  acts  of 
the  convocation,  1502,  then  still  remain- 
ing in  St.  Paul's.  (See  the  previous 
note.'') 

§  487.  If  then,  in  order  to  reconcile 
these  conflicting  testimonies,  and  to 
mark  the  grounds  of  his  own  opinion  of 
the  authenticity  of  the  clause,  a  writer 
may  be  allowed  to  hazard  a  conjecture, 
he  must  state  that  he  believes  the  clause 
to  be  in  a  certain  degree  genuine,  and 
to  have  been  inserted"  through  that  un- 
questioned sort  of  supremacy  which  was 


produced  at  Laud's  trial.  The  word  Jus  too  is 
translated  pouicr,  a  method  of  rendering  it  to  which 
many  an  honest  puritan  might  readily  have  as- 
sented, by  allowing  that  the  church  had  the  power, 
but  no  right. 

4  Lamb.  37. 

5  Historical  and  Critical  Essay,  art.  XXXIX. 
8  Bennet  on  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  167. 

'  That  this  was  done  by  Elizabeth  may  be  pre- 
sumed from  the  following  internal  evidence.  The 
clause  itself  is  in  strict  correspondence  with  the 
prepossessions  of  a  child  of  Henry  VIII. ;  the 
XXIXth  article  was  omitted  at  the  same  time; 
and  Elizabeth  is  well  known  to  have  been  favour- 
able to  the  idea  of  the  corporal  presence — witness 
the  exclusion  of  the  rubric  at  the  end  of  the  Com 
munion  Service  in  15C0;  but  the  subscription  at 


Chap.  X.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


m 


exercised  by  Elizabeth  in  ecclesiastical 
matters,  and  imagines  that  the  discre- 
pancies arose  from  the  carelessness'  of 
thosf!  who  ought  to  have  compared  the 
entries  in  the  records  of  the  two  houses 
of  convocation :  his  conjecture  then  is 
as  follows. 

In  \Tyl')2,  Archbishop  Parker  and  the 
bishops  sent  down  a  copy  of  the  Articles 
to  the  lower  house,  not  containing  the 
controverted  clause  in  the  XXth  article, 
but  containing  the  XXIXth  article.  The 
lower  house  then,  or  at  least  those  who 
copied  their  records,  by  the  direction  of 
Elizabeth,  inserted  the  clause  in  the 
XXth,  and  left  out  the  XXIXth  article. 
And  the  Articles  so  altered  were  pub- 
lished by  Wolfe,  15(58,  in  Latin,  under 
the  immediate  authority  of  the  queen 
herself.^  And  it  is  presumed  that  the 
English  editions  published  by.Tugg  and 
Cawood  were  edited  nominally  by  the 
queen's  authority,  but  really  from  a 
document  furnished  by  some  of  the 
bishops,  ivhich  was  altered  as  to  the 
XXiXtn,  but  not  as  to  the  insertion  of 
the  clause  in  the  XXth. 

'It  is  assumed,  then,  that  this  difTer- 
ence  was  either  not  observed,  or  not 
much  regarded,  and  that  the  House  of 
Commons,  in  1500  and  1571,  used  the 
English  as  the  authentic  copy,  and  that 


the  end  (')  seems  almost  to  leave  the  question 
without  a  doubt.  It  is  hardly  necessary  perhaps 
to  stale,  that  the  greatRr  part  of  tho  reasoning  on 
this  question  is  due  to  Dr.  Lamb's  book. 

'  As  a  proof  of  the  carelessness  with  which  per- 
sons will  assert  the  agreement  of  documents  <if 
which  ihey  have  no  reason  to  suspect  the  di.scre- 
pancy,  it  may  be  observed  that  Strype  (Ann.  I.  i. 
484.)  calls  the  C.  C.  C.  Camb.  manuscript  of 
Parker's,  "  a  draft  of  king  Edward's  Articles, 
accurately  writ  out,"  whereas  there  are  differences 
amounting  to  eight  whole  articles  and  seventeen 
variations. 

2  At  the  end  of  this  edition  is  the  following  no- 
tice ;  "  Quihus omnibus  Arliculis  serenissima  Prin- 
ceps  Elizabeth,  Dei  gratia  Angliae,  Francise,  el 
HibernicE,  regina,  fidei  defensor,  &-c.,  per  seipsam 
diligenter  prius  lectis  et  examinalis  regium  suum 
assensum  praebuil." 

3  5  485,'. 


Archbishop  Parker"  did  the  same  when 
the  Articles  were  written  out,  to  be 
brought  before  the  upper  house  of  con- 
vocation, in  the  same  year  1571.  Thus 
then  the  discrepancy  was  continued  in 
the  records  of  the  upper  house,  and  in 
the  editions  published  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Bishop  Jewel.  And  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  printers,  when  they  found 
that  there  was  a  difference,  at  first  print- 
ed in  both  forms,  to  supply  the  wishes 
of  their  several  customers,  and  after- 
wards frequently  inserted  the  clause,' 
till  the  edition  was  published  in  Oxford, 
when  Prideaux  was  vice-chancellor, 
which  occasioned  the  discussion. 

§  488.  The  clause  then  may  be  con- 
sidered genuine,  as  far  as  Laud  is  con- 
cerned ;  for  it  was  originally  published 
by  the  authority  of  the  queen,  although 
it  had  probably  never  passed  through 
the  upper  house  of  convocation.  Add 
to  which,  that  with  regard  to  ecclesiasti- 
cal affairs,  the  authority  of  the  copy  of 
the  XXXIX  Articles  must  in  1034  have 
depended  on  the  clause  in  the  36th  ca- 
non of  1004,  and  that  edition  of  the  Ar- 
ticles which  the  two  houses  then  sub- 
scribed ;  and  this  was  that  of  Day,  of 
1593,  which  does  contain  the  contro- 
verted clause.  The  question,  therefore, 
as  far  as  Laud  was  concerned,  or  as  far 
as  relates  to  our  subscription  in  the  pre- 
sent day,  seems  to  be  set  at  rest ;  but  it 
seems  equally  clear  that  Archbishop 
Parker  and  the  bishops  did  not  mean 
to  authorize  this  clause  in  1503  or  1571, 
for  they  introduced  that  at  the  end  of 
the  XXXIVth  article,  which  contains  a 
milder  assertion  of  the  same  doctrine, 
and  which  appears  almost  a  tautology 
as  the  Articles  stand  at  present. 

*  We  must  either  suppose  that  Archbishop  Par- 
ker did  this  by  inadvertency,  or  that  he  presumed 
to  oppose  the  wishes  of  the  queen:  the  former 
supposition  seems  the  least  liable  to  objection,  as 
the  attention  of  the  bishops  would  not  be  drawn 
to  a  question  which  had  never  been  agitated. 

6T-.m'  36, 


i 


HISTORY  OF  THE  [Cbap.  XL 


CHAPTER  XI. 


INTRODUCTORY  OBSERVATIONS. 

491.  Roformation  in  England  and  Scotland  compared  ;  gradual  in  England  ;  492,  and  carried  on  in 
conneciion  wilh  ihe  government.  493.  Rapid  in  iicoiland,  and  resisted  by  the  crown  and  the 
church  ;  objects  ol  Cardinal  Heaioii  ;  his  persecution  of  Wisharl  ;  and,  494,  own  death;  siege  of 
St.  Andrew' s  ;  the  Frencii  and  English  take  part  in  the  contest  ;  the  plans  of  each  ;  the  congregation 
established;  the  use  of  the  Common  Prayer  enjoined.  495.  Arrival  of  Knox  ;  his  character ;  esta- 
lishment  ot  the  Relormation  ;  the  power  by  which  it  was  established  marked  the  character  of  it; 
its  political  independence,  and  difference  from  the  church  of  England  in  this  respect.  49(i.  The 
fault  of  his  principles.  497.  General  view  of  the  Reformation;  opposition  to  government. 
498.  Preference  to  be  given  to  the  Reformation  in  England. 


§  491.  It  will  hardly  be  possible  to 
understand  clearly  the  mutual  bearings 
of  the  two  churches,  which  are  now 
amicably  flourishing  within  the  same 
island,  and  which  have  contributed 
much  to  the  injury  of  each  other,  with- 
out taking-  a  general  view  of  the  Refor- 
niation  as  it  had  been  carried  on  in 
Scotland.'  The  events  which  there 
contributed  to  throw  down  the  power 
of  the  church  of  Rome,  are  so  totally 
difTerent  from  those  which  produced  the 
same  effect  in  England,  that  it  was 
scarcely  to  be  expected  that  the  two 
nations  should  regard  their  church  in 
the  same  light;  and,  as  the  conduct  of 
the  mass  of  any  people  must  in  a  great 
measure  depend  on  the  ideas  prevalent 
among  them,  we  shall  perhaps  obtain 
the  object  which  we  have  in  view  most 
easily,  by  examining  the  more  striking 
features  which  distinguished  the  two 
Reforiuations.  The  limits  of  this  work 
preclude  the  idea  of  entering  into  any 
history  of  the  Reformation  in  Scotland  ; 
but  a  few  pages  may  enable  us  to  esti- 
mate the  causes  which  produced  that 
marked  dissimilarity  between  these  two 
events  ;  and  to  account,  in  a  certain 
degree,  for  the  existence  of  prejudices 
and  opinions  fundamentally  different 
from  each  other. 

The  seeds  of  the  Reformation  must 
have  been  sown  in  every  country  \vhere 
mankind  had  begun  to  reason  for  them- 
selves, and  where  such  abuses  existed 
as  could  not  fail  to  attract  the  notice  of 
the  most  careless,  and  to  excite  the  re- 
gret of  all  who  wished  well  to  religion. 
But  the  necessity  of  a  total  change  in 

'  The  reader  is  referred  to  Cook's  History  of  the 
Reformation  in  Scotland,  and  McCrie's  Life  of 
Knox  ;  more  particular  reference  is  hardly  re- 
quired concerning  remarks  so  general  as  those 
which  are  here  made. 


the  whole  system,  the  unsoundness  of 
the  very  foundations  on  which  the  pa- 
pal power  was  built,  would  have  been 
discovered  at  very  different  periods  by 
different  individuals  or  different  nations, 
and  have  given  rise  to  very  different 
opinions  as  to  the  methods  by  which 
the  change  was  to  be  effected.  All 
truths,  and  particularly  moral  truths, 
are  likely  to  be  disseminated  to  the 
greatest  advantage  when  the  process  is 
slow,  and  when  the  several  steps  are 
gradually  communicated  to  those  most 
interested  in  their  admission  or  rejec- 
tion. In  England,  the  class  of  reform- 
ers was  numerous  long  before  the  time 
of  Luther.  It  is  not  of  consequence 
to  the  argument  whether  any  of  the 
light  spread  throughout  Germany  were 
borrowed  from  England  ;  but  most  cer- 
tainly the  Bible  was  appealed  to  in 
England  as  the  standard  of  opinion  long 
before  the  dawn  of  the  Reformation  in 
Germany."  The  English  reformers 
had  advanced  but  few  steps  in  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Reformation ;  but  these 
points  were  to  a  certain  degree  esta- 
blished long  before  they  were  to  be 
brought  forward  as  the  basis  of  a  new 
system.  Nor  was  the  knowledge  ne- 
cessary for  preparing  the  minds  of  the 
people  for  the  Reformation  confined  to 
any  small  portion  of  society  ;  it  was 
generally  diff'used,  and  therefore  par- 
tially admitted,  by  many  who  were  not 
prepared  to  receive  it  entirely ;  and 

2  Without  referring  to  the  time  of  Wiclif  and 
the  prevalence  of  his  opinions,  which  had  never 
been  eradicated  from  England,  it  may  be  remem- 
bered, that  Warham,  in  l.'ilO  and  1511,  com- 
pelled many  persons  to  recant  opinions  which  are 
now  universally  admitted  among  Proiestants,  and 
that  several  persons  more  were  condemned  to 
death.  See  Burnet.  Instances  of  persons  burnt 
before  1517  may  be  found  in  Fox,  vol,  ii.;  e.  g.. 
Sweeting  and  Brewster  in  1511. 


Chap.  XL] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


173 


persons  so  .affected  are  much  more 
likely  to  use  moderation  in  their  pro- 
ceedings, than  those  on  whom  the  force 
of  truth  has  suddenly  broken  in,  and 
carried  off'  perhaps  some  things  which 
are  valuable,  as  well  as  the  errors  which 
had  been  before  received.  The  worst 
of  systems,  which  has  been  long  esta- 
blished, must  possess  some  advantages, 
which  it  would  be  unwise  to  destroy 
unnecessaril\' ;  and  the  most  perfect 
may  require  such  a  perfection  in  those 
who  adopt  it,  as  to  render  the  use  of  it, 
if  suddenly  imposed,  dangerous  in  the 
extreme.  Every  system  of  human  af- 
fairs must  require  a  constant  change  ; 
and  that  government  in  church  or  state 
is  best,  which  provides  that  the  changes 
shall  be  moderated  by  prudence,  and 
not  received  till  their  necessity  is  appa- 
rent. A  wise  and  good  government 
will  endeavour  to  guide  the  opinions  of 
its  subjects,  a  bad  one  will  try  to  resist 
them  ;  but,  in  human  affairs,  that  nation 
may  be  deemed  fortunate  in  which 
the  government  gradually  follows  the 
progress  of  the  opinions  of  its  more 
enlightened  subjects. 

§  492.  In  England,  it  was  not  any 
wisdom  in  his  plans  of  government 
which  induced  Henry  VIIL  to  destroy 
the  papal  power;  but  the  providence 
of  God  made  the  passions  of  the  mo- 
narch take  the  same  direction  as  the 
wishes  of  the  more  enlightened  of  his 
subjects.  The  friend  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, the  moderate  Roman  Catholic,  and 
the  political  patriot,  who  regarded  not 
the  interests  of  religion,  all  wished  that 
the  temporal  authority  of  the  pope 
should  be  discarded,  and  the  prospect 
of  a  divorce  contributed  to  inspire  the 
king  with  the  same  desire.  The  same 
parties  beheld  the  excessive  power  and 
wealth  of  the  clergy,  and  they  wished 
therefore  that  this  should  be  diminished  ; 
they  had  diffl'rent  objects  in  view,  and 
possessed,  perhaps,  diffi-rent  opinions 
as  to  the  method  in  which  this  alteration 
should  take  place  ;  but  their  combined 
wishes  coincided  with  the  rapacity  and 
avarice  which  made  the  king  regard- 
less of  justice  and  of  policy.  The  acts, 
therefore,  of  the  cfovernment  not  only 
agreed  with  the  wishes  of  the  more  en- 
lightened members  of  society,  but  pro- 
bably opened  the  eyes  of  many  who 
were  ready  to  observe  these  advantages 


when  placed  before  them.  Henry  did 
not  innovate  so  much  as  the  reformers 
I  would  have  desired,  but  he  outstepped 
I  the  wishes  of  the  Roman  Catholics. 
He  could  not  be  said  to  guide  the  opi- 
nions of  the  country,  but  the  acts  of  the 
government  lay  between  the  extremes 
into  which  the  parties  which  composed 
I  it  would  have  fallen  ;  and  therefore  the 
I  Reformation,  as  far  as  it  proceeded  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Henry,  tended  not  only 
to  remedy  actual  abuses,  but  to  render 
the  opinions  of  the  people  better  pre- 
pared for  estimating  or  directing  future 
amendments.  It  left  the  sincere  and 
enlightened  Protestant  exposed  to  per- 
secution ;  but  it  had  paved  the  way  for 
real  reformation,  by  destroying  the  only 
power  which  could  have  effectually  re- 
sisted it  ;  and  by  shoAving  the  world, 
not  only  that  reformation  was  required, 
but  that  it  might  be  carried  on  benefi- 
cially. It  made  the  friends  of  reform 
cautious,  and  the  opponents  of  it  more 
moderate. 

§  49:5.  The  course  of  events  which 
took  place  in  Scotland  were  at  total 
variance  with  these  circumstances.  Dr. 
Cook  begins  his  History  of  the  Reforma- 
tion in  Scotland  (152S)  with  the  martyr- 
dom of  Patrick  Hamilton,  w^ho  had 
derived  many  of  his  opinions  from  Ger- 
many, and  received  them  from  men  who 
had  already  proceeded  to  extremities  in 
rejecting  the  Roman  authority.  The 
greatest  caution  was  necessary  on  the 
part  of  one  whose  heart  was  bent  on  in- 
troducing the  truths  of  the  Reformation 
into  his  native  country,  in  consequence 
of  the  violence  wlych  even  the  appear- 
ance of  favour  tov>-ards  the  doctrines  of 
the  reformers  excited  among  the  clergy: 
but  all  his  prudence  and  caution  were 
rendered  useless  through  the  treachery 
with  which  he  was  assailed  ;  and  Camp- 
bell, who  first  insinuated  himself  into 
the  confidence  of  Hamilton,  and  then 
betrayed  him,  not  only  disgusted  the 
feelings  of  the  community,  but  his  own 
subsequent  fate  and  that  of  Hamilton 
formed  a  striking  contrast,  and  tended 
to  fix  in  the  minds  of  the  nation  a  dislike 
to  the  persecuting,  and  a  love  for  the 
sufTerinir  portion  into  which  the  church 
was  divided.  Campbell  having  wit- 
nessed the  burning  of  Hamilton  was  so 
conscience  struck,  that  he  died  in  a  state 
of  insanity  or  despair.  This  may  be 
p2 


174 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  XL 


deemed  the  commencement  of  the  Re- 
formation, and  the  effects  of  such  a  per- 
secution rendered  further  severities  more 
and  more  necessary,  while  the  poHtical 
circumstances  of  the  country  prevented 
the  possibility  of  carrying  them  on. 
They  were  renewed,  however,  after  five 
years ;  and  Forest,  a  Benedictine  friar, 
was  convicted  of  heresy  by  means 
equally  disgraceful  as  those  with  which 
the  condemnation  of  Hamilton  had  been 
connected  ;  his  private  confessions  to  a 
priest  formed  the  ground  of  his  con- 
demnation. The  persecution  was  by  no 
means  confined  to  this  victim  ;  but  the 
minds  of  the  people  were  excited  by 
this  combination  of  cruelty  and  treach- 
ery ;  and  in  addition  to  the  general 
causes  which  contributed  to  spread  the 
Reformation,  the  property  of  the  church 
disposed  the  nobility  to  favour  opinions, 
which  held  out  the  hopes  of  converting 
this  superfluous  \\'ealth  into  a  means  of 
enriching  themselves. 

The  crown,  on  the  other  hand,  could 
not  help  regarding  the  church  as  the 
easiest  means  by  which  it  might  ho]ie  to 
control  the  aristocracy,  and  James  V. 
supported  the  clergy  with  the  view  of 
emancijiating  hinisell'from  that  thraldom 
in  ^vhich  he  was  held  by  his  barons ; 
and  to  conciliate  the  favour  of  the  church, 
he  suffered  them  to  persecute  the  Re- 
formers, and  intrusted  most  of  the  offices 
of  the  state  to  their  administration.  The 
power  of  the  crown  was  in  England 
enormous  during  this  same  period,  for 
the  power  of  the  nobility  had  been  pre- 
viously reduced,  and  the  king  joined 
himself  to  the  other  branches  of  his  sub- 
jects in  attempting  to  destroy  the  exor- 
bitant influence  of  the  church  ;  whereas 
in  Scotland  the  king  endeavoured  to 
shelter  his  own  weakness  by  calling  in 
the  aid  of  the  clergy.  This  was  the 
state  of  things  when  Cardinal  Beaton 
became  primate  ;  and  he  entered  on  his 
office  with  the  determination  of  rooting 
out  heresy,  and  re-establishing  the  power 
of  the  pope  ;  but  his  proceedings  tended 
only  to  increase  the  number  of  those 
who  became  hostile  in  their  feelings  to 
the  government.  The  death  of  the  king 
and  the  intrigues  of  the  cardinal  had 
nearly  thrown  the  whole  authority  of 
the  kingdom  into  the  hands  of  Beaton  ; 
but  the  manner  in  which  Arran  after- 
wards attached  himself  to  him,  and  the 


severities  which  as  regent  and  primate 
thej'  were  together  enabled  to  inflict, 
united  a  much  larger  portion  of  the 
nation  in  hostility  to  the  legal  authority 
of  the  kingdom,  than  almost  any  other 
combination  of  circumstances  could  have 
effected.  Many  an  enliglitencd  and  sin- 
cere Roman  Catholic  might  have  been 
jdeased  with  the  progress  of  events  in 
England,  he  might  have  hoped  that  his 
own  religion  would  have  been  estab- 
lished, while  the  political  pretensions  of 
Rome  were  discarded.  In  Scotland  he 
could  have  expected  nothing  favourable 
to  it,  but  from  the  suppression  of  the 
whole  power  of  the  Reformers.  In 
England,  the  man  who  wished  to  free 
his  country  from  papal  influence,  would 
have  joined  himself  to  the  king.  In  Scot- 
land, this  man  could  have  entertained 
no  hope  of  success,  but  in  destroying  the 
Roman  Catholic  church  and  reducing 
the  power  of  the  crown.  In  England, 
the  higher  members  of  the  church  were 
divided  between  reformers  and  anti-re- 
formers, and  their  power  was  nearly  ba- 
lanced. The  changes,  therefore,  which 
did  take  place  in  England  were  effected 
by  the  councils  of  the  government.  In 
Scotland,  the  more  exalted  members  of 
the  church,  whose  opinions  coincided 
with  those  of  the  Reformation,  could 
only  be  safe  by  throwing  their  whole 
influence  into  the  hands  of  the  party 
which  was  opposed  to  the  crown.  (1546.) 
It  was  not  wonderful  that  Cardinal  Bea- 
ton should  misunderstand  the  power 
which  religion  possessed  in  the  country, 
or  that  he  should  hope  to  suppress  it  by 
severity  ;  but  it  was  extraordinary  that 
he  should  so  act  as  to  throw  the  whole 
of  the  stin-ma  on  the  church,  and  en- 
danger a  separation  between  that  body 
and  the  authority  of  the  cro«'n  ;  and  the 
victim  whom  he  selected,  and  his  own 
dreadful  fate,  produced  a  very  marked 
effect  on  the  subsequent  character  of 
the  Reformation  hi  Scotland.  George 
Wishart  \\  as  possessed  of  those  qualities 
which  peculiarly  rendered  him  an  object 
of  pity  :  he  was  well  born,  had  ^ecei^  ed 
a  good  education,  (he  had  resided  in 
Cambridge,  and  travelled  into  Ger- 
many,) while  his  personal  qualifications 
corresponded  with  his  literary  acquire- 
ments, and  he  had  begun  to  preach  tht 
Gospel  successfully  at  Dundee.  His 
I  apprehension,   too,   was  accompanied 


Chap.  XI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


with  a  certain  deinree  of  treachery  ;  for 
Bothwcll,  (the  father,)  when  Wishart 
was  surrendered  into  his  hands,  promised 
to  answer  for  his  safe  ty,  and  his  execu- 
tion was  accompanied  with  many  irri- 
tating circumstances  ;  it  was  carried  on, 
not  only  without  the  concurrence  of  the 
C"'vil  power,  but  in  opj)osition  to  the 
wishes  of  the  regent  Arran  ;  and  the  pre- 
lates who  condemned  him  were  them- 
selves present  when  he  died.' 

§  494.  All  these  circumstances  con- 
tributed to  create  so  strong  a  hatred 
against  Beaton,  that  in  a  short  time  he 
was  treacherously  murdered  in  his  own 
castle  ;  and  the  conspirators,  retaining 
possession  of  the  fortress,  commenced 
that  open  resistance  to  the  government 
with  which  the  whole  of  the  Scotch  Re- 
formation was  accompanied.  The  con- 
spirators who  defended  St.  Andrew's, 
were  the  advocates  of  the  Reformation, 
and  engaged  in  open  hostility  against 
the  government  of  the  country ;  the 
favour  which  was  shown  them  by  Henry 
Vni.  excited  a  corresponding  exertion 
on  the  part  of  the  friends  of  the  papacy, 
and  the  castle  was  ultimately  forced  to 
surrender,  in  consequence  of  the  assist- 
ance afforded  by  the  French  to  the  be- 
siegers. 

Here,  then,  was  a  new  element  of 
discord.  The  crown,  the  clergy,  and 
the  French,  were  arranged  against  the 
nobles,  the  reformers,  and  the  English"; 
and  the  connection  formed  by  the  royal 
family  with  France,  wiiich  introduced 
many  Frenchmen  into  places  of  emolu- 
ment and  trust  in  Scotland,  prevented 
the  people  or  the  nobility  from  being 
pleased  with  that  alliance.  It  was  the 
policy  of  France  to  reduce  Scotland  to 
a  province,  and  to  connect  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  the  Roman  (Jatholic  religion 
with  this  event.  The  policy  of  England 
was  to  marry  Edward  to  Mary,  and  to 
form  the  whole  island  into  one  country: 
and  notwithstanding  the  rough  method 
of  courtship  which  was  exhibited  at  the 
battle  of  Pinkey,  (1.547,)  the  money  which 
was  brought  from  England  maintained 
a  strong  hold  over  the  interests  of  many 

'  Wishart  had  tied  bags  of  gunpowder  about 
him  ;  and  some  persons  are  so  sensitive  concern- 
ing the  honour  of  martyrs,  as  lo  question  the 
Christian  propriety  ot  this.  Surely  it  would  be  no 
imputation  on  the  tirinness  of  a  man  who  was 
about  to  be  beheaded,  tliat  he  wished  the  axe  to 
be  sharpened. 


individuals  among  the  Scotch  nation, 
and  the  obvious  advantage  which  would 
be  derived  to  both  countries  from  a  closer 
intercourse  contributed  to  give  the  pre- 
ponderance to  the  side  of  the  reformers. 

In  England,  during  the  reign  of  Ed- 
ward, the  Reformation  was  carried  on 
chiefly  by  the  government,  which  out- 
ste))pcd  the  opinions  of  the  people.  In 
Scotland,  the  feelings  of  the  people  were 
favourable  to  Reformation,  and  the  only 
hope  of  its  final  establishment  Avas  con- 
nected in  their  minds  with  the  prospect 
of  success  entertained  by  those  who 
must  be  viewed  as  rebels.  The  castle 
of  St.  Andrew's  had  been  reduced,  but 
the  spirit  and  the  feelings  of  the  people 
could  never  be  overcome,  and  from  this 
time,  to  the  establishment  of  the  Re- 
formation in  1560,  the  mind  of  every 
reformer  must  have  been  more  or  less 
hostile  to  the  government.  The  perse- 
cutions of  Mary  in  England,  to  a  certain 
degree,  produced  the  same  effect  in  Scot- 
land as  was  caused  by  them  in  the 
southern  part  of  our  island  ;  and  while 
they  alarmed  the  fears,  they  united  the 
efforts  and  the  wishes  of  all  who  favoured 
that  cause  which  they  were  intended  to 
overpower.  The  political  circumstances 
in  which  the  regent  was  placed  prevented 
her  from  using  persecution  ;  but  the 
danger  and  fear  of  it  at  length  imbodied 
the  reformers  of  Scotland  in  the  Congre- 
gation, and  induced  them  to  frame  and 
STibscribe  a  deed  of  union,  or  bond  of 
mutual  support,  for  resisting  the  tyranny 
which  might  be  exercised  against  the  pro- 
fessors of  the  true  religion,  (a.  d.  1.557, 
Dec.  ;J.)  It  is  curious  that  one  of  the 
early  resolutions  of  this  body  directs  the 
use  of  the  Common  Prayer,'^  probably 
that  of  England  ;  so  that  the  book  which 
from  mismanagement  became  the  abomi- 
nation of  every  true  son  of  the  church 
of  Scotland,  had  been  originally  regarded 
in  a  very  different  light,  and  perhaps 
contributed  to  forward  the  Reformation 
among  the  ancestors  of  those  who  sub- 
sequently rejected  it  with  so  unnecessary 
indignity. 

§  495.  Notwithstanding  the  strength 
which  the  Protestant  party  had  now 
acquired,  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy 
were  not  wise  enough  to  discern  their 
true  policy;    and   the  cruelty  which 


Spotswood,  1 17. 


176 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


rciiAP.  XI, 


was  exhibited  in  the  execution  of  Mill, 
(1558,)  an  old  minister  of  above  eighty 
years  of  age,  served  but  to  excite  the 
feelings  of  men,  who  could  not  fail  soon 
to  learn  their  power,  and  tended  to 
consolidate  a  force  which  was  sure  to 
triumph  in  the  end.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  the  arrival  of  Knox  gave 
a  new  turn  to  the  proceedings  of  the 
reformers;  and  the  comparison  which 
is  here  instituted  will  be  imperfect, 
unless  something  is  said  of  this  person, 
who  held  so  conspicuous  a  place  in  the 
subsequent  transactions  of  Scotland. 

The  natural  impetuosity  of  his  cha- 
racter, and  the  sufferings  to  which  he 
had  been  exposed,  prepared  his  mind 
for  the  great  struggle  in  which  he  was 
soon  to  be  engaged,  but  gave  to  his 
conduct  the  air  of  patriotic  exertion  in 
the  cause  of  religious  and  civil  freedom, 
rather  than  the  appearance  of  Christian 
endurance  in  the  defence  of  truth. 
The  disturbances,  and  destruction  of 
the  monasteries,  which  took  place  at 
Perth,  immediately  after  his  preaching 
there,  have  cast  an  obloquy  on  the 
Scotish  reformer,  which  he  probably 
little  deserves;  but  whatever  portion  of 
human  policy  there  might  have  been  in 
destroying  the  buildings  in  which  the 
religious  orders  might  again  have  as- 
sembled, and  from  whence  there  might 
subsequently  have  issued  a  fresh  band 
of  defenders  of  the  church  of  Rome,  this 
circumstance,  and  the  consequences  of  it, 
gave  the  Reformation  here,  as  well  as  in 
England,  an  appearance  of  destruction, 
which  must  be  deplored  by  every  friend 
of  sober  Christianity.  The  dishonesty 
of  the  regent  prevented  the  possibility 
of  a  quiet  settlement  of  the  question,  and 
after  mutual  successes,  and  a  variety  of 
fortunes,  the  death  of  the  queen  doAvager, 
and  the  interference  of  Elizabeth,  paved 
the  way  for  the  settlement  of  the  Protest- 
ant religion  in  Scotland,  by  the  parlia- 
ment in  15(j0,  and  the  publication  of  the 
Confession  of  Faith',  ^\"hatevcr  was 
here  established,  was  gained  from  the 
crown  and  the  clergy  by  the  armed 
interference  of  the  Protestants;  and 
though  the  population  was  convinced 
by  force  of  argument,  the  concessions 

'  The  Confession  of  Failh  is  printed  in  Calder- 
wood's  History  of  ihe  Churrh  of  8cotlai;d.  p.  14; 
the  Form  of  Chun  h  Policy,  in  Ppolswood's  His- 
tory, p.  152. 


were  obtained  from  the  government  by 
mere  force  of  arms.  During  the  whole 
of  this  contest,  Knox  had  much  influence 
in  the  civil  as  well  as  ecclesiastical  trans- 
actions, and  his  exertions  and  success 
could  not  fail  to  give  a  marked  character 
to  his  own  opinions,  and  to  those  which 
were  adopted  by  the  church.  He  k  arnt 
"to  bind  their  kings  with  chains,  and  their 
nobles  with  links  of  iron;"  and  seems 
to  have  introduced  among  his  followers 
the  idea,  not  only  of  the  mdependcnc;, 
but  of  the  superiority  of  the  church, 
over  the  lay  government  of  the  coun- 
try;— a  superiority  nominally  confined 
indeed  to  spirituals,  but  which  might 
easily  extend  itself  to  the  temporal  con- 
cerns of  the  kingdom.''  The  Articles 
of  the  church  of  England  say,  "General 
councils  may  not  be  gathered  toirether 
without  the  commandment  and  will  of 
princes;"  in  the  act  of  the  general 
assembly  of  Scotland,  August  27,  K547, 
approving  of  the  Confession  of  Faith 
set  forth  by  the  assembly  of  divines, 
this  point  is  distinctly  denied;  "It  being 
also  free  to  assemble  together  synodi- 
cally,  as  well  pro  re  nafa,  as  at  the 
ordinary  times,  upon  delegation  from 
the  churches,  by  the  intrinsical  ]:ower 
received  from  Christ."  Occasions  may 
arise,  when  it  may  become  the  duty  of 
the  minister  of  Christ  to  do  many  things 
contrary  to  the  general  line  of  his  ordi- 
nary proceedings;  but  these  circum- 
stances create  an  exception,  not  a  law; 
and  it  will  be  difficult  to  draw  a  line  to 
mark  our  duty,  if  the  possibility  of  such 
circumstances  is  to  frame  a  general  rule 
for  our  guidance. 

§  490.  Of  the  sincerity  and  boldness 
of  Knox  there  can  exist  little  doubt. 
But  the  Christian  wisdom  and  prudence 
of  his  method  of  proceeding  may  rea- 
sonably be  called  in  question ;  and 
while  we  admire  his  virtues,  v.e  may 
avoid  his  faults,  and  examine  the  con- 
sequences of  them.  His  harshness 
never  convinced  Mary,  and  the  conduct 
of  his  successors  failed  in  reforming 
James,  while  they  certainly  created  in 
both  these  personages  a  great  dislike  to 
the   religious   princij)les   which  were 

'  It  may  lie  reinarlied.  il'.al  in  iliis  pr.rtii  iilar  llie 
rlmrch  ol  Pcoiland  maiinains  a  Hoi'iiie  (Oirt-s- 
pording  \vi:!i  thai  of  ihi-  cliurcli  of  Rome.  '1  he 
position  here  taken  ir(>m  a  do  iirrreni  of  a  later 
date,  was,  I  behevc,  ulways  ii  aintaii  cd  l>y  ihf 
cliurcli  of  Scotland. 


CiiAP.  XL] 


CHURCH  OF 


E  N  G  L  A  N  D. 


177 


supposed  to  sanction  such  conduct. 
There  may  be  occasions  \vhen  the 
preacher  may  be  called  on  to  animad- 
vert on  the  conduct  of  his  hearers  in 
personal  allusions;  but  men  of  that 
period  must  have  differed  much  from 
the  rest  of  their  fellow-creatures,  if  they 
were  likely  to  be  reformed  by  such 
addresses;  and  the  clergy  who  adopted 
such  a  freedom  must  have  been  pos- 
sessed of  most  extraordinary  humility 
and  self-command,  if  there  were  not 
jjreat  danger  of  their  misusing  such  a 
license.  Granting  that  Knox  always 
kept  in  view  "that  he  might  gain  the 
sinner  to  the  Lord,"  we  may  well  ques- 
tion the  wisdom  of  the  means  which  he 
adopted  for  doing  so.  To  institute  a 
comparison  between  Cranmer  and  Knox 
would  be  an  invidious  as  well  as  a  diffi- 
cult task;  but  while  we  thank  God  for 
the  Reformation  which  they  each  pro- 
duced, we  may  remember  that  the 
meekness  of  the  one  was  as  effectual  as 
the  sternness  of  the  other;  that  an  un- 
yielding stoicism  is  as  much  a  worldly 
temper  as  a  compliant  facility;  and  that 
the  character  of  a  firm  yet  mild  gentle- 
man is  much  nearer  to  that  of  a  Chris- 
tian patriot  than  the  world  will  gene- 
rally allow. 

§  497.  In  examining  the  Reformation 
in  Scotland  as  a  whole,  it  is  impossible 
to  overlook  its  political  tendencies. 
The  changes  which  took  place  in  Eng- 
land were  moderate,  because  they  were 
guided  by  the  government.  All  that 
could  be  preserved  in  the  constitution 
of  the  church  remained,  because  the 
highest  members  of  the  clergy  were 
employed  in  carrying  on  the  alterations. 
In  Scotland,  the  bishops  were  hostile  to 
the  Reformation  ;  and  the  Reformation 
which  triumphed  over  the  temporal 
authority  of  the  country,  and  conquered 
by  the  sword  of  the  flesh  as  well  as  by 
that  of  the  spirit,  threw  down  bishops, 
from  nearly  the  same  reasons  as  de- 
stroyed episcopacy  in  the  reign  of 
Charles  I.  The  principle  which  sup- 
ported the  Reformation  in  Scotland  was 
a  spirit  of  resistance  to  civil  as  much 
as  religious  tyranny;  and  though  our 
gratitude  is  due  to  the  great  Disposer 
of  events  when  he  produces  good  out 
of  evil,  yet.  Under  whatever  name  we 
may  conceal  it,  rebellion  is  rebellion. 
He  who  argues  in  favour  of  resistance 
23 


on  the  ground  of  the  ultimate  necessity 
of  it,  reasons  on  principles  which  can 
hardly  be  denied:  but  before  he  can 
apply  his  doctrine  to  any  particular 
case,  it  will  be  incumbent  on  him  to 
prove  that  the  evil  in  question  admitted 
of  no  remedy  short  of  the  dereliction  of 
a  positive  law  of  God.  He  must  show 
that  the  patient  sufferings  of  Cranmer, 
and  our  other  English  reformers,  did 
not  as  certainly  produce  the  Reforma 
tion  in  England,  as  Knox  and  his 
friends  were  the  authors  of  that  blessed 
event  to  their  native  country.  He  must 
show  that  the  one  line  of  conduct  was 
as  much  according  to  the  will  of  God 
as  the  other.  To  plead  the  necessity 
of  doing  evil  that  good  may  come,  is  to 
destroy  a  belief  in  the  providence  of 
God :  and  it  would  probably  prove 
much  sounder  historical  reasoning,  as 
well  as  sounder  theology,  if  we  were  to 
attempt  to  discover  how  men  who  obey 
the  spirit  of  the  gospel  triumph  in  their 
meekness,  rather  than  to  endeavour  to 
demonstrate,  that  circumstances  change 
the  nature  of  God's  laws:  how  Knox 
might  have  produced  the  Reformation 
in  Scotland  by  imitating  Ridley  or 
Hooper,  rather  than  by  joining  in  direct 
opposition  to  his  sovereign:  how  in 
later  days  the  covenanters  and  parlia- 
ment might  have  brought  Charles  I.  to 
reason,  rather  than  have  dethroned  and 
murdered  him.  No  one  would  wish  to 
question  the  readiness  of  God  to  pardon 
those  who  err  in  their  zeal  for  his  ser- 
vice, or  to  doubt  his  mercy  in  producing 
good  effects  from  the  worst  passions  of 
mankind  ;  but  he  permits  those  things 
which  he  docs  not  approve,  and  he  may 
prosper  that  in  which  the  individual 
instruments  are  not  working  according 
to  those  laws  which  he  has  laid  down. 

§  -I'ilS.  If  these  views  of  the  question 
be  correct,  it  follows  that  the  temper 
with  which  the  Reformation  in  England 
was  carried  on  was  likely  to  h^ad  to  a 
more  satisfactory  settlement  of  religion 
than  that  in  Scotland  :  that  the  in- 
struments, being  governed  by  more 
Christian  principles,  were  more  likely, 
humanly  speaking,  to  frame  a  moderate 

land  more  Christian  constitution  of  a 
church  in  our  own  country  than  in  that 
of  our  northern  neighbours:  that  too 
great  a  deference  to  the  temporal  power 

I  was  mor(.'  likely  to  form  a  sound  Chris- 


178 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap,  XIL 


tian  community  than  that  opposition 
to  the  government  which  marked  the 
events  of  Scotland.  And  I  beiiove  that 
a  quiet  examination  of  the  real  state  of 
things  at  the  accession  of  James  would 
lead  us  to  this  conclusion.  With  the 
evils  which  have  since  grown  up  in 
England  and  Scotland  we  have  nothing 
now  to  do  ;  bat  with  this  view  of  the 
subject  we  can  hardly  help  concluding, 
that  the  alteration  in  the  church  which 
had  taken  place  in  England  was,  with 
all  its  imperfections,  a  reformation ; 
while  that  in  Scotland  bore  a  nearer 
resemblance  to  a  revolution  in  the 
church.  The  temper  of  mind  created 
by  the  one  or  the  other  in  the  breasts 
of  the  individaal  members  of  society 
must  in  some  degree  depend  on  the 
tendency  of  the  change  itself;  and  pro- 


bably this  predisposition  to  control  the 
power  of  the  crown  by  force,  which  was 
engendered  by  the  Reformation  in  Scot- 
land, contributed  in  a  great  degree  to 
stamp  its  features  on  the  events  with 
which  we  shall  presently  be  engaged; 
but  it  is  only  at  the  day  of  judgment 
that  Ave  shall  learn  how  far  these  forci- 
ble exertions  of  Christians  are  approved 
by  Ilim  from  whom  the  blessings  of 
civil  government  are  primarily  denvcu. 
It  is  the  office  of  the  ministers  of  God 
to  teach  their  brethren  what  God  wilt 
approve,  not  what  he  may  pardon  ;  anA 
it  is  the  office  of  the  historian  to  point 
out  how  God  brings  good  out  of  evil, 
and  to  show  mankind  how  the  evil 
might  have  been  avoided,  without  re- 
linquishing the  prospect  of  good  to 
which  our  earthly  hopes  are  direcSed. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  REIGN  OF  JAMES  I.,  FROM  1603  TO  1625. 

501.  Impression  in  favour  of  James.  502.  Millenary  petition  ;  objections  of  the  puritans.  503.  Pro- 
clamation for  the  conference  at  Hampton  Court.  504.  First  day  ;  Prayer  Book.  505.  Second  day  ; 
Articles.  506.  Confirmation;  Articles.  507.  Catechism;  le.ssons  from  the  Apocrypha.  508. 
Cross;  surplice;  ring;  prophesyings.  509.  Third  day;  conclusion  of  it.  510.  Barlow's  account 
of  the  conference.  511.  Other  accounts.  512.  Convocation;  new  canons.  513.  Parliament; 
state  of  parties.  514.  Powder-plot.  515.  Statutes  against  Roman  Catholics.  516.  Oath  of  alle- 
^'iance  ;  treatment  of  Roman  Catholics.  517.  College  at  Chelsea.  518.  Heretics;  persecution. 
51f).  Book  of  Sports.  520.  SynodofDort.  521.  James's  letter  about  preaching.  522.  Necessity 
of  examining  politics.  523.  Character  of  James;  tolerably  wise,  but  very  weak.  524.  His  higli 
notions  of  prerogative  in  church  and  stale.  525.  ^I'he  light  of  the  Reformation  opened  men's  eyes 
about  politics.  526.  James  could  not  tolerate  this  in  either  church  or  stale.  527.  Tolerant  towards 
lioniaii  Catholics;  the  question  of  toleration  ill  understood. 


§  501.  The  tranquil  manner  in  which 
.'aines  succeeded  to  the  throne  enabled 
the  most  active  politicians  to  turn  their 
full  attention  to  ecclesiastical  matters. 
Ail  men  recognised  the  justice  of  his 
title,  and  hailed  the  prospect  of  his  suc- 
cession, although  the  general  temper 
of  the  country,  and  the  circumstance  of 
the  king's  having  been  bred  up  in  a 
church  differing  much  from  that  of 
England,  prevented  the  friends  of  the 
establishment  from  being  entirely  free 
from  doubts,  as  to  the  result  of  his 
coming  to  the  crown. 

Dr.  Neville,  dean  of  Canterbury,  was 
commissioned  in  the  name  of  the  arch- 
bishop and  bishops  to  present  their  con- 
gratulations to  his  majesty  in  Scotland. 
The  answer  returned  by  .Tames,  that  he 
would  uphold  the  church  of  England  as 


it  was  established  by  Glueen  Elizabeth, 
together  with  the  anxiety  which  he  ex- 
hibited to  be  informed  on  ecclesiastical 
subjects,  and  concerning  the  present 
state  of  the  church,  contributed  to  cre- 
ate in  the  minds  of  those  who  were 
interested  in  his  future  proceedings  a 
strong  impression  in  his  favour. 

§  502.  The  circumstances  which  had 
tended  to  alarm  the  friends  of  episco- 
pacy gave  life  to  the  exertions  of  the 
opposite  party,  and  applications  of  vari- 
ous descriptions  were  made  at  court,  to 
induce  the  king  to  examine  and  remove 
whatever  offended  the  scruples  of  the 
weak  or  the  prejudices  of  the  wilful. 

With  a  view  of  advocating  this 
cause,  many  petitions  were  prepared, 
and  among  the  rest,  one  which,  from 
the  supposed  number  of  ministers  who 


Chap.  XII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


179 


subscribed  it,  was  called  the  Millenary, 
although  the  names  never  actuallj' 
amounted  to  above  seven  hundred  and 
fifty.  This  document  is  chiefly  valua- 
ble in  presenting  to  us  the  most  import- 
ant points  complained  of  by  the  puritan 
party.  The  topics  on  which  it  treats 
are,'  1.  Objections  to  the  church  ser- 
vice.  2.  Pluralities,  non-residence,  and 
unpreaching  ministers.  3.  The  better 
maintenance  of  the  parochial  clergy, 
which  might  be  effected  by  restoring  to 
them  the  greater  part  of  ecclesiastical 
impropriations,  and  a  sixth  or  seventh 
of  all  lay  ones.  4.  The  redress  of 
church  discipline.  The  three  last  of 
these  were  points  on  which  the  govern- 
ors of  the  church  were  equally  eager, 
though  their  views,  perhaps,  did  not 
coincide  exactly  with  those  of  the  re- 
forming party,  since  they  perceived 
difliculties  which  were  not  taken  into 
due  consideration  in  the  sweeping  com- 
plaints of  the  others.  The  king  him- 
self was  fully  alive  to  them,  and  it  was 
by  his  direction  that  Whitgift^  (June 
39th)  addressed  a  letter  to  his  suffra- 
gans, enjoining  them  to  make  all  due 
inquiries  into  the  condition  of  their 
dioceses,  with  regard  to  the  number 
of  recusants,  the  state  of  the  incum- 
bents, and  the  value  of  the  preferments. 
James  wished  for  information,  too,  with 
respect  to  the  Common  Prayer,  and 
though  obviously  favourable  to  the 
church  of  England,  he  was  anxious  to 
arrive  at  the  truth,  by  hearing  whatever 
might  be  advanced  against  it. 

§  593.  It  was  with  this  view  that  he 
summoned  certain  divines  to  a  confer- 
ence at  Hampton  Court.  He  is  accused 
by  Rapin''  of  insincerity  in  holding  out 
the  prospect  of  a  free  discussion,  on  the 
points  at  issue  between  the  church  and 
nonconformists,  which  he  never  meant 
to  realize:  but  if  we  are  to  judge  by 
the  public  documents,  no  charge  can 
be  less  founded.  In  the  proclamation* 
under  which  this  assembly  was  held,  he 
twice  declares  his  own  perfect  approl)a- 
tion  of  the  doctrine  and  disciplim.-  as  by 
law  established,  and  his  conviction  that 
it  was  agreeable  to  the  word  of  God  and 
the  forms  of  the  primitive  church  ;  and 
that  the  object  which  he  had  in  view 


«  Fuller,  X.  22. 

«  Strype's  Whitgift,  ii.  470. 

'  ii.  lul.  "  Strype's  VVIiiigift,  ii.  4SC>. 


was  to  reform  such  corruptions  as  nad 
been  introduced  by  time,  as  well  as  to 
furnish  himself  with  information,  in 
order  that  he  might  be  able  to  judge 
of  the  enormities  which  were  objected 
against  the  ecclesiastical  government 
and  the  services.  iVIuch  loo  is  fre- 
quently said  of  the  alarm  experienced 
by  the  hierarchy  at  this  period ;  but 
though  they  could  not  fail  to  be  anxious 
at  such  a  moment,  they  neither  seem  to 
have  entertained  any  very  violent  fears, 
nor  to  have  had  any  grounds  for  them. 
Whitgift,  as  he  was  bound,  made  every 
preparation  for  the  approaching  confer- 
ence, and  particularly  consulted  Hut- 
ton,  archbishop  of  York,  on  several 
important  points.^  His  answers  were 
partially  quoted  at  the  conference,  and 
it  is  not  improbable  that  application  was 
made  to  other  divines  for  their  assist- 
ance in  the  same  manner. 

§  .504.  The  establishment  was  repre- 
sented by  Whitgift,  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, Bancroft,  bishop  of  London. 
T.  Matthew  of  Durham,  Bilson  of  Win- 
chester, with  five  other  bishops,  together 
with  ten  divines,  who  were  chiefly  deans. 
The  other  party  consisted  of  Reynolds, 
president  of  Corpus  Christi  college,  and 
Dr.  Sparks  from  Oxford,  and  Knew- 
stubbs  and  Chaderton  front  Cambridge. 

In  the  first  day's  conference  (Jan.  14th) 
the  church  party  alone  were  admitted, 
and  the  object  to  which  the  attention 
of  the  meeting  seems  to  have  been  di- 
rected was  to  furnish  his  majesty  with 
information  on  certain  points  connected 
with  the  question. 

In  the  Prayer  Book,  it  was  pointed 
out  that  confirmation,  as  used  in  the 
church  of  England,  affected  not  the  ful- 
ness of  the  sacrament  of  baptism,  which 
had  been  before  administered  ;  and  was 
established  on  the  authority  of  the 
apostles  and  the  custom  of  the  primi- 
tive church.  That  the  absolution  was 
merely  a  declaration  of  God's  pardon 
through  Christ,  pronounced  by  an  au- 
thorized minister,  and  addressed,  in  its 
most  general  forms,  to  the  whole  con- 
gregation ;  but  in  the  Visitation  of  the 
Side,  (where  the  expressions  are  appli- 
cable to  an  individual,  and  seem  to  pre- 
sume a  greater  authority  on  the  part  of 
the  minister,)  that  it  was  used  in  the 

*  .Strype's  Whitgifi,  iii.  392,  No.  44. 


180 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XII. 


case  of  those  only  who  dcsireJ  such 
consolation  for  the  clearing  and  quieting 
of  their  conscience.  That  the  use  of 
private  baptism'  by  women  and  laics 
was  never  admitted  except  in  cases  of 
necessitj",  according  to  the  use  of  the 
primitive  church;  and  that  the  words 
of  the  rubric  were  left  general,  as  to  this 
particular,  in  order  that  the  sacrament 
might  not  be  omitted  on  occasions 
where  no  minister  was  present.  In  each 
of  these  cases  the  decision  of  the  meet- 
ing was,  that  it  should  be  left  to  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  bishops,  whether  such 
words  should  not  be  inserted  in  the 
several  rubrics  as  v/ould  leave  these 
points  no  longer  doubtful ;  and  it  was 
agreed  on  all  hands  that  some  other 
coercion  might  be  used  to  enforce  or- 
dinary ecclesiastical  discipline,  without 
having  constant  recourse  to  the  severity 
of  excommunication. 

§50.5.  (Jan.  10.)  The  proceedings  of 
the  second  day  become  infinitely  more 
interesting,  inasmuch  as  they  may  be 
presumed  to  contain  all  the  objections 
to  the  details  of  the  church  of  England, 
in  which  a  moderate  conconformist 
would  then  have  desired  alteration. 
Dr.  Reynolds  arranged  what  he  had  to 
bring  forward  under  four  heads :  1st, 
of  doctrinal  points  ;  2d,  of  such  things 
as  pertained  to  the  appointment  of  mi- 
nisters ;  ;?d,  to  the  remodelling  of  the 
Common  Praj-er ;  4th,  and  to  church 
government. 

The  particulars  objected  to  in  the 
Articles  were,  that  the  doctrine  of  final 
perseverance  ought  to  be  stated  in  a 
manner  more  consistentl}^  with  that  of 
predestination  than  it  was  in  the  XYIlh 
and  XVIIth  articles  ;  and  it  was  argued, 
that  this  would  be  effected  by  inserting 
in  the  XVIth  article,  immediately  fol- 
lowing the  words  "  after  we  have  re- 
ceived the  Holy  Ghost  we  may  depart 
from  grace,"  the  qualification  of  this 
expression  in  some  such  terms  as  these, 
"yet  not  totally  or  finally;"  and  it  was 
proposed  that  the  Lambeth  Articles- 
should  be  introduced  into  the  t°xt  of  the 
Thirty-nine.  These  proposed  altera- 
tions were  not  received  with  any  fa- 
vour, and  the  king,  in  conclusion,  re- 
marked, "Mean  time  I  wish  that  the 
doctrine  of  predestination  may  be  ten- 


'  See  ^  424, '.  =  See  §  4C4. 


derly  handled,  lest,  on  the  one  side, 
God's  omnipotency  be  questioned  by 
impeaching  the  doctrine  of  his  eternal 
predestination,  or,  on  the  other  side,  a 
desperate  presumption  arreared  by  in- 
ferring the  necessary  certainty  of  per- 
sisting in  grace." 

Unfortunately,  during  this  part  of  the 
discussion,  Bancroft  suffered  himself  to 
be  carried  away  by  the  violence  of  his 
temper,  and  attempted  to  put  a  stop  to 
the  whole  proceeding  ;  but  the  king  re- 
proved him  with  much  dignity  and  pro- 
priety, and  the  argument  was  resumed. 

§  500.  When  the  question  of  confir- 
mation was  brought  forward,  and  the 
texts  (Hob.  vi.  2,  Acts  viii.)  had  beeii 
quoted,  it  was  soon  reduced  into  a  more 
narrow  compass  by  the  concessions  of 
the  complainants,  who  objected  not  to 
the  institution,  but  wished  that  the  ad- 
ministering of  the  rite  might  no  longer 
be  confined  to  the  bishops  alone,  since 
their  extensive  dioceses  rendered  them 
total]}'  unable  to  examine  the  whole  of 
the  candidates  properly.  As  no  period 
could  be  assigned  at  which  such  a  cus- 
tom had  been  admitted  in  the  church, 
the  proposal  was  laid  aside,  and  it  was 
left  to  be  subsequently  decided,  whether 
the  words,  "an  examination,"  should 
be  introduced  into  the  rubric  before  con- 
firmation.^ 

Again  it  was  objected,  that  theXXIIId 
article  allowed  a  layman  to  preach  out 
of  the  con<,Tcgation,  because  il  asserted 
only  that  it  was  not  lawful  for  him  to 
preach  "  in  the  congregation,"  unless 
he  were  duly  called.  That  the  XXVih 
article  called  confirmation  a  corrupt  fol- 
lowing of  the  apostles.  That  in  the 
XXXVIIlh  article,  it  was  not  enough 
to  say  "that  the  bishoj)  of  Rome  had  no 
authority  in  this  land,"  unless  it  were 
added,  "  that  he  ought  not  to  have  any." 
But  it  was  of  course  utterly  useless  to 
attempt  to  answer  such  unimportant 
cavils.  When  Dr.  Reynolds  wished 
that  it  might  be  inserted  in  the  Articles, 
"that  the  intention  of  the  minister  is 
not  of  the  essence  of  the  sacrament," 
the  king  objected,  as  about  the  Lam- 
beth Articles,  to  the  introduction  of  any 


^  See  Bingham's  Antiquities,  vol.  iv.  p.  385. 
xii.  ii.  3,  who  gives  a  considerable  account  of  the 
custom  of  the  early  church  on  this  particular,  cor- 
re.<:ponding  with  ihe  present  practice  of  the  church 
of  England. 


OiiAP.  XII.]  CHURCH  ov 

more  than  was  absolutely  necessary  into 
the  body  of  the  Articles  ;  since  every 
addition  tended  to  encumber  the  book, 
and,  by  destroying  its  perspicuity,  to 
obviate  the  very  purpose  for  which  they 
were  framed. 

§  507.  Some  objections  were  then 
raised  to  the  Catechism,  because  Dr. 
Noel's  was  deenied  too  long,  and  that 
in  the  Prayer  Book  too  short ;  and  upon 
the  suggestion  of  the  king,  an  interme- 
diate step  was  adopted,  of  adding  some- 
what to  the  old.  it  is  to  this  that  we 
owe  the  explanation  of  the  sacraments 
with  which  the  present  Church  Cate- 
chism ends.' 

All  parties  agreed  in  wishing  that  the 
Sabbath  might  be  observed  with  greater 
propriety,  and  that  a  new  translation  of 
tht!  Bible  should  be  prepared. 

There  was  some  small  discussion  with 
regard  to  seditious  and  popish  books, 
which  arose  from  the  permission  which 
had  been  occasionally  given  for  their 
mtroduction,  in  order  that  they  might 
be  answered ;  but  this  question  was 
soon  dismissed,  as  being  one  of  policy, 
rather  than  suited  to  theological  inquiry. 

The  petition  of  Reynolds,  that  learned 
ministers  might  be  appointed  in  every 
parish,  was  seconded  by  one  from  Ban- 
croft, who  requested  that  we  might  have 
a  praying  ministry  ;  that  the  homilies 
might  be  read  till  a  preaching  ministry 
could  be  provided ;  and  that  pulpits 
might  not  be  made  pasrjvi/s,  where 
every  discontented  fellow  might  traduce 
his  superiors.  Thes*  complaints  serve 
to  point  out  the  state  of  the  times,  but 
were  in  their  nature  too  general  to  ad- 
mit of  any  definite  remedy. 

With  regard  to  the  Common  Prayer, 
the  custom  of  reading  lessons  taken  from 
the  Apocrypha  was  objected  to  ;  and 
the  king,  with  great  pro|)riety  and  fair- 
ness, desired  Dr.  Reynolds  to  mark  those 
chapters  which  were  objectionable. 

§  .)08.  The  cross  in  baptism,  and  the 
questions  proposed  to  the  children, 
were  complained  of ;  but  after  the  an- 
tiquity of  the  one,  and  the  unexception- 
able nature  of  the  other,  had  been 
pointed  out,  and  when  it  was  shown 
that  the  cross  was  not  otherwise  used 
than  as  a  ceremony,  Mr.  Knewstubbs 
seemed  to  doubt  how  far  the  church 


'  .See  §  717,  '. 


'  ENGLAND.  Iflt 

had  authority  to  impose  such  a  cere- 
mony ;  and  his  majesty  declined  enter- 
ing into  the  question,  as  to  how  far 
the  subject  is  bound  to  obey,  by  quoting 
the  parliamentary  words,  "  Le  roi  s'avi- 
sera." 

The  wearing  the  surplice,  the  words, 
"With  my  body  I  thee  worship,"  and 
the  use  of  the  ring'^  in  the  marriage- 
service,  were  also  mentioned,  as  well 
as  the  churching  of  women  ;  but  the 
observations  on  these  topics  were  short- 
ly dismissed,  on  account  of  their  being- 
deemed,  as  they  really  are,  frivolous 
objections. 

The  question,  whether  ecclesiastical 
censures  should  be  imposed  by  laymen, 
was  not  entered  into,  since  it  had  been 
previously  settled  by  the  king  and  the 
bishops  ;  and  when  Reynolds  proposed 
that  certain  provincial  assemblies  should, 
be  held  for  the  purpose  of  conference, 
at  which  prophcsijings,  as  they  were 
formerly  called,  might  be  established, 
James,  who  had  long  smarted  under 
presbyterian  tyranny,  broke  forth  into 
a  lively  description  of  the  steps  by 
which  the  reformers  of  Scotland  had 
first  triumphed  over  the  bisho]3s,  and 
then  over  the  crown,  and  ended  by 
quoting  his  favourite  apophthegm,  "  No 
bishop,  no  king." 

§  509.  (Jan.  18.)  The  meeting  on  the 
third  day  can  hardly  be  called  a  confer- 
ence. It  was  now  that  the  bishops 
brought  up  their  conclusions  on  certain 
points  which  had  been  previously  re- 
ferred to  their  consideration,  and  at  the 
same  time  those  questions  which  did 
not  admit  of  an  immediate  decision 
were  left  for  the  examination  of  com- 
mittees. His  majesty  was  particularly 
eloquent  in  favour  of  oaths  ex  officio, 
and  made  a  long  speech  to  prove  their 
utility  and  necessity.  This  topic  so 
pleased  the  episcopal  party,  that  the 
archbishop  declared  that  the  king  spoke 
by  the  especial  assistance  of  God's 
Spirit,  and  the  bishop  of  London  re- 
turned thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  his 
goodness  in  setting  such  a  prince  over 
them — a  line  of  compliment  too  well 
received  by  James  himself,  and  unfor- 

^  The  giving  a  ring  as  a  marriage  pledge  is  an 
old  Roman  custom.    (Juv.  vi.  27.) 
j  Convenium  tamcii.  rl  paclum,     sponsalia  nostra 

'I'eniprstaie  para.s  ;  jamquc  a  ton.sore  magistro 
I  Ptctcris,  et  digitD  pigniis  lortasEc  dcdisti. 

Q 


/ 


182 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XU. 


tunatcly  repeated  by  most  of  the  cour- 
tiers who  were  present. 

It  was  the  observation  of  the  king, 
that  the  scruples  of  the  nonconformists 
were  mere  matters  of  weakness,  and 
that  if  therefore  they  were  honest  and 
good  men,  they  would  be  easily  won  to 
conformity,  if  not,  that  they  were  bet- 
ter out  of  the  church  than  members  of 
her  ministry  ;  and  on  two  occasions  he 
made  use  of  very  harsh  expressions 
concerning  them,  threatening  to  "  harry 
them  out  of  the  land,"  in  case  they 
obeyed  not,  and  adding,  that  if  they 
conformed,  not,  "  they  ought  to  be 
hanged."  The  preachers  promised  for 
themselves  to  perform  all  duty  towards 
the  bishops,  and  to  join  against  the 
common  enemy  ;  but  Mr.  Chaderton 
made  a  petition  in  favour  of  certain 
ministers  in  Lancashire,  that  they  might 
be  allowed  to  omit  the  use  of  the  sur- 
plice ;  to  which  his  majesty  kindly 
consented,  as  far  as  the  bishop  of  Lon- 
don would  allow  him  ;  for  the  bishops 
were  justly  afi'aid  that  if  any  connivance 
were  shown,  excepting  for  a  limited 
period,  the  effect  would  be  to  undo  all 
the  good  which  they  had  promised 
themselves  from  the  conference.  But 
when  the  same  request  was  again  made 
for  certain  ministers  in  Suffolk,  by 
Knewstubbs,  the  king  answered  the 
petitioner  sharply,  and  animadverted 
with  much  reason  on  the  ill  conduct  of 
men  who  preferred  their  own  scruples 
to  the  unity  of  the  church;  who  would 
run  the  risk  of  any  difficulty  which 
might  arise,  rather  than  give  up  a  point 
which  they  had  once  advocated  ;  and 
in  whose  disinclination  to  obey,  their 
own  personal  vanity  was  more  con- 
sulted than  the  good  of  the  community. 
During  the  whole  of  the  conference 
there  is  nothing  more  striking  than  the 
superiority  of  the  kmg  himself  over 
both  parties  ;  he  not  only  surpassed 
them  in  temper  and  fairness,  but  appa- 
rently in  learning  and  knowledge  of 
the  subject :  notwithstanding  the  insig- 
nificance of  the  objections  raised,  and 
in  some  cases  their  senseless  futility, 
he  heard  them  with  patience  :  wherever 
there  seemed  any  reason  for  alteration, 
he  was  ready  to  adopt  it,  and  the 
bishops  exhibited  a  great  facility  in  as- 
senting to  his  proposals.  The  only 
appearance  of  want  of  judgment  con- 


sisted in  the  terms  in  which  he  threat- 
ened the  nonconformists. 

§  510.  The  account  of  the  conference 
which  is  here  given,  is  taken  almost 
entirely  from  one  published  by  Barlow, 
dean  of  Chester,  who,  having  assisted 
in  the  discussion,  Avas  deputed  to  write 
the  history  of  it,'  and  probably  aided  in 
ihe  task  by  Whilgift.  It  is,  however, 
so  favourable  to  the  episcopal  party, 
that  it  has  not  failed  to  be  attacked  ; 
but,  as  it  was  published  in  the  year 
which  followed  the  conference,  and 
was  not  contradicted  as  to  its  contents, 
there  seems  no  reason  for  doubting  its 
correctness.  What  is  said  of  the  con- 
ference on  the  second  day  was  exa- 
mined and  approved  by  many  who 
were  there  present,  and  such  original 
memoirs  as  have  come  down  to  us  cor- 
respond with  sufficient  accuracy  with 
what  is  here  detailed.'' 

§  511.  The  only  authentic  document 
of  which  I  am  aware,  which  seems  to 
throw  any  discredit  on  this  piece  of 
history,  is  a  letter  from  Mr.  Galloway, 
a  Scotch  divine,  who  was  present  at  the 
second  day's  conference,  and  who  wrote 
to  the  ministers  at  Edinburgh.  Con- 
cerning this  letter  Calderwood  observes' 
that  this  account  is  very  unlike  Bar- 
low's ;  yet,  after  a  minute  and  careful 
comparison  of  the  conclusions  here 
drawn  up,  with  those  of  Bancroft's 
which  are  printed  in  Strype,*  I  am  con- 

'  Sirype's  Whiigitt,  ii.  492. 

-  See  a  letter  from  T.  Matthew,  bishop  of  Dur- 
ham, 10  Hullon,  arcliBlshop  ol  York,  (Sirype's 
Whiigitt,  iii.  402.  No.  45.)  Strype  hinisell  (iilly 
approves  of  il  ;  and  Fuller,  who  must  have  been 
a  very  good  judge  on  the  qiicsuon,  iniroduces  it 
almost  verlia  im  into  his  liis'ory.  '1  he  original 
pamphlet  is  not  rare  in  libraries,  and  lias  been  re- 
printed in  the  Phoenix  and  in  the  Churchman's 
Remembrancer,  Xo.  iv. 

^  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  fbl.  474. 

"A  nole  of  such  tJiinsrs  as  shall  be  reformed 
ill  Ihe  church. 
"1.  TheAbsoluMon  shall  be  railed,  The  Abso- 
lution or  general  remission  ol  sins. 

"2.  'I  he  Confirmation  shall  be  railed.  The 
Confirmation  or  further  e.xaininaiion  of  Children's 
Faith. 

"3.  The  Private  Baptism,  now  by  laymen  or 
women,  shall  be  called.  The  Private  Baptism  by 
the  ministers  only  ;  and  all  those  questions  in  that 
Baptism,  that  insinuate  it  to  be  done  by  women, 
taken  away. 

"4.  The  Apocrypha,  that  hath  some  repug- 
nancy to  the  canonical  Scripture,  shall  not  be 
read  ;  and  other  places  chosen,  which  cither  are 
e.vplaiiations  of  Scripture,  or  suit  best  for  good 
life  and  manners. 

"5.  The  jurisdiciion  of  the  bishops  shall  be 


Chap  XII.] 


CHURCH  OF  flNGLAND. 


183 


vinced  that  they  burnish  a  stron<j  con- 
firmation of  the  -accouat  publishod  by 
Barlow.  Neither  Galloway  nor  Ban- 
croft seem  to  make  an  accurate  distinc- 
tion between  matters  which  were  dis- 
cussed and  recommended  to  the  use  of 
the  clergy,  without  being  authoritatively 


somewhat  limited,  and  to  have  either  the  dean 
and  chapier,  or  some  grave  minislor  assistant  to 
them  ill  ordination,  suspension,  degradation,  (fcc. 
(See  Canon.) 

"6.  'I'ho  excommunication,  as  it  is  now  used, 
ehall  be  taken  away  both  in  name  and  nature. 
And  a  vrrit  out  ot  the  chancery,  to  punish  the 
contumacies,  sliall  be  framed. 

"7.  Tije  liingdom  oF  Ireland,  the  borders  of 
Scotland,  and  all  Wales,  lo  be  planted  with 
schools  and  preachers  as  soon  as  may  be. 

"8.  As  many  learned  ministers,  and  mainte- 
nance for  them,  lo  be  provided  in  such  places  of 
England,  where  there  is  want,  as  may  be. 

"9.  As  few  double-bcneficed  men  and  plurali- 
ties as  may  be  ;  and  those  thai  have  double  bene- 
fices to  maintain  preachers,  and  to  have  their  liv- 
ings as  near  as  may  be  one  to  ihe  olher. 

"  10.  One  uniform  translation  of  the  Bible  to  be 
made,  and  only  to  be  used  in  all  the  churches  of 
England. 

'•  11.  One  Catechism  to  be  made  and  used  in 
all  places. 

"  13.  'i'he  Articles  of  Religion  to  be  explained 
and  enlarged.  And  no  man  .to  leach  or  read 
against  any  of  them. 

"  13.  A  care  had,  to  observe  who  do  not  re- 
ceive the  communion  once  in  the  year:  the  minis- 
ters to  ceriify  the  bishops,  the  bi.shops  the  arch- 
bishops, the  archliishops  the  king. 

"  14.  An  inhibition  for  popish  books  to  be 
brought  over  :  and  if  any  come,  lo  be  delivered 
into  ilieir  hand,*  only  that  are  lit  to  have  them. 

"15.  The  high  commission  lobe  reformed,  and 
reduced  to  higher  causes  and  fewer  persons  ;  and 
those  of  more  honour  and  better  qualities." 

Calderwood's  account  of  the  matter  is  as  fol- 
lows.  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  p. 474 

"  A  conference  was  appointed  to  be  holden  at 
Hampton  Court  the  fourteenth  of  January,  be- 
twixi  .some  bishops  on  the  one  side,  and  niinislers 
on  iho  other.    'I'he  good  professors  in  England 
were  put  in  hope  of  a  good  beginning  of  reforma- 
tion, and  letters  were  sent  by  them  to  sundry 
pans  of  ihe  country,  to  lake  a  survey  of  the  ee- 
elesiaslical  estate,  and  of  the  grievous  abuses  of 
the  court;  but  they  were  disappointed  of  their 
expectation.    Two  or  three  were  appointed  of  the 
sincerer  side,  that  were  not  .sound,  and  only  lospy 
or  prevaricate.    Sundry  reports  went  of  the  con- 
ference, different  from  that  relation  which  is  set  I 
forth  in  print  by  Barlow.    I  have  therefore  set 
down  here  that  relation,  which  Mr.  Patric  Gal-  ! 
loway  sent  from  London  to  the  presbytery  of  j 
Edinburgh,  after  it  was  revised  by  the  king  him-  [ 
self.  j 

"  Beloved  brethren,  after  my  very  hearty  com-  ; 
mendaiions,  these  presents  are  to  show  you  that 
I  received  two  of  your  letters,  one  directed  lo  his 
maj.  and  another  lo  myself,  for  the  using  thereof ; 
ihe  samine  I  read,  [sir  in  ori^.]  closed,  and  three 
'  days  before  the  conference  delivered  it  unto  his 
maj.  hands,  and  received  it  back  again,  afler  some 
short  speeches  had  upon  a  word  of  your  letter,  as 
the  gross  corruptioits  of  this  church;  which  then 
was  exponed,  and  I  assured,  that  all  corruptions 


enforced,  and  those  on  wnich  some 
actual  alteration  was  founded.  Thus, 
for  instance,  both  of  them  state  as  a 
point  established,  that  in  ecclesiastical 
censures,  particularly  of  ministers,  the 
bishop  should  not  proceed  without  the 
assistance  of  the  dean  and  chapter,  or 


dissonant  from  the  word,  or  contrary  thereto, 
should  be  amended.  The  twelflh  of  Januar  was 
ihe  d;iy  ol  meeting,  at  what  lime  the  bishops 
called  upon  by  his  maj  were  gravely  desired,  to 
advise  upon  all  ihe  corrupiions  of  this  church,  in 
doctrine,  ceremonies,  and  discipline;  and  as  they 
will  answer  to  God  in  conscience,  and  lo  hi^  maj. 
upon  their  obedience,  lhal  ihey  should  return  ihe 
third  day  after,  which  was  Saturday  They  re- 
turned to  his  maj.  and  there  apposed  as  of  before, 
it  was  answered,  all  was  well.  And  when  his 
mnj.  in  great  fervency  brought  instances  to  the 
contrary,  they  upon  their  knees,  with  great  ear- 
nestness craved  that  nothing  should  be  altered, 
lest  popish  recusants,  punished  by  penal  statutes 
for  their  disobedience  ;  and  the  puritans  punished 
by  deprivation  from  calling  and  living  for  noncon- 
foriiiity.  should  say,  they  had  just  cause  lo  insult 
upon  them,  as  men  who  had  travelled  to  bind 
them  to  that,  which  by  their  own  mouths  now 
was  confessed  to  be  erroneous.  Always  afler 
five  hours'  dispute  had  by  his  maj.  against  ihem. 
and  his  maj.  resolution  for  reformation  intimated 
to  ihem,  they  were  dismissed  that  day.  Upon 
the  sixteenth  of  Januar,  being  Monday,  the  breth- 
ren were  ctilled  to  his  maj,  only  five  of  them  be- 
ing present,  and  with  ihem  two  bishops,  and  si.i 
or  eight  deans.  Here  his  mnj.  craved  to  know  of 
them  what  they  desired  lo  lie  reformed  ;  but  it 
was  very  loosely  and  coldly  answered.  'I'liis  day 
ended  afler  four  hours  talking,  and  Wednesday 
the  eighteenth  of  Januar  was  appointed  for  the 
meeting  of  both  the  parlies.  Whereas  before, 
the  parties  being  called  together,  the  heads  were 
repealed  which  his  maj.  would  have  reformed  at 
this  lime  ;  and  so  the  whole  action  ended.  Sundry, 
as  they  favoured,  gave  out  copies  of  ihings  here 
concluded  ;  whereupon  myself  look  occasion,  as 
I  was  an  ear  and  eye-witness.  lo  set  ihein  down, 
and  preseiiled  ihem  lo  his  maj  who  with  his  own 
hand  mended  some  ihinss,  and  eekcd  olher  things 
which  I  had  omitted.  Which  corrected  copy  with 
his  own  hand  I  have,  and  of  it  have  sent  you 
herein  ihe  just  transumpt  word  by  word — and  this 
is  the  whole.  At  my  own  returning,  which,  (Jod 
willing,  shall  be  shortly,  ye  shall  know  more  par- 
ticularly the  rest.  So  till  then  taking  my  leave, 
I  commit  you  to  the  protection  of  the  most  High, 
and  your  labours  to  the  powerful  Ijicssing  of 
Cliiisl.  From  London,  this  tenth  of  Februar, 
l(i04. 

"  Your  brother  in  the  Lord  to  his  nllermost, 
"  M.  P.  Galloway. 

"  The  cause  of  my  delay  to  write,  was  my 
awaiting  on  his  maj.  leisure,  to  obtain  that  copy 
spoken  of  before,  as  il  is,  that  so  I  tnicht  write, 
as  it  was  allowed  to  stand,  and  lo  be  performed." 

A  note  of  such  things  as  shall  he  nformcd. 
"  [.  Of  Doctrine. 
"1.  That  a  uniform  short  and  plain  Catechism 
be  made,  to  be  used  in  all  churches  and  parishes 
in  this  kinffdom.  There  is  already  the  doctrine 
of  the  sacraments  added,  in  most  clear  and  plain 
terms. 


184 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIL 


«ome  oihcr  gravo  ministers.  The  sub- 
ject, according  to  Barlow,  seems  to 
have  been  briefly  mentioned  by  tlie 
king;  and  it  is  not  impyobable  that  a 
regulation  so  recommended  should  liave 
been  at  once  admitted  as  beneficial, 
wherever  it  could  be  adopted.  It  is 
indeed  incorporated  in  the  122d  canon, 
so  that  we  may  easily  account  for  its 
insertion  in  the  two  sets  of  conclusions 


"2.  Tliat  a  translation  be  made  of  the  whole 
Rible.  as  consonant  as  can  be  to  the  origiiial 
Hebrew  and  Greek;  and  this  to  beset  cm  and 
primed  without  any  marginal  notes,  and  only  to 
1)6  used  in  all  churches  of  England,  in  time  ol 
divine  service. 

'  3.  'I  liat  no  popish  nor  traitorous  books  be 
suiTered  to  be  brought  in  this  kingdom,  and  that 
Btniiglit  order  be  taken,  that  if  they  come  over, 
they  be  delivered  or  sold  to  none,  ei  her  in  coun- 
try or  universities,  but  to  such  only  as  may  make 
good  use  thereof,  lor  conlatalioii  of  the  adver- 
saries. 

"II.  Of  the  Service  Booh. 

"  1.  That  to  the  Absolution  shall  be  added  the 
word  of  pronouncing  the  remission  of  sins. 

"2.  'I  hat  to  Cotitirniation  shall  be  added  the 
word  of  catechising,  or  examination  of  the  child- 
ren's faith. 

That  the  private  Baptism  .shall  be  called, 
the  private  Dapiism  by  the  ministers  and  curates 
only  ;  and  all  these  questions  that  insinuate  wo- 
men or  private  persons,  to  be  altered  accordingly. 

'■4.  '1  hat  such  Apocrypha  as  have  any  repug- 
nance to  canonical  Scripture,  shall  be  removed, 
and  not  read  ;  and  other  places  chosen  for  ihem 
wbicli  may  serve  belter,  either  for  explanation  ot 
Scriptiirp.  or  instruction  in  good  life  and  manners: 
and  s!)eoially  the  greatest  part  of  such  places  as 
were  given  in  writ. 

"  .').  'I'iie  words  of  Marriage  to  be  made  more 
cl(  ar. 

'Mi.  The  rross  in  Baptism  was  never  counted 
any  part  in  Baptism,  nor  sign  eflfective,  but  only 
significative. 

"HI.  Of  Discipline. 

"1.  The  bishops  are  admonished  to  judge  no 
ministers,  without  the  advice  and  assistance  of 
some  of  the  gravest  deans  and  chaplains. 

'■■2.  That  none  shall  have  power  to  excommu- 
niraie,  but  only  their  bishops  in  their  dioceses,  in 
the  presence  of  these  aforesaid  ;  and  only  upon 
such  weighty  and  great  causes  to  which  they 
shall  subscribe. 

"  3.  The  civil  excommunication  now  used,  is 
declared  to  be  a  mere  civil  censure  ;  and  there- 
fore the  name  of  it  is  to  be  altered  ;  and  a  writ 
out  of  the  chancellary  to  punish  the  contumacy 
shall  be  framed. 

"4.  That  all  bishops  nominated  to  that  effect, 
shall  set  down  the  matters  and  manner  of  pro- 
ceeding to  be  followed  hereafter  in  ecclesiastical 
courts,  and  modify  their  fees. 

"  5.  That  the  oath  ex  officio  be  rightly  used,  id 
est,  only  for  great  and  public  slanders. 

"  C.  That  the  bishops  be  careful  to  cause  the 
ministers  note,  in  every  parish  of  their  dioceses 
the  names  of  all  recusants  ;  as  also  the  names  of 
5uch  as  come  to  church  and  hear  preaching,  but 
refuse  to  communicate  every  year  once  ;  and  to 
present  the  same  to  the  bishop,  and  the  bishop  to 
the  archbishop,  and  the  archbishop  to  the  king. 


without  impugning  the  accuracy  of  Bar- 
Jow,  who  is  less  particular  in  his  men- 
I  tion  of  it. 

j     §  512.  In  order  to  give  effect  to  the 
decisions  of  the  conference  at  Hampton 
I  Court,'   the   convocation,  which  was 
j  assembled  together  with  the  jiarlianient, 
I  was  directed  to  frame  and  incorporate  a 
new  body  of  canons.    Little  is  known 
in  detail  of  the  history  of  their  compo- 

"  7.  That  the  Sabbath  be  looked  lo,  and  better 
kept  throughout  all  diocetes. 

"  8.  'I'hat  the  high  commission  be  rightly  used, 
the  causes  to  be  handled,  and  tlie  manner  of  pre- 
I  reeding  therein  lo  be  declared  ;  and  that  no  person 
he  nominated  thereto,  but  such  as  are  men  of 
honour  and  good  quality. 

"IV.  Of  Ihe  Minislry. 

"  1.  Th,^t  the  rending  of  ministers  that  are  o. 
age  and  not  scandalous  be  provided  lor,  and  main- 
tained by  the  person  preferred  to  preach  in  his 
room,  according  to  the  valor  of  the  living;  and 
iliat  the  unlearned  and  scandalous  Le  tried,  and 
removed  from  these  places,  and  learned  and  quali- 
fied be  placed  for  lliem. 

"2.  'i'hat  as  many  ministers  as  may  be  had 
with  convenient  maintenance  for  them,  may  be 
placed  in  such  places  where  there  is  want  of 
p.'rarhinij  with  all  hasie. 

"  3.  That  learned  and  grave  ministers  be  trans- 
ported from  the  parts  where  the  gospel  is  .settled 
and  planted,  to  such  pans  of  the  kingdom  where 
greatest  ignorance  is,  and  greatest  number  of 
recusants  are. 

"  4.  That  ministers,  beneficed  men.  make  their 
residence  upon  their  benefites,  and  feed  their 
flocks  with  preaching  every  ^abl^aih  day. 

"  5.  'J  hat  plnralists  and  such  as  presently  have 
double  benefices,  make  residence  upon  one  (f 
ihem  ;  and  that  these  their  benefices  be  as  near 
other,  as  he  may  preach  to  the  people  of  both 
iheir  week  about  ;  and  where  they  are  further 
distant,  that  he  maintain  therein  a  qualified 
preacher. 

"V.  For  Sehool.i. 

"  1.  That  schools  in  cities,  towns,  and  families, 
throughout  all  this  kingdom,  be  taught  by  none 
but  such  as  shall  be  tried  and  approved  to  be 
sound  and  upright  in  religion  ;  and  for  that  effect 
that  the  bishops,  in  every  one  of  their  dioceses, 
lake  order  with  them.  di=nla(  ing  the  corrupted, 
and  placing  honest  and  sufficien:  in  their  places. 

"2.  'I'liat  orders  be  taken  with  imivcrsities  for 
trial  of  masters  and  fellows  in  colleges;  and  that 
none  be  sufi'ered  to  have  the  cure  of  instructing 
the  youth,  but  such  as  are  approved  for  theii 
soundness  in  rehgion  ;  and  that  such  as  are  sus- 
pected, or  known  to  be  otherways  affected,  be 
removed. 

"  3.  That  the  kingdom  of  Ireland,  the  border's 
of  England  and  Scotland,  and  all  Wales,  be 
planted  with  schools  and  preachers,  as  soon  as 
may  be. 

"  The  ministers  have  been  this  long  lime  past, 
and  shall  be  in  all  time  coming,  urged  to  subscribe 
nothing  but  the  three  articles,  which  are  both 
clear  and  reasonable." 

(Then  follow  the  three  articles  in  the  thirty- 
sixth  Canon.) 

Whiigift,  ii.  501. 

1  Fuller,  X.  28. 


Chap.  XII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


1«5 


sition,  excepting  that  they  chiefly  con- :  verted  into  expectations ;  but  they  too 


sist  of  a  digest  of  old  canons,  to  which 
some  new  ones  were  added.  They  are 
in  number  141,  and  at  the  present  day 
form  the  basis  of  ecclesiastical  law,  as 
far  as  the  clergy  are  concerned;  for  as 
they  were  never  ratified  by  act  of  par- 
liament, though  sanctioned  by  the  royal 
assent,  they  are  in  law  held  not  to  bind 
the  la.ily  propria  vigore,  that  is,  not  in- 
asmuch as  tliey  decide,  but  only  where 
they  speak  the  language  of  the  previous 


now  saw,  that  whatever  the  private 
sentiments  of  the  king  might  be,  the 
nation  was  about  to  relax  none  of  the 
severities  against  them. 

§  514.  It  was  the  prevalence  of  these 
opinions  which  induced  the  ramers  ot 
the  powder-plot  to  enter  into  that  mosi 
diabolical  conspiracy  for  destroying  the 
hopes  and  prospects  of  the  Protestant 
part  of  the  community;  a  scheme  not 
more  remarkable  for  its  atrocity  than 


law.  Many  of  them  have  been  super- !  for  the  little  probability  of  its  final  suc- 
seded  by  subsequent  acts  of  parliament; :  cess,  even  though  the  first  step  in  this 
and  the  hand  of  time,  together  with  the  dreadful  tragedy  had  prospered.  It  is 
change  in  customs,  has  rendered  them  well  known  that  Catesby  and  Percy 
so  generally  neglected  as  a  code,  that ;  formed  the  plan  of  blowing  up  the 
it  is  much  to  be  wished  that  they  were  ;  king,  lords,  and   commons,  on  their 


remodelled,  and  sanctioned  by  a  legal 
enactment.  The  account  of  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible,  and  the  alterations 
in  the  Prayer  Book,  will  occupy  a  por- 
tion of  distinct  chapters  on  those  sub- 
jects. 


assembling  in  parliament  on  the  oth  of 
November,  1G05.  For  this  purpose 
thej-  hired  a  cellar  below  the  house,  in 
which  they  concealed  thirty-six  barrels 
of  gunpowder;  but  on  the  eve  of  its 
execution  a  discovery  was  made,  by 


§  513.  In  parliament,'  the  security  of  means  of  a  letter  sent  to  Lord  Montea- 


the  revenues  of  the  establishment  was 
effectually  guarded  by  an  act,  making 
all  alienations  of  church  property  to  the 
crown  illegal;  a  measure  which  marked 
at  once  the  weakness  and  the  honesty 
of  the  king,  who  fearing  his  own  facility, 
lest  he  should  concede  to  his  courtiers 


gle,*  probably  from  his  sister,  Mrs. 
Abingdon.'  The  conspirators  fled  from 
London,  but  were  overtaken  in  arms  in 
Staffordshire,  and  the  ringleaders  slain. 
Several  others  were  subsequently  taken 
and  executed ;  and  among  the  persons 
whose  names  were  connected  with  the 


whatever  they  requested,  deprived  him- ;  conspiracy  are  those  of  four  individuals 


self  of  the  power  of  doing  injustice. 
The  parliament  likewise  renewed  the 
severity  of  former  statutes  against  Jesu- 
its, seminary  priests,  and  recusants. 

These  proceedings,  inasmuch  as  they 
were  hiofhly  favourable  to  the  church 
of  England,  were  proportionably  dis- 
pleasino:  to  those  parties  in  the  kingdom 
who  opposed  that  body.  The  puritans 
had  hoped  for  much  relief  and  favour 
from  a  presbyterian  king,  but  they 
found  that  their  new  monarch  was  as 
fond  of  exercising  his  supremacy  as  his 
predecessor ;  that  two  proclamations 
had  alreadj-  issued  from  the  throne,  to 
enforce  the  laws  against  the  noncon- 
formists ;  and  that  James  himself  had 
used  expressions,  with  regard  to  his 
own  intentions,  which  were  far  from 
being  wise  or  moderate.  The  Roman 
Catholics  had  looked  on  him  as  the  son 
of  Mary  queen  of  Scots ;  their  wishes 
for  greater  toleration  had  been  con- 


'  Fuller,  X.  27. 

24 


who  belonged  to  the  society  of  Jesus, 
Gariiett,  Oldcorn,  Gerard,  and  Green- 
way;  the  last  of  these,  on  the  discovery 
of  the  plot,  fled  beyond  seas,  a  step 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  world,  must 
have  implicated  him  in  the  guilt  of  the 
treason,  if  the  dreadful  manner  in  which 
others  were  examined  by  means  of  tor- 
ture had  not  furnished  a  sufficient  rea- 
son for  any  precautions  which  an  inno- 
cent man  might  make  to  avoid  so 
dreadful  a  species  of  trial.  Gerard 
was  tortured,  but  made  his  escape  from 
the  Tower.  Oldcorn  was  executed  for 
concealing  Garnett,  Avho  shared  the 
same  fate.  The  criminality  of  this  last 
prisoner  has  been  called  in  question  by 
members  of  his  own  church,  and  is 


'  Butler's  Roman  Cath.  ii.  441.  Nash's  Wor- 
cestershire, i.  585. 

5  Wei  wood,  Mem.  p.  22,  says,  that  the  letter  was 
a  contrivance  of  James  himself,  who  had  been  in- 
formed of  the  conspiracy  by  Henry  IV.  of  France. 
He  wished  to  exhibit  a  proof  of  his  own  sagadtjr 
in  the  discovery  of  the  plot. 

a2 


ISG 

pretty  fully  discussed  by  Butler,'  in  his 
History  of  the  Roman  Catholics.  His 
plea  was,  that  all  he  knew  of  the  con- 
spiracy came  from  the  |)rivate  confession 
of  the  prisoners,  which  as  a  priest  he 
was  bound  to  conceal :  but,  supposinn; 
this  to  be  true,  let  it  be  remembered, 
on  the  other  side,  that  this  private  con- 
fession to  a  priest,  as  well  as  the  secrecy 
with  which  it  is  attended,  is  a  human 
invention,  not  founded  on  any  divine 
command,  merely  a  tradition  of  men, 
and  in  this  case  diametrically  opposed 
to  the  word  of  God  and  the  spirit  of  the 
gospel.  It  seems  probable  that  Gar- 
nett  was  criminally  implicated  with  the 
conspirators,  though  there  was  little 
evidence  to  convict  him  before  a  jur}'^ 
of  the  present  day.  Although  no  one 
can  fairly  charge  this  treason  on  the 
Roman  Catholics  as  a  body,  yet  that 
church,  by  sanctioning  the  absurd  mi- 
racle of  the  straw, ^  and  beatifying  the 
man,  who,  whether  guilty  or  not,  suf- 
fered as  a  traitor,  did  all  that  was  pos- 
sible to  implicate  the  innoc(mt  members 
of  her  communion  in  this  horrid  trans- 
action :  nor  should  it  be  forgotten,  that 
the  promotion  of  the  Roman  Catholics' 
cause  was  the  ostensible  motive  on 
which  the  whole  M  as  founded  and  car- 
ried on.  (a.  d.  KiOii.)  The  effects  of 
this  transaction  were  disastrous  in  the 
extreme  to  all  in  England  who  held 
communion  with  the  church  of  Rome. 
No  great  bigotry  was  requisite  to  exas- 
perate the  minds  of  men  against  a  reli- 
gion which  was  supposed  to  sanction 
such  enormities;  and  the  bills  which 
were  brought  into  parliament,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  supposed  insecurity  of 
the  Protestant  government,  strongly 
mark  the  exasperation  which  prevailed. 

§  51.5.  By  the  lirst,^  Roman  Catholics 
who  attended  their  parish  churches 
were  obliged  to  receive  the  sacrament 
once  in  the  year,  or  they  might  be  con- 
v^icted  under  a  penalty  of  20/.  for  the 
first  year,  40/.  for  the  second,  and  60/. 
for  the  third.  Popish  recusants  convict 
»  were  to  pay  20/.  per  month  during  their 
recusancy,  provided  the  whole  sum  did 


'  ii.  Ifi4,  &c. 

2  A  picture  of  Garnett  was  pretended  to  be  seen 
on  a  siraw  which  had  been  sprinkled  with  his 
blood.  Ii  was  for  ihis  miracle  that  he  was  beati- 
fied.   (Fuller,  X.  40) 

Statutes  of  the  Realm. 


[Chap.  XII. 

not  amount  to  more  than  two-thirds  of 
their  property,  and  the  crown  had  the 
choice  of  demanding  the  20/.  per  month 
or  the  two-thirds  of  their  income.  Bish- 
ops, or  justices  of  the  peace,  might  re- 
quire Roman  Catholics  to  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  which,  if  they  declined, 
they  were  liable  to  be  imprisoned  till 
the  assizes ;  and  if  they  continued  in 
the  same  refusal,  were  subjected  to  the 
penalties  of  a  praemunire.  The  act  of 
reconciling  any  one  to  the  see  of  Rome, 
or  of  being  so  reconciled,  was  declared 
to  be  treason  ;  while  to  serve  in  a  foreign 
army  without  taking  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance, or  having  entered  into  a  bond 
not  to  be  reconciled  to  the  pope,  ren- 
dered all  who  were  guilty  of  it  felons 
in  the  eye  of  the  law.  Notwithstanding 
the  severity  of  this,  the  disqualifications 
which  the  next  act  imposed  must  have 
been  much  more  galling.  Great  re- 
wards were  offered  for  the  discovery  of 
recusants  who  harboured  popish  priests 
in  their  houses  ;  and  a  penalty  of  100/. 
was  imposed  on  any  recusant  convict 
who  ap]3eared  at  court.  They  were 
under  most  circumstances  forced  to  re- 
side on  their  own  property,  and,  unless 
exercising  a  trade  in  London,  ])revented 
from  coming  within  ten  miles  of  the 
metropolis.  They  were  disabled  from 
being  barristers  or  attorneys,  physicians 
or  apothecaries  ;  from  being  officers  of 
courts,  or  holding  commissions  in  the 
army  or  navy :  they  could  be  advanced 
to  no  employment  in  the  commonwealth, 
and  were  liable  to  all  the  legal  disabili- 
ties of  excommunicated  persons.  I'hey 
were  subjected  to  large  fines  and  dis- 
abilities in  case  they  were  married,  or 
allowed  their  relations  to  be  christened 
or  buried,  otherwise  than  according  to 
the  rites  of  the  church  of  England. 
They  were  forbidden  to  send  their  child- 
ren abroad  for  education,  and  none  but 
Protestants  were  licensed  to  teach  in 
England  ;  the  children  themselves  coiild 
not  inherit  any  property,  till  they  had 
taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  ;  a  disquali- 
fication which  extended  to  all  those  who 
were  out  of  the  country  without  license. 
So  that  in  every  respect  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics were  treated  as  persons  hostile 
to  the  government,  and  who  could  in  no 
way  be  trusted.  The  only  comfort  is, 
that  the  severity  of  such  laws  must  soon 
render  them  nugatory  in  practice. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Chap.  XII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


187 


§  516.  The  intention  of  the  govern- 
ment in  imposing  the  oath  of  allegiance 
was  undoubtedly  wise  and  enlightened, 
yet  the  form'  of  words  was  so  constructed 
that  a  conscientious  Roman  Catholic, 
entertaining  every  opinion  which  his 
Protestant  monarch  could  require  of 
him,  might  scruple  to  take  it.  He  might 
sincerely  detest  the  obnoxious  doctrine, 
"  that  princes  excommunicated  by  the 
[)ope  may  be  deposed  or  murdered  by 
their  subjects  ;"  yet  he  might  still  feel 
unwilling  to  call  that  heretical  and  im- 
pious which  was  the  approved  doctrine 
of  the  church,  which  he  erroneously 
looked  up  to  as  the  only  church  of 
Christ  on  earth.  The  oath,  if  fairly 
examined,  seems  as  much  calculated  to 
alarm  a  weak  and  conscientious  Roman 
(Jatholic,  and  to  prevent  him  from  taking 
it,  as  to  bind  the  honest  papist,  who  ob- 
jected not  to  it,  and  whose  fidelity  might 
have  been  secured  by  terms  more  gene- 
ral and  less  offensive.  In  all  probabi- 
lity, Paul  V.  aimed  at  this  particular, 
when,  without  specifying  the  point  of 
objection,  he  declared  that  a  Roman 
("atholic  could  not  take  the  oath  in 
question,  without  grievous  wronging  of 
(xod's  honour.  The  church  of  Rome 
naturally  disliked  a  declaration  which, 
if  true,  must  sap  the  foundations  of 
lier  assumed  temporal  power ;  and  the 
framers  of  the  oath,  by  the  words  which 
tliey  introduced,,  gave  her  a  handle 
which  she  inight  turn  against  any  well- 
disposed  and  scrupulous  Roman  Catho- 
lic who  took  it.  Many  persons  indeed 
who  belonged  to  this  communioji  seem 
originally  to  have  done  so  ;  and  when 
the  first  brief  was  issued  which  forbade 
it,  the  majority  of  them  would  not  be- 
lieve that  it  was  genuine,  till  it  was 
confirmed  by  a  second;  and,  after  all, 
Blackwell,^  arch-priest  of  England,  not 
only  took  the  oath,  but  persisted  to  his 
death  in  asserting  the  legality  of  his 
conduct,  though  in  so  doing  he  drew 
down  on  himself  the  vengeance  of  the 
apostolic  chair,  which  was  followed  by 
Ills  deprivation. 

At  the  same  time,  the  laws  against 
Roman  (Jatholics  were  put  in  f^rce  with 
all  the  activity  which  zeal  and  terror 
could  excite  ;^  twenty-eight  priests  and 
seven  laymen  were  executed,  and  an 

'  Fuller.  X.  42.     ^  Butler,  Rom.  Cath.  ii.  211. 

'  Butler,  ii.  183. 


hundred  and  twenty-eight  priests  ba- 
nished ;  while  the  fines  upon  recusancy 
were  levied  with  extraordinary  severity. 
However  greatly  we  may  deplore  such 
effects,  we  cannot  be  surprised  at  them  ; 
passion  has  always  much  more  influence 
over  mankind  than  reason  ;  and  the  Pro- 
testants, in  their  eagerness  to  punish 
their  supposed  enemies,  comprehended 
every  Roman  Catholic  under  the  same 
ban,  and  drew  the  line  of  separation,  not 
between  the  loyal  and  the  traitorous, 
but  exactly  where  it  was  the  policy  of 
the  court  of  Rome  to  have  it  established, 
between  those  who  did,  and  those  who 
did  not  hold  communion  with  her. 

§  517.  The  general  quietness  of  this 
peaceful  reign,  however  beneficial  to  the 
country,  presents  comparatively  little  for 
the  pen  of  the  historian.  A  monarch 
of  James's  character  was  much  better 
suited  to  moderate  the  plans  of  others 
than  to  put  his  own  projects  into  execu- 
tion ;  and  the  same  facility  of  temper 
and  easiness  of  compliance  which  soft- 
ened the  asperity  of  those  with  whom 
he  had  to  deal,  rendered  his  own  plans 
totally  unsuccessful.  One  of  these  was 
the  erection  of  a,  college  at  Chelsea,'' for 
the  promotion  of  controversial  divinity. 
Its  members  were  to  form  a  corps  pre- 
pared to  defend  the  church  of  England 
against  the  assaults  of  the  regular  orders 
among  the  papal  clergy;  but  the  design 
lived  not  much  beyond  the  completion 
of  the  buildings,  and  was  destroyed  for 
want  of  funds  and  countenance.  The 
establishment  itself  was  little  required ; 
since,  if  but  a  small  portion  of  the  higher 
situations  in  our  cathedral  churches 
were  set  apart  to  reward  learned  di- 
vines, the  wants  of  the  establishment  in 
this  respect  would  easily  be  supplied. 
James,  with  all  his  good  intentions,  was 
but  a  weak  man,  fond  of  meddling  with 
all  matters,  and  particularly  vain  of  his 
theological  acquirements,  which  were 
indeed  considerable. 

§  518.  When  Conradus  Vorstius  was 
appointed  to  the  divinity  chair  at  Ley- 
den,'^  the  king,  who  had  been  displeased 
at  some  of  his  opinions  which  were  un- 
orthodox, not  only  answered  them  with 
his  own  pen,  but  applied  to  the  govern- 
ment to  deprive  him  of  his  professor- 
ship, a  step  in  which  the  states  were 


Fuller,  X.  51.  ''Ibid.  x.  60 


188 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XII. 


not  at  all  inclined  to  show  as  much 
obedience  as  his  majesty  expected.  In 
England,  the  result  of  the  same  temper 
was  far  more  injurious :  Bartholomew 
Leg-ate  was  delivered  over  to  the  secu- 
lar arm  by  the  bishop  of  London,  and 
burnt  in  Smithfield.  The  king  himself 
had  often  reasoned  with  this  man,  and 
every  species  of  kindness  seems  to  have  ! 
been  shown  him,  till  the  time  of  his  j 
final  condenmalion  ;  but  it  was  not  un- 
til the  experiment  had  been  tried  here, 
and  in  the  case  of  Wightman  at  Litch- 
field, that  James  discovered  this  great 
truth,  that,  in  matters  of  opinion, 
wherever  error  of  judgment  is  punished 
rather  than  viciousness  of  life,  severity 
tends  more  to  display  to  the  eyesrof  the 
world  the  appearance  of  honest  firm- 
ness on  the  part  of  the  sufferer,  than  to 
convince  mankind  of  his  guilt ;  and  the 
man  whose  tenets  would  be  generally 
condemned,  is,  by  his  voluntary  sub- 
mission to  death,  often  converted  into 
a  martyr.  For  the  future  therefore  it 
was  determined  not  to  execute  heretics, 
but  to  allow  them  to  waste  out  their 
lives  in  prison  ;  a  line  of  treatment  dic- 
tated by  the  soundest  policy.  Had  the 
enemies  of  Christianity  pursued  it  from 
the  first,  they  would  have  destroyed 
one  of  the  most  powerful  engines  by 
which  our  most  holy  faith  was  spread. 
Had  it  been  adopted  by  Mary,  it  is 
impossible  to  determine  how  much  it 
might  have  retarded  the  Reformation  in 
England.  But  God,  who  was  pleased 
to  water  his  church  with  the  blood  of 
his  martyrs,  has  hardly  yet  taught  man- 
kind that  erroneous  opinions  can  only 
be  combated  by  truth,  while  ill  conduct 
must  be  restrained  by  the  strong  arm 
of  the  law. 

§  .519.  (a.  d.  1018.)  A  diversity  of 
0|)inion  had  long  been  entertained  by 
different  members  of  the  church  with 
regard  to  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath- 
day.'  The  party  most  friendly  to  the 
puritans  had  been  strenuous  in  their 
endeavours  to  check  that  laxity  of 
amusements  which  had  formerly  pre- 

'  During  lli6  reign  of  Elizabeth  all  sorts  of 
amusements  had  been  eniered  into  on  the  Sun- 
day. (Sirype's  Annals,  iii.  5?5.)  On  her  recep- 
tian  at  Kenilworili.  1575,  "the  lords  and  ladies 
danced  in  the  evening  with  lively  agility."  (Ibid. 
V.  202.)  There  were  sports  at  the  Paris  Garden ; 
the  lord  mayor  was  presented  to  the  queen ;  plays 
and  interludes  were  acted.    (Ibid.  v.  211,  495.) 


vailed  throughout  the  country;  and  in 
their  so  doing,  they  possibly  went  be- 
yond what  the  times  would  bear,  and 
were  occasionally  guilty  of  some  extra- 
vagances. It  was  this  circumstance 
probably  which  created  an  opposition 
on  the  part  of  those  who  did  not  coin- 
cide with  them  in  ecclesiastical  matters, 
and  to  this  party  the  king  joined  him- 
self. In  his  progress  during  the  last 
year  he  had  observed  a  disposition  to 
interfere  with  the  games  of  the  common 
people  in  Lancashire,  and  consequently 
issued  a  proclamation  in  favour  of  liber- 
ty on  the  Sabbath-day,  commonly  called 
the  "  Book  of  Sports,"^  in  which  he 
sanctioned  a  much  greater  license  of 
recreation  than  the  habits  of  succeed- 
ing generations  have  allowed.  Many  of 
the  most  orthodox  clergy  disapproved^ 
of  what  was  here  done,  and  were  in 
considerable  alarm  lest  the  court  should 
oblige  them  to  publish  ihis  declaration; 
no  such  step,  however,  was  taken  gene- 
rally.* 

§  520.  The  king's  attention  was  pro- 
bably directed^  to  another  object  which 
had  much  greater  attr:.ctions  for  a  per- 
son of  his  disposition.  The  differences 
of  doctrine  between  the  Calvinists  and 
Arminians  were,  in  the  United  Pro- 
vinces, mixed  up  with  much  of  political 
opinion  ;  so  that  the  Calvinistic  and 
ruling  party  was  well  pleased  that  the 
credit  of  their  synod,  held  at  Dort, 
should  be  strengthened  by  the  presence 
of  certain  delegates  from  the  church  of 
England,  whose  sentiments,  from  the 
known  bias  in  the  mind  of  James,  would 
probably  coincide  with  their  own.  The 
persons  selected  by  the  king  for  this 
employment  were,  Carleton,  bishop  of 
Llandaff ;  Hall,  afterwards  l)ishop  of 
Exeter,  who  was  forced  to  return  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  session,  from  ill 
health  ;  Davenant  and  Ward,  both 
heads  of  colleges  in  Cambridge  ;  Bal- 
canquall,  who  represented  the  episco- 
pal church  of  Scotland  ;  and  Goad,  who 


2  See  ^  558,  &.c.  It  is  said  to  have  been  drawn 
up  by  Bishop  Morelon. 

3  Fuller,  X.  74,  &,c. 

It  appears  to  have  been  enjoined  in  and  about 
London.  Abbot  refused  to  allow  of  its  being  read 
at  Croydon.  Perhaps  this  appearance  of  opposi- 
tion prevented  James  from  pressing  it  any  further. 
(See  Wilson's  Life  of  James,  p.  70!),  and  Wel- 
wood's  note.  Complete  History  of  England.) 
6  Fuller,  X.  77.  ' 


OlIAP.  XII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


189 


was  substituted  for  Hall.  The  treat- 
ment which  these  delegates  received 
from  the  states  was  most  honourable, 
and  their  presence  contributed,  in  some 
degree,  to  calm  the  violence  of  party 
spirit;  but  as  the  Arminian  advocates 
would  not  argvie  tlie  question,  because 
they  were  not  allowed  to  do  so  in  their 
own  method,  and  were  therefore  con- 
demned unheard,  very  little  good  was 
done  on  the  subject,  and  hardly  any 
other  efTc-ct  produced,  save  that  its  de- 
cisions gave  one  party  in  that  country 
a  handle  for  persecuting  the  other.  The 
five  heads  of  difference  are,'  1st,  on  pre- 
destination and  election  ;  2d,  the  death 
of  ('hrist,  and  the  redemption  obtained 
thereby ;  ;}d,  on  human  corruption  ;  4th, 
on  conversion  to  God,  and  the  method 
of  it ;  5th,  on  the  final  perseverance  of 
the  saints.  Whatever  opinions  the  read- 
ers of  this  work  may  entertain  on  any 
of  tliese  abstruse  topics,  I  am  convinced 
that  every  Christian  mind  will  agree 
that  the  decisions  of  this  synod  are  Arr 
too  peremptory,  inasmuch  as  they  de- 
fine beyond  what  the  revealed  word  of 
God  has  declared.  Whoever  will  com- 
pare them  with  the  corresponding  arti- 
cles of  our  church,  will  have  abundant 
reason  for  admiring  the  cautious  man- 
ner in  which  the  same  subjects  are 
there  laid  down,  and  for  approving  the 
nearer  approach  to  the  spirit  of  the 
Bible,  which  her  tenets  exhibit  as  they 
are  there  publicly  displayed.'-^ 

§521.  (a.  D.  Iii22.)  Towards  the  end 
of  the  reign,'  the  eagerness  wliich  the 
king  fell  for  the  Spanisli  match  induced 
him  to  show  much  more  favour  towards 
the  Roman  Catholics  than  the  majority 
of  his  subjects  approved.    The  con- 

'  Syll'isre  Contessionmn. 
No  tiirlher  account  is  given  of  ihis  synod,  be- 
oansf:  the  salijci'l  is  far  too  oxKMisive  for  a  r.o!e. 
The  opinions  of  the  author  on  the  five  poin's  are 
primed  in  his  sermons,  preached  formerly  before 
llie  university  ;  but  the  reader  is  advised  lo  form 
his  own  jud£;nient  from  no  human  standard.  A 
brief  account  of  the  proceedings  of  this  synod  is 
given  in  Allport's  Life  of  i^ishop  Davenaiit,  pre- 
fixed to  Davenant  on  the  Colossians,  p.  12.  &c. 
The  best  information  on  this  liistory  is  to  lie  found 
in  Hale's  (lolden  Remains.  The  proc(!edings  of 
the  synod  were  very  di<-graeeful.  and  they  are 
represented,  perliaps.  even  worse  than  iliey  were. 
Grant's  History  of  the  Reformation  in  Ifollanil 
treats  fully  of  it.  What  was  here  done  had,  pro- 
bably, a  considerable  cfTect  in  changing  the  opi- 
nions of  the  people  of  England,  and  introducing 
grea'er  moderation. 

-  Fuller,  X.  100. 


nection  itself  could  not  fail  to  be  dis- 
pleasing to  the  nation  ;  but  Count 
Gondomar,  the  Spanish  ambassador, 
well  knew  the  disposition  of  the  mo- 
narch with  whom  he  had  to  treat,  and 
was  always  esteemed  sufficiently  clever 
to  have  taken  every  advantage  of  this 
circumstance. 

When  James  issued  his  directions  to 
the  justices  of  assize,  to  release  all  re- 
cusants confined  'on  account  of  religion, 
the  opinions  of  his  Protestant  subjects 
were  hostile  to  a  step  which  seemed  to 
set  at  defiance  the  laws  enacted  against 
the  church  of  Rome,  and  to  free  its 
members  from  those  severities  which 
the  legislature  had  deemed  necessary  ; 
but  when  the  prince,  and  the  most  in- 
fluential man  in  the  kingdom,  had  be- 
coine,  as  it  were,  connected  with  the 
political  friends  of  the  papacy,  by 
throwing  themselves  into  the  arms  of 
Spain,  the  alarm  and  irritation  were 
rendered  far  more  general.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  state  of  things.  Abbot, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  king,  in  which  he  inveigh.s 
most  strongly  against  toleration  "By 
your  act,"  says  he,  "you  labour  to  set 
up  that  most  damnable  and  heretical 
doctrine  of  the  church  of  Rome,  the 
whore  of  Babylon  :"  and  the  feelings 
of  the  country  soon  exhibited  them- 
selves in  the  tone  displayed  in  the  ser- 
mons of  the  generality  of  preachers. 
Politics,  together  with  the  most  abstruse 
points  of  theology,  became  the  ordinary 
topics  on  which  they  dilated;  and  it 
was  particularly  observed,  that  at  court 
the  obedience  of  the  subject  was  en- 
forced, while  the  duty  of  the  king  was 
insisted  on  in  the  country. 

Such  were  the  causes  which  induced 
James  to  address  a  letter'  to  the  arch- 
bishop, (Aug.  4,)  accompanied  with  di- 
rections concerning  preaching.  He 
orders  that  no  preachers  besides  bishops 
and  deans,  and  they  only  on  festivals  and 
state  hol3'days,  should  take  occasion  to 
run  into  any  other  discourses  than  such 
as  may  be  fairly  drawn  from  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles  or  the  Homilies  ;  that  their 
evening  sermons  shall  dwell  solely  on 
the  Catechism,  and  subjects  connected 
i  with  it ;  that  abstruse  points  of  divinity 
should  be  avoided ;  that  the  power  of 

I  ■ 

I      "  Fuller,  X.  103.  n  Ibid.  x.  108. 


190 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  XH. 


the  prince  should  not  bo  touched  upon, 
nor  any  attacks  made  on  papists  or  puri- 
tans ;  that  great  caution  should  be  used 
in  licensing-  preachers,  particularly  lec- 
turers, who  formed  a  new  body  in  the 
church,  and  were,  in  a  great  degree, 
severed  from  the  rest  of  the  clergy  ;  and 
that  to  these  no  licenses  should  be  given 
but  through  the  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, on  the  recommendation  of  the 
bishop  of  the  diocese.  These  directions, 
however,  were  composed  in  a  strain  far 
too  high  to  answer  the  jiurpose  for  which 
they  were  intended.  Had  they  been 
given  as  advice,  the  sound  sense  with 
which  th^y  are  written  might  have  influ- 
enced many.'  Had  the  government 
from  which  they  issued  been  as  strong 
as  it  was  weak,  they  might  have  been 
quietly  enforced,  to  the  benefit  of  the 
congregations  ;  as  it  was,  they  were  at- 
tacked by  the  captious,  and  in  some  cases 
insisted  on  with  an  undue  severity,  which 
must  have  rendered  them  liable  to  ob- 
jection, even  in  the  minds  of  the  well- 
disposed. 

§  523.  The  policy  of  the  state  is  so 
entirely  mixed  up  with  the  history  of  the 
church,  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to 
understand  the  one,  without  examining 
the  other;  and  the  field  is  at  the  .same 
time  so  wide,  that  the  ecclesiastical  his- 
torian incurs  considerable  danger  in  ven- 
turing to  enter  upon  it ;  yet  he  can  hardly 
render  himself  intelligible,  unless  he 
gives,  at  least,  a  general  view  of  those 
portions  of  state  politics  which  influ- 
enced ecclesiastical  matters.  This  object 
will,  perhaps,  be  obtained  most  effect- 
ually, if  we  trj'  to  examine  into  the 
character  of  the  king,  and  to  deduce  our 
observations  from  liis  proceedings,  as  the 
influence  of  the  court  was  felt  in  every 
part  of  the  administration,  and  particu- 
larly in  the  church. 

§  523.   James  might  perhaps  have 

•  Much  of  the  advice  of  James  contained  great 
good  >ense.  Early  in  this  century,  it  had  become 
the  custom  to  put  ii.to  ihe  hands  oi  young  suideiits 
in  theology  some  epitome,  e;encrally  Calvin's 
Institutes,  from  which  they  drew  iheir  opinions. 
(Words.  Ecc.  Biog-  v.  479,  no!e.)  K\ng  .lames  ob- 
served llic  im-onveiiienee.  and  prescribed  a  remedy, 
by  sending  instructions  to  ihe  universilit s.  beiiring 
date  Jan.  IH,  KlKi;  wherein  lie  directs  ihcm  to 
bestow  their  time  on  the  "fathers,  counrHs, 
schoolmen,  histories,  and  controversies;  and  not 
to  insist  too  long  on  compcndiuins  and  abbrcvia- 
tors."  (Il)id.  V.  :!43,  note.)  So  that  they  might 
begin  at  the  fountain  head,  and  search  for  primi- 
tive truth  in  the  primitive  writers. 


proved  a  good  king,  if  his  weakness  as 
a  man  had  not  rendered  it  almost  impos- 
sible for  him  to  perform  the  duties  of  his 
station.  For  the  observation,  which  is 
in  some  degree  applicable  to  all,  viz.. 
That  even  in  the  com.mon  concerns  of 
this  life,  "  no  Avcak  man  can  prove  an 
honest  one,"  is  infinitely  more  true,  when 
applied  to  those  who  are  invested  with 
supreme  autliority.  That  mental  supe- 
riority on  which  James  always  presumed, 
and  which,  to  a  certain  degree,  he  pos- 
sessed, induced  him  to  endeavour  to 
make  himself  the  guide,  and,  if  I  may 
use  the  expression,  the  state  tutor  of 
Europe ;  while  his  personal  imbecility 
prevented  him  from  being  able  to  govern 
his  own  house.  It  was  this  weakness, 
probably,  which  made  him  so  insincere 
with  regard  to  his  word;  an  evil  which 
is  apt  to  become  the  source  of  an  infi- 
nitely greater  degree  of  weakness,  by 
preventing  him  who  is  guilty  of  it  from 
carrying  into  effect  even  the  good  reso- 
lutions which  he  has  formed. 

§  524.  His  own  ojjinions,  with  relation 
both  to  the  state  and  to  the  church,  were 
peculiar,  and  upheld  with  a  ])edantic 
semblance  of  firmness  which  made  his 
concessions  always  appear  like  the  effect 
of  fear ;  while  the  display  of  these  sen- 
timents, on  occasions  where  they  were 
inopportunely  introduced,  often  added 
to  the  suspicions  which  his  subjects  en- 
tertained as  to  the  objects  which  he  had 
in  view.  In  politics,  he  had  formed  so 
high  an  idea  of  the  regal  prerogative, 
that  in  an  answer  to  the  parliament  in 
liilO,  he  said,-  "That  as  it  was  blas- 
phemy to  dispute  what  (iod  may  do,  so 
it  is  sedition,  in  subjects,  to  dispute  what 
a  king  may  do  in  the  plenitude  of  his 
power."  A  monarch  who  had  formed 
such  a  notion,  could  not  help  wishing  to 
make  himself  absolute,  however  much 
he  might  desire  to  benefit  his  people  by 
the  exercise  of  his  authority  ;  and  the 
party  who  in  the  state  were  adverse  to 
these  regal  yiretcnsions,  were  in  church 
matters  opposed  also  to  the  arbitrarj' 
proceedings  of  the  bishops'  courts,  and 
frequently  to  the  whole  system  of  church 
government ;  so  that,  in  the  mind  of  the 
king,  and  the  general  language  of  the 
times,  the  term  of  piirUan  conveyed 
these  two  ideas,  of  dislike  to  the  govern- 


»  Rapin,  ii  178. 


ClIAP.  XII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


191 


ment  of  the  church,  and  opposition  to 
that  of  the  state,  which  are  indeed  more 
closely  connected  than  may  at  first  sight 
be  supposed. 

§  52o.  The  great  point  which  the 
Protestant  had  gained  by  the  Reforma- 
tion, was  the  establisliment  of  the  feeling 
of  moral  responsibility  in  the  minds  of 
the  mass  of  society.  The  Roman 
Catholic  teacher  would  fetter  the  free- 
dom of  the  opinions  of  his  flock,  even 
though  he  enforced  the  doctrine,  that 
each  man  is  answerable  for  his  actions  ; 
for,  with  regard  to  actions,  the  duty  of 
obedience  to  superiors,  as  it  is  generally 
insisted  on.  will  often  sanction  a  line  of 
conduct  little  approved  of  by  the  con- 
science of  him  who  enters  on  it ;  obe- 
dience in  itself  is  not  a  duty,  unless  it 
be  according  to  the  word  of  God.  The 
early  promoters  of  the  Reformation  had 
taught  the  people  to  think  for  them- 
selves, by  referring  questions  to  the  cri- 
terion of  their  own  judgments  ;  but  they 
were  not  at  all  disposed  to  carry  the 
principle  to  the  length  to  which  it  must 
be  extended  whenever  it  is  allowed  to 
exist.  The  crown  had  destroyed  the 
papal  authority  in  England  for  nearly  a 
century,  but  the  power  exercised  by  the 
government  was  only  different  from  the 
papal  interference  inasmuch  as  it  had 
not  the  same  interest  to  support  abuses. 
It  sought  to  bring  the  church  back  to  the 
ajiostolic  times ;  at  least  such  was  its 
ostensible  object :  and  probably  if  we 
take  into  consideration  the  change  of 
timi's,  and  the  difficulties  against  which 
it  had  to  contend,  it  did,  in  great  mea- 
sure, accomplish  this  end  ;  but  the  means 
employed  were  far  from  apostolic.  As 
the  mass  of  the  inhabitants  began  to  be 
enlightened,  the  same  process  took 
place  with  regard  to  politics.  From 
beginning  to  observe  the  conduct  of  the 
government  in  the  state,  most  men  ven- 
tured to  form  a  judgment  on  what  was 
going  on,  and  by  degrees  wished  to  exert 
their  own  influence  in  the  direction  of 
affairs. 

§  52(3.  This  was,  doubtless,  very  much 
the  case  during  the  reign  of  Elizabeth ; 
but,  during  her  reign,  when  the  more 
active  spirits  began  to  pry  into  state 
matters,  they  found  a  government,  with 
all  its  faults,  promoting  the  good  of  the 
people ;  they  found  a  monarch  wilful, 
indeed,  but  anxious  to  benefit  her  snh- 


j  jects  ;  they  found  a  power  above  them 
ready  and  able  to  repress  every  step  on 
the  |)art  of  the  governed  to  interfere 
with  what  did  not  belong  to  them  ;  yet 
whenever  any  real  difficulty  occurred, 
this  same  power,  which  they  knew  to  be 
most  formidable,  was  wise  enough  to 
give  way  before  matters  were  brought 
to  a  crisis. 

When  James  took  the  helm,  the  whoh- 
prospect  was  changed ;  his  notions  of 
the  regal  authority  were  higher  than 
those  of  his  predecessor,  yet  he  had  no 
prudence  or  self-restraint  which  could 
support  a  force  adequate  to  assert  his 
kingly  power  :  his  motto,  Beafi  pacijici, 
had  but  little  connection  with  Christian 
peace,  which  must  be  founded  on  justice : 
it  was  but  a  pretext  for  his  cowardice: 
he  acted  as  if  he  had  never  learned  that 
a  government,  in  order  to  maintain 
peace,  must  make  itself  feared  as  well 
as  respected ;  and  as  he  became  the 
laughing-stock  of  foreign  nations,  he  lost 
all  due  authority  at  home.  The  admi- 
nistration of  public  affairs  would  not  bear 
to  be  examined  ;  and  the  king,  the  victim 
of  his  own  favourites,  became  tyranni- 
cally oppressive  without  desiring  it,  in 
order  to  conceal  his  own  weakness  and 
the  maladministration  of  his  servants. 
His  objection  to  parliaments  arose  partly 
from  this  cause,  but  chiefly  from  the 
theoretical  prejudices  which  he  enter- 
tained. He  would  look  on  his  authority 
in  no  other  light  than  as  an  absolute 
monarchy ;  and  when  the  House  of 
Commons  began  to  talk  of  those  privi- 
leges which  were  their  birtliright,  the 
speculative  autocrat  and  legislator  could 
endure  it  no  longer.  His  theory  of 
ecclesiastical  government  was  closely 
allied  to  his  civil  code,  and  in  like  man- 
ner referred  rather  to  his  own  interest 
as  a  king  than  to  any  other  standard. 
In  his  youth  he  had  found  himself  very 
hardly  treated  by  the  presbytery  in  Scot- 
land ;  and  he  seems,  during  his  whole 
life,  to  have  retained  a  strong  aversion 
from  that  form  of  church  govcrnnu  nt 
through  which  he  had  suffi'red  so  much, 
and  which  had  acted  towards  his  motlier 
and  himself  with  so  little  of  the  mild 
spirit  of  Christianity  ;  and  yet  he  pro- 
fi^ssed  himself  the  firm  friend  of  it,'  call- 
ing tlie  service  of  the  Common  Prayer 


'  Caldurwood'a  History  of  Scotland. 


193 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CnAp.  XII. 


an  evil  mass,  said  in  English.  No 
ssooner,  however,  was  he  seated  on  his 
new  throne,  than  he  discovered  his  mis- 
take, and  became  attached  to  an  estab- 
lishment which,  with  all  its  imperfec- 
tions, is  probably  the  most  perfect  which 
ever  existed  in  the  world,  and  which 
coincided  more  nearly  with  his  own  pre- 
conceived notions  of  subordination.  Of 
his  sincerity  in  these  professions  we 
have  no  further  reason  to  doubt,  than 
from  his  former  want  of  candour  ;  and  all 
his  observations  concerning  the  church 
are  marked  with  much  sound  sense,  ex- 
cepting in  some  few  cases,  in  which  he 
suffered  his  temper  to  get  the  better  of 
his  judgment.  With  regard  to  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  religion,  he  seems  to  have 
entertained  very  enlightened  views. 

§  527.  The  power  of  dethroning  and 
punishin  g  kings  was  the  only  tenet  which 
he  deemed  inadmissible  in  practice  ;  and 
if  left  to  follow  the  bent  of  his  own  in- 
clinations, he  would  have  allowed  of  a 
toleration  almost  as  liberal  as  what  is 
now  enjoyed  by  the  members  of  this 
communion  ;  but  when  he  came  to  act, 
his  insincerity  to  both  sides  was  appa- 
rent. He  renewed  the  severe  and 
bloody  laws  against  seminary  priests, 
Jesuits,  and  recusants,  although  in  his 
first  speech  to  the  parliament^  be  had 
declared  his  wish  to  meet  the  Roman 
Catholics  halfway.  The  state  of  the 
country  and  the  feelings  of  the  people 
were  not  yet  ready  to  admit  of  toleration 
as  it  is  now  established,  and  James  no- 
minally gave  way  to  the  wishes  of  his 
people  while  ho  was  trying  to  act  in 
direct  opposition  to  them.  The  distinc- 
tions in  the  question  which  now  seem 
so  important,  were  then  apparently  little 
thought  of.  To  us  no  two  ideas  seem 
more  difTerent  and  separable  than  "the 
being  allowed  the  use  of  their  religion, 
as  a  religion,"  and  "the  being  invested 
with  temporal  power ;"  yet  were  they 
debarred  the  former,  a  privilege  which 
should  be  denied  to  no  one  ;  while  many 
of  the  important  offices  in  the  state  were 
filled  by  them,  and  they  retained  their 
legislative  authority,  a  point  concerning 
which  a  difference  of  opinion  may  legi- 
timately be  entertained.  They  were 
invested  with  power,  and  yet  subjected 
to  such  burdens  as  were  indeed  to  be 


'  Rapin,  ii.  16G. 


bought  off"  without  any  difficulty,  but 
which  could  have  little  other  effect  than 
that  of  making  thetn  discontented  with 
the  government  and  hostile  to  the  pu- 
ritanic ]iariy,  who  were  as  uncharitable 
towards  Roman  Catholics  as  the  worst 
bigots  of  that  church  are  towards  all 
other  Christians.  The  conduct  of  some 
of  the  Roman  Catholics  was  such  as 
must  have  alarmed  any  friends  of  social 
order,  and  the  whole  mass  were'  iiupli- 
cated  in  the  crimes  of  a  few.  Many 
sincere  supporters  of  the  monarchy  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  moderate  treatment 
which  the  Roman  Catholics  expe- 
rienced ;  and  by  having  raised  their 
voices  against  the  measures  of  the  go- 
vernment in  this  particular,  they  were 
connected  in  the  eyes  of  the  court  with 
the  puritanic  party.  Many  more  pa- 
triotic spirits  were  frightened  at  the  in- 
roads which  the  king  was  apparently 
making  in  the  constitution;  and,  by 
supporting  the  interests  of  the  people, 
were  confounded  with  such  as  were 
hostile  to  the  church.  The  constitution 
of  the  court  of  ecclesiastical  commission 
enabled  it  to  proceed  in  an  arbitrary 
manner,  and  its  proceedings  assisted 
the  other  causes  in  augmenting  the 
number  of  both  these  classes  of  persons, 
whom  the  impolicy  of  the  court  com- 
prehended under  the  general  denomi- 
nation of  puritans.  Thus  all  who  were 
eager  for  the  liberty  of  the  subject,  all 
who  feared  concession  to  the  Roman 
Catholics,  all  who  hated  episcojjacy, 
were  confounded  in  one  common  mass, 
and  all  had  too  little  reason  to  rely  on 
the  wisdom  or  sincerity  of  James. 

The  king  himself  was  probably  little 
under  the  influence  of  any  religious 
feeling.  He  talked  about  religion,  and 
wrote  on  subjects  connected  with  it,  but 
he  swore  profusely  in  his  ordinary  con- 
versation, and  was  the  companion  of 
libertinism;  while  the  favouritism  in 
which  he  indulged  made  him  unjust  to 
his  most  faithful  servants,  and  produced 
a  venal  disposal  of  every  office  in  the 
court:''  and  yet  the  weakness  of  James 
was  probably  the  chief  source  of  his 
faults,  and  more  than  overbalanced  all 
the  talents  which  he  possessed. 

2  Noiliing  lended  more  to  wrnlieri  iho  frown 
than  ilir  power  wliirh  J;in'es  rxercisi  d  o|  n'.ier.ii- 
iiitr  ilio  roval  pn>])er:v.  (Buniei's  Own  'I'imes. 
i.  2G.) 


OnAP.  XIL] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


t93 


DATES  RELATIVE  TO  THE  USE  OF  THE  BIBLE  IN  ENGLISH. 

1536.  Cromwell  orders  every  parson  to  cause  a  Bible  in  Latin  and  English  to  be 
set  up  in  the  choir  for  the  perusal  of  the  people.    Fox,  ii.  5324. 

1538.  Cromwell  orders  a  Bible  of  the  largest  volume  to  be  set  up  in  every 

church,  in  some  place  convenient  for  reading.    Fox,  ii.  325. 

1539.  A  license  for  printing  the  Bible  granted  to  Cromwell,  that  all  persons 

may  have  the  free  and  liberal  use  of  it.    Burnet's  Records,  iii.  No.  15. 

1540.  May.  A  king's  proclamation  orders  a  Bible  of  the  largest  volume  to  be 

provided  by  the  curate  and  parishioners,  under  a  penalty  of  40s.  per 
month. 

1541.  A  brief  published  directing  the  same. 

1543.  The  Bible  was  again  suppressed.   Strype's  Cranmer,  i.  121.   Lewis,  148. 

1546.  A  proclamation  against  Tyndale's  and  Coverdale's  Bible.  Strype's 

Cranmer,  i.  197. 

1547.  Edward's  injunctions  directed  that  the  whole  Bible  in  English  of  the 

largest  volume  should  be  set  up  in  every  church.    Lewis,  15G. 

1559.  Elizabeth  issued  the  same  injunction.    Lewis,  212. 


TRANSLATIONS  OF  THE  BIBLE. 

Date.  Authority. 

70fi.  Adhelm,  Saxon  Psalms   Mant's  Preface. 

721.  Egbert's  Four  Gospels       -       .       -       .  — 

734.  Bede's  St.  John's  Gospel       -       -       -       -  Fuller's  Ch.  Hist.  99,  p.  i. 

880.  Alfred's  Version  of  the  Psalms    -       -       -  Ibid.  i.  121,  §  44. 

1-340.  Rolle's  (or  Hampole's)  Psalms,  &c.        -       -  Lewis,  p.  13. 

1380.  Wiclif's  Bible   p.  19. 

1.52(5.  Tyndale's  New  Testament     ....  p.  59. 

1.530.  Pentateuch        -       .       .       .  p.  7O. 

1.531.                   Jonas    ------  p.  73, 

G.  Joye,  Isaiah  ------  p.  78, 

1534.                Jer.  Psal.  Song  of  Moses-       -       -  p.  87,  88. 

1535.  Coverdale's  Bible   p.  91. 

1.537.  Matthew's  Bible,  (i.  e.  J.  Rogers)  ...  p.  105. 

1.539.  Great  Bible,  Cranmer's      ....  p.  122. 

Taverner's  Bible  p.  130. 

15fiO.  Geneva  Bible   p.  207. 

15r>8.  Bishops'  Bible,  (Parker's)     ....  p.  235. 

1582.  Rheines  New  Testament    -       .       .       .  p.  277. 

1609.  Douay  Bible   p.  286. 

1611.  Authoiized  Version   p.  306,  &c. 


25 


R 


194 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIL 


APPENDIX  D.  TO  CHAP.  XII. 


mSTORY  OF  THE  TRANSLATIONS  OF  THE  BIBLE. 

531.  The  division  of  the  subject ;  various  readings  from  alierairons  of  the  text.  532.  There  has  been 
but  one  translation,  which  has  been  frequently  correcied.  ^33.  .'^aion  Translations:  Hatnpole's, 
Wiclif's.  534.  Tyndale's  Translation.  535.  Coverdale's  Bihle ;  Matthew's.  536.  The  Great 
Bible,  or  Cranmer's;  Taverner's.  537.  Geneva  Bilile.  538.  Bishops'  or  Parker's  Bible. 
539.  Rhemes  and  Douay  Translation.    540.  The  authorized  Bible. 


§531.  Thk  History  of  the  Eno-li.sh 
Bible  will  naturally  divide  itself  into 
four  periods  : — 

1.  That  before  anj^  printed  transla- 
tions. 

2.  The  reign  of  Henry  VIII. 

3.  From  thence  to  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  Elizabeth  ;  and, 

4.  From  thence  to  the  publication  of 
the  authorized  version. 

But  before  we  enter  on  the  history,  it 
may  be  observed,  that  there  is  one  cir- 
cumstance which  frequently  creates  a 
difficulty  in  examining  these  various 
translations,  whether  in  MS.  or  print, 
and  which  has  made  them  appear  much 
more  numerous  than  they  realty  are.' 
The  persons  who  transcribed  the  copies, 
or  who  superintended  the  printing,  seem 
to  have  introduced  alterations  into  the 
text,  without  any  other  authority  than 
that  of  their  own  judgment.  The  va- 
riety of  readings  exhibited  in  the  MS. 
Bibles  of  Wiclif  has  led  Dr.  James''  and 
subsequent  historians  to  call  ihi^  cor- 
rected version  a  distinct  translation  ;  but 
the  various  readings  are  not  more  nu- 
merous than  those  which  might  pro- 
bably be  found  in  different  editions  of 
what  is  called  Tyndale's  New  Testa- 
ment. 

§  532.  In  speating  of  the  different 
translations  of  the  Bible,  such  expres- 
sions are  frequently  used  as  would  lead 
those  who  are  unacquainted  with  the 
facts,  to  suppose  that  they  formed  so 
many  independent  works ;  but  we  shall 
take  a  more  correct  view  of  the  subject 
in  asserting,  that  there  is  but  one  ver- 

'  The  authorities  followed  in  this  abstract  are 
Lewis's  Ilisiory  of  the  Translations  of  the  Bible, 
reprinted  1818.  Newconie's  Historical  View  of 
the  English  Biblical  Translations,  Dublin.  1792. 
Many  of  the  ob.=ervations  have  been  verified  by 
examining  the  different  works  themselves.  There 
is  much  useful  matter  in  Baber's  preface  to  his 
reprint  of  Lewis's  N.  T.  See  also  Cotton's  Edi- 
tions of  the  Bible.  2  Lewis,  43. 


sion  of  the  Protestant  Bible  in  print, 
altered  indeed  and  improved  by  different 
hands,  and  which  has  received  the  sub- 
sequent amendments  of  many  learned 
men,  but  from  the  first  to  the  last  there 
has  been  but*  one  actual  translation. 
Let  any  one  compare  the  earliest  and 
the  latest,  and  he  will  find  a  diversity 
indeed  of  words,  but  such  a  similarity 
of  expression  as  cannot  be  accidental. 
Let  him  then  look  at  two  independent 
translations  of  the  same  book,  of  Thucy- 
dides,  for  instance,  by  Hobbes  and  Smith, 
and  the  difference  will  immediately  be- 
come visible.  The  resemblance  in  the 
versions  is  so  great,  that  it  might  safely 
be  maintained  that  none  of  the  authors 
of  a  ncAv  one  undertook  the  task  with- 
out the  full  assistance  of  such  previous 
translations  as  had  'been  made.  The 
Avisdom  of  proceeding  by  this  method  is 
obvious,  unless  there  be  some  actual 
error  of  translation,  for  the  mere  fact 
that  the  version  has  been  already  re- 
ceived, and  is  familiar  to  the  ears  of  the 
people,  is  a  strong  reason  why  nothing 
should  be  altered. 

§  533.  The  Saxon  church  seems  to 
have  enjoyed  at  an  early  period  the 
benefit  of  possessing  the  Scriptures  in 
the  vulgar  tongue  ;  for,  independent  of 
many  different  portions  translated  by 
various  persons,  Bede  is  said  to  have 
given  a  Saxon  version  of  the  whole ; 
and  though  this  statement  is  probably 
incorrect,^  yet  he  wrote  a  comment  on 
most  of  the  books  in  the  Bible,''  and 
translated  St.  John's  Gospel,  or  at  least 
a  part  of  it,  immediately  before  his 
death.*  Alfred  is  said  to  have  trans- 
lated the  Psalter,'^  the  whole  Bible  or 
Testament,  into  Saxon  ;  but  the  selec- 
tions which  he  made  for  his  own  use. 


3  Baber,  pref  lix. 

^  Turner's  Hist.  Anglo-Saxons,  iii.  3fll,  385. 
*  Fuller,  i.  99.       ^  Turner's  Arg.-Sax.  ii.  95. 


Chap.  XII.] 


CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND. 


wa 


appear  to  have  been  confounded  with  a 
general  translation.  Elfric,'  about  the 
end  of  the  tenth  century,  undertook  his 
translation  of  the  Scriptures  from  the 
Latin  ;  and  from  the  different  styles  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  versions  of  the  gospels, 
they  must  have  been  translated  oftener 
than  once.^  Archbishop  Parker,  in  his 
anxiety  to  prove  that  the  proceedings  of 
the  Reformation  were  not  novelties,  has 
published  a  Saxon  version  of  the  four 
gospels. 

The  oldest  English  translation  now 
extant,  is  due  to  a  priest  of  the  name  of 
RoUe,  who  was  a  hermit  at  Hampole  in 
Yorkshire,  and  translated  the  psalms 
and  several  other  canticles  from  the 
Scriptures,  and  wrote  a  running  com- 
mentary on  them :  (he  died  in  134'J :) 
and  it  seems  that  at  least  parts,  if  not 
all  the  New  Testament,  were  about  this 
period  rendered  intelligible  to  those  who 
understood  only  their  mother  tongue. 
(138!).)  But  the  first  person  who  pub- 
lished the  Bible  in  English  was  John 
Wiclif  ;^  his  translation  is  made  from 
the  Vulgate,  as  he  was  unacquainted 
with  the  original  languages  ;  but  he  was 
so  desirous  of  translating  literally,  that 
he  has  rendered  it  frequently  very  ob- 
scure to  those  who  are  unacquainted 
with  the  idiom  of  the  Latin.  Notwith- 
standing the  opposition  which  was  raised 
to  the  distribution  of  this  work,  nume- 
rous copies  of  it  still  remain." 


'  Turner's  Ang.-Sax.  iii.  472. 

'  See  ni  jrc  pariiculars  to  ilie  same  effect  in 
LinCTird's  Anglo-Saxon  Church,  p.  423,  note  46 

'  I'his  account  is  taken  from  Lewis's  History 
of  the  Translations,  p.  19.  In  the  Life  of  Wiclif 
published  1720,  there  is  a  considerable  account  of 
his  way  of  proceeding,  which  Mr.  Lewis  seems 
subsequently  to  have  erased,  as  it  is  not  in  the 
edition  ol  1820,  Oxford.  This  states  that  he  and 
his  friends  first  framed,  by  collating  different  copies 
of  the  Bible,  the  lirst  Latin  text  they  could,  and 
compared  it  with  the  Hebrew  occasionally  ;  and 
that  they  did  not  translate  word  for  word,  but 
according  to  the  sense.  In  the  same  omitted 
paragraph  is  a  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testament,  which  distinguishes  the 
Apocrypha,  that  is,  "  withouten  aulhoriiie  of  By- 
leve,"  p.  73,  1720.  I  know  not  wliy  it  was 
omitted. 

*  Two  editions  of  the  New  Testament  of  this 
version  have  been  published;  one  by  Lewis,  fol., 
1731,  to  which  his  History  of  the  English  Trans- 
lations formed  a  preface.  And  again  4to.,  1810. 
by  H.  H.  Baber;  this  is  merely  a  reprint  of  the 
other  with  a  preface.  Mr.  T.  H.  Home,  in  the 
Introduction  to  the  Scriptures,  ii.  238,  speaks  of  a 
Cranslation  older  than  Wiclif's  to  be  found  in  three 
libraries  in  Oxford.  After  having  examined  the 
MS.  in  Christ  Church  library,  I  am  myself  con- 
vinced that  this  is  not  the  case,  and  perhaps  a  true 


§  534.  The  difficulty^  of  multiplying 
copies  must  have  created  a  constant 
hinderance  to  the  general  use  of  the 
Scriptures,  had  not  Providence  ordained 
that  the  discovery  of  the  art  of  printing 
should,  as  it  were,  open  a  way  for  the 
reformation  of  the  church,  and  rhaterially 
assist  its  progress.  The  first  person 
who  printed  any  part  of  the  Bible  in 
English,  was  William  Tyndale.  He 
had  received  his  education  in  Oxford 
and  Cambridge,  and  having  been  driven 
into  Flanders,  he  published,  with  the 
assistance  of  .Tohn  Frith  and  William 
Roye,  a  translation  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment from  the  (jreek."  (152(5.)  He  was 
proceeding  in  this  task,  and  had  printed 
translations  of  the  Pentateuch  and  the 
prophet  Jonas,  when  he  was  exalted  to 
a  better  world  through  the  trial  of  mar- 
tyrdom ;  a  crown  to  which  both  his  as- 
sociates were  afterwards  called.  George 
Joye,  who  was  employed  by  the  Dutch 
booksellers  in  publishing  an  edition  of 
this  New  Testament,  took  the  liberty  of 
making  alterations  in  the  text,  though  it 
was  still  printed  under  the  name  of 
Tyndale  ;  a  circumstance  which  caused 
an  un.3eemly  dispute  between  them. 
Joye  himself  continued  the  work  by 
translating  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  the 
Psalms. 

§  .535.  But  the  glory  of  putting  forth 
the  first  English  Bible  in  print,  was  re- 
served for  Miles  Coverdale,  afterwards 
bishop  of  Exeter,  who,  in  1.5;}.5,  pub- 
lished what  he  calls  a  special  Iran  slat  ion, 
a  term  which  has  been  generally  con- 
solution  is  to  be  found  in  ^SSl  ;  and  that  this  MS. 
is  a  copy  of  Wiclif's  Bible,  with  which  libenies 
have  been  taken  and  glosses  introduced.  In  some 
respects  it  resembles  Mr.  Douce's,  spoken  of  by 
.Mr.  Balier. 

*  Archbishop  Usher  tells  us  tha',  in  14?9,  one 
of  these  Testaments  cost  21.  14.<.  Hd.  (170  groats,) 
which  is  as  much  as  would  now  buy  f  iriy  'I'esta- 
rncnts  :  (Lewis  2.5  :)  but  this  is  a  very  inadequate 
view  of  the  matter.  By  Raignicr's  tables  a  quarter 
of  wheat,  in  142.5,  cost  ."i.t.  Sd.  (17  groats.)  The 
price  of  the  'I'cstanicnt  was  therefore  ten  quarter.? 
of  wheat,  or  about  30Z.,  a  sum  which  would  pur 
chase  at  least  400. 

^  This  edition  is  by  Strype  called  the  New  Tes- 
tament translated  by  IIoli:liyn  ;  (ihat  is,  Tyndale;) 
Fuller  calls  him  Tyndal.  alias  llicliiiis.  (Memor. 
i.  113.  Fuller,  V.  221.  ^37.)  The  reason  for  this 
name  is  as  follows:  Hugh,  baron  of  Tyndale,  of 
Lanjjlcy  Castle.  Northumberland,  escaped  from 
the  held  of  battle  when  the  Yorkists  were  over- 
come bv  the  Lancastrians,  lost  his  title  and  estate, 
and  took  refuge  in  Gloucestershire  under  the  as- 
sumed name  of  Hutchins.  Preface  to  the  reprint 
of  the  New  Testament.  William  Tyndale  was 
the  grandson  of  the  baron. 


196 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XH 


ceived  to  mean  that  it  was  not  borrowed 
from  any  other  source,  wliich  is  liardlv 
true,  unless  the  expression  be  received 
under  jjreat  latitude  of  interpretation,  as 
the  translation  bears  evident  marks  of 
having  been  in  some  degree  taken  from 
the  former,  though  many  expressions  in 
it  are  varied.    The  book  is  dedicated  to 
the  king,  in  conseqtience  of  the  direc-* 
tions  wliich  he  had  given  for  translating  ' 
the  Scriptures,  and  the  favour  which  he 
showed  towards  the  undertaking  gene-  j 
rally  :  for,  upon  the  remonstrance  of  the 
clergy,  Avho  objected  to  Tyndale's  trans- 
lation, on  account  of  the  supposed  here- 
sies which  it  contained,  it  was  ordered 
to  be  destroyed  ;  and  the  king  directed 
that  a  more  correct  version  should  be 
formed  for  the  use  of  the  people.  Cover-  j 
dale,  hoAvever,  was  not  peculiarly  suited 
to  the  task,  as  he  was  unacquainted  with  | 
the  original  languages,  and  translated 
from  such  different  Latin  and  Dutch 
copies  as  he  could  procure. 

(a.  d.  1537.)  The  edition  which  passes 
under  the  name  of  Matthew's,  is  partty 
taken  from  Tyndale.  partly  from  Cover- 
dale  ;  and  was  put  forth  under  this  ficti- 
tious name,  probably  by  John  Rogers, 
who  wished  to  conceal  himself,  through 
the  fear  of  persecution.  It  was  of  this 
Bible  that  an  impression  of  2500  copies 
was  burnt  at  Paris,  in  1.538,  by  the  in- 
quisition, though  Francis  had  given 
leave  for  its  being  printed  there. 

§  530.  (a.  p.  1539.)  The  Great  Bible,' 
published  under  the  patronage  of  Cran- 
mer,  is  rather  another  edition  of  that ! 
called  Matthew's  than  a  new  one  ;  and  ! 
has  acquired  the  name  of  the  archbishop  j 
from  a  preface  which  he  wrote  to  the  ! 
second  edition,  as  well  as  from  the  sup- 
port which  he  o-ave  to  the  publication. 
Cranmer,  indeed,  intended  that  this  work 
should  undergo  a  thorough  correction ; 
and  for  that  purpose,  having  required 
the  aid  of  the  convocation  in  1.512,  he  ! 
proceeded  to  apportion  the  several  parts  j 
to  the  different  members;  but  found  so! 
much  opposition  among  the  bishops,  | 
that  he  persuaded  the  king  to  refer  the  j 
matter  to  the  universities,  a  step  which 
might  have  produced  some  good  effects, 
if  the  next  parliament  had  not  proved  so 
favourable  to  the  other  party  as  to  coun- 

'  It  is  from  this  version  that  the  psalms  in  the 
Prayer  Book  are  taken,  with  very  slight  varia- 
tions. 


teract  all  these  designs.''  A  Bible,  recog- 
nised by  Richard  Taverner,  was  publish- 
ed also  during  this  year,  which  is  so 
much  ahered  as  almost  to  merit  the  title 
of  a  new  translation.  He  had  belonged 
to  Cardinal's  College,  in  Oxford,  and 
was  subsequently  taken  into  the  protec- 
tion of  Sir  Thomas  Cromwell,'afterwards 
earl  of  Essex,  under  whose  patronage 
he  executed  the  work.  Upon  the  fall  of 
Cromwell,  he  was  for  a  time  imprisoned 
in  the  Tower,  but  speedily  restored  to 
the  favour  of  the  king.  He  was  famous 
for  his  great  knowledge  of  Greek. 

§  537.  (a.  d.  1.560.)  The  refugees  as- 
sembled at  Geneva  during  the  reign  of 
Mary,  employed  themselves,  among 
other  useful  pursuits,  in  forming  a  new 
translation  of  the  Bible  from  the  orisrinal 
languages.  The  persons  said  to  have 
taken  part  in  this  work  are  Coverdale, 
Goodman,  Gilby,  Whittingham,  Samp- 
son, and  Cole ;  to  these  are  sometimes 
added  Knox,  Bodleigh,  and  Pullain. 
The  work,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
was  in  part  new  and  in  part  a  revision 
of  the  old  translation.  Little  need  be 
said  to  prove  its  excellency,  since,  on 
comparing  them,  we  should  find  that  the 
present  authorized  Bible  diffiTS  but  little 
from  it ;  and  that  those  who  engaged  in 
the  two  subsequent  versions,  frequently 
adopted  expressions  taken  from  it  into 
their  own  work.  There  are  many  mar- 
ginal notes  and  glosses  subjoined,  which 
occasionally  point  out  the  political  bias 
in  the  minds  of  the  composers  :  a  cir- 
cumstance which  induced  James  L.  dur- 
ing the  conference  at  Hampton  Court,  to 
say  that  it  was  the  worst"  of  all  tiie  trans- 
lations :  one  instance,  among  many, 
where  the  judgment  of  that  m.onarcli 
was  overcome  by  his  kingly  prejudices; 
for  it  is  certainly  better  than  any  before 
it.  It  was  much  used  in  private  fami- 
lies, but  never  authoritatively  introduced 
into  the  church.*  The  division  into 
verses  was  first  adopted  in  this  Bible.* 

2  Pee  §  222.  3  Fuller,  x.  14. 

*  N.  B.  It  is  sometimes  called  ihe  Breeches 
Bible,  from  Genesis  iii.  7.  where  Adam  and  Eve 
are  said  to  have  sewed  fig-leaves  together  to  make 
themselves  breeches. 

6  The  Old  't  estament  was  divided  into  sections 
end  verses,  marked  ofl' by  points,  perhaps  as  early 
as  the  time  of  Ezra;  a  method  adopted  for  the 
sake  of  interpreting  it  from  Hebrew  intoChaldee. 
The  division  into  chapters  is  of  much  later  date, 
and  was  made  by  Hugo  de  Sancto  Caro,  or  Car- 
dinalis,  who  composed  the  first  Concordance  to  the 


Chai-.  XII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


197 


§  538.  (a.  d.  15f58.)  When  a  new  edi- ; 
tion  of  ihe  Great  Bible'  was  required  for 
the  use  of  jiarish  churclies,  in  the  reign  j 
of  Elizabeth,  Fa.rVer  was  unwilling  to 
put  it  forth  again  \vithout  endeavouring 
to  correct  all  the  errors  which  had  been 
observed  in  it ;  and  for  this  purpose  em- 
ployed a  certain  number  of  divines  to 
aid  him  in  the  task  of  making  it  as  per- 
fect as  possible.  As  the  majority  of  the 
persons  employed  were  bishops,  the 
Bible  itself  has  been  ordinarily  denomi- 
nated the  Bishops'  or  Parker's  Bible,  and 
is  the  one  which  formed  the  basis  for  the 
last  or  authorized  translation.  The  per- 
sons engaged  in  it  were  Alley,  Davis, 
Sandys,  Horne,  Grindal,  Parkhurst,  Cox, 
and  Guest,  all  bishops  ;  besides  Peerson, 
Beecon,  Pern,  Cole,  and  Goodman.  This 
may  more  properly  be  called  a  corrected 
edition  of  the  Great  Bible,  for  nothing 
was  altered  unless  from  the  fear  that  it 
might  give  occasion  to  an  error.  A  large 
preface  is  prefixed  to  it,"  as  well  as  several 
tables,  one  of  which  forms  that  of  the 
degrees  of  kindred  within  which  matri- 
mony is  forbidden,  inserted  at  present  in 
our  Common  Prayer  Book. 

§  5:};).  The  Roman  Catholics,  finding 
that  of  the  numerous  copies  of  the  Bible 
some  must  of  necessity  fall  into  the  hands 
of  members  of  their  communion,  wisely 
determined  to  put  forth  a  translation  of 


their  own.  The  New  Testament  was 
printed  at  Rhemes  in  1582 ;  the  whole 
Bible  at  Douay  in  l(i09.  It  is  made  from 
the  Vulgate,  and  abounds  with  expres- 
sions in  which,  from  retaining  the  words 
of  the  original,  the  sense  is  scarcely  in- 
telligible to  an  ordinary  reader.  The 
persons  who  were  deeply  engaged  in  the 
work  were  Cardinal  Allen,  Greg.  Mar- 
tin, and  R.  Bristol ; '  others  ascribe  the 
version  of  the  New  Testament  to  William 
Reynold.  The  work  was  accompanied 
by  marginal  notes  by  Thomas  Worthing- 
ton  ;  and  in  order  to  recommend  its  adop- 
tion, Greg.  Martin  published  an  attack 
on  the  translations  in  general  use  in  this 
country,  and  was  answered  by  Fulke. 

§  540.  In  consequence  of  certain  ob- 
jections raised  against  the  Bishops'  Bible 
in  the  Conference  at  Hampton  Court,  a 
new  translation  was  agreed  on,  and  every 
step  taken  which  could  render  it  worthy 
of  our  church  and  nation.  The  king 
called  upon  the  principal  divines  of  the 
nation  to  assist  in  carrying  on  the  work, 
and  invited  all  who  had  any  acquaintance 
with  the  subject  to  lend  their  aid  with 
regard  to  such  texts  of  Scripture  as  they 
had  found  to  be  incorrectly  rendered  in 
the  former  translations.  The  number 
of  persons  engaged  in  the  work  itself 
amounted  to  forty-seven,*  who  were  di- 
vided into  six  committees,  and  sat  at 


Vulgate.  (1210.)  It  has  been  used  in  ihe  Hebrew  since  Rab.  Naiiian  made  his  Concordance,  M45. 
Robert  Stephens  (hvided  the  New  'I'cslament,  and  his  son  Henry  printed  it  so.  (1551.)  (Prideaux, 
Conn.  ii.  84,  fol.,  i.  2G0  ) 

'  .Sirype's  Parker,  i.  414.  ^  Printed  in  Sirype's  Parker,  No.  84.  ^  Newcome,  89. 

*  Tiie  translators  were  divided  into  six  classes,  and  were  to  meet  at  Westminster,  Cambridge,  and 
Oxford.    (Lewis,  310.) 

These  met  at  Westminster. 


Andrewcs, 
W  estmr. 

Overall,  D. 
Paul's, 

Raravia, 

Clerke, 

I^ayfield, 

Leigh, 

Burleigh, 

Kinge, 

Thomson, 

Bedwell, 


Lively, 

Richardson, 

Chaderton, 

Dillingham, 

Harrison, 

Andrews, 

Spaldinge, 

Birge. 


D.  of 
of  St. 


Prniafcuch. 
T  le  siory  frim  to 
>    tiluia   10  tne  nrst 
book  of  ihe  Chro- 
nicles exclusive. 


Barlow,  D.  of  "'I 

Chester, 
Hutchinson, 
Spencer, 
Fenion, 
Rabbett, 
Sanderson, 
Dakins. 


The  classes  at  Cambridge  were — 


From  the  first  of 
Chronicles  with  the 
rest  of  the  story, 
and  the  Hagio- 
grapha,  viz..  Job, 
Psalms,  Proverbs, 
Canlica,  Ecclesias- 
tes. 


Duport, 

Brathwaite, 

Radcliffe, 

Ward, 

Downes, 

Boyse, 

Warde. 


The  Epistles  of  St. 
>    Paul  and  the  Ca- 
nonical Epistles. 


The  prayer  of  Ma- 
nasses  and  the  rest 
of  the  .Apocrypha. 


r3 


198 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CnAP.  xn. 


Westminster  and  the  two  universities. 
The  different  portions  of  the  Bible  were 
assigned  among  them,  but  eacli  portion 
was,  on  its  completion,  subjected  to  the 
other  committees  for  examination  ;  and 
in  case  of  any  difficulties,  a  final  com- 
mittee was  to  be  formed  for  their  discus- 
sion. In  order  that  the  clergy  so  em- 
ployed miglit  not  be  unrewarded,  all 
persons  possessed  of  any  ecclesiastical 
patronage  were  urged  to  bestow  Avhat- 
ever  happened  to  fall  vacant  on  some  of 
the  translators,  and  the  king  exhorted 
ecclesiastical  bodies  to  be  liberal  in  con- 
tributing money  for  the  support  of  the 
undertaking.  The  rules  laid  down  for 
the  performance  of  the  task  were  judi- 
cious. As  little  alteration  as  possible 
was  to  be  made  in  the  Bishops'  Bible  ; 
and  whenever  this  did  not  agree  with  the 
original  text,  recourse  was  to  be  had  to 
former  translations.  No  notes  were  to 
be  affixed  beyond  what  the  literal  expla- 
nation of  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  words 
adopted  into  the  text  might  require  ;  and 
a  few  marginal  references,  and  only  a 
few,  were  to  be  appended.  The  com- 
missions were  issued  in  1004 ;  the  per- 
sons appointed  entered  on  the  work 
itself  in  the  spring  of  1607,'  but  the 
Bible  was  not  printed  till  1611,  so  much 
time  and  caution  was  used  to  prevent 
inaccuracies. 

Above  two  hundred  years  have  now 


elapsed  since  this  review  of  the  Bible  ; 
and  the  church  has  subsequently  con- 
tented itself  with  discovering  inaccura- 
cies, without  attempting  to  correct  them. 
The  whole  question  of  a  new  translation 
is  on(!  of  considerable  delicacy;  but  the 
opinion  of  Archbishop  Newcome,  sup- 
ported as  it  is  by  the  concurrent  testi- 
mony of  nearly  thirty  divines  of  con- 
siderable weight,  together  with  his  own 
judicious  remarks,  which  was  given  to 
the  world  almost  forty  years  ago,  ought 
not  to  have  remained  without  due  and 
public  attention.  If  prudential  reasons 
forbid  the  publication  of  a  new  version, 
yet  surely  there  could  be  no  danger 
in  the  correction  of  such  mistakes  as  are 
obvious  to  all  men,  (for  some  passages 
are  scarcely  intelligible.)  and  of  such 
as  arc  acknowledged  by  all  who  aro 
acquainted  with  the  original  languages. 
These  amendments  might  be  introduced 
into  the  margin,  and  sanctioned  by  au- 
thority, so  that  they  might  be  used  at 
the  discretion  of  the  minister;  a  step 
which  would  at  least  prepare  the  way 
for  their  ultimate  introduction  into  the 
text,  and  show  a  wish  to  make  use  of 
the  growing  knowledge  of  the  country 
for  the  improvement  of  the  services  of 
the  church.  Our  present  translation  is, 
probably, the  best  in  existence;  yet  this 
circumstance  need  not  prevent  the  at- 
tempt of  lessening  its  imperfections. 


At  Oxford. 


Haidinge, 

Reynolds, 

Holland, 

Kilby, 

Smith, 

Brett, 

Fareclowe. 


'  Johnson,  97. 


The  four  greater  Pro- 
phets with  the  La- 

.  menlalion,  and  the 
twelve  lesser  Pro- 
phets. 


Eavis,  D.  of  Ch." 
Ch. 

Abbot,    D.  of 

Winches. 
Montague,  D.  of 

Worces. 
Thompson,  D. of 

Winds. 
Savile, 
Perin, 
Rsvens, 
liarrner. 


The  fiiur  Goppels, 
Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles, Apocalypse. 


I 


CUAP.  XIII.]  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  199 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  REIGN  OF  CHAULES  I.    1625,  TO  1649. 

551.  Causes  of  the  fall  of  ilie  church.  552.  Montague;  Mainwairing ;  impolicy  of  the  court.  053. 
Forced  loans  promoied  by  the  clergy.  554.  Star  Chamber.  555.  High  commission;  W'illinms; 
Abbot.  55(").  Feoftees  of  impropriations  brought  before  the  E.xchequer.  557.  Arniinianism  ;  decla- 
ration prefi.xed  to  ihe  'I'liirly-niiie  Articles.  558.  Sabbatarian  controversy.  559.  Book  ot  Spurts. 
5G0,  51)1.  'I'he  question  discussed.  5(j2.  Prynne,  Bast  wick,  and  Burton.  5(i3  Williams;  Os- 
bolsion.  564.  Scotch  liiurgy.  5G5.  Episcopacy  in  Scotland.  566.  Charles  I.  does  not  govern 
wisely.  567.  In  1637  he  endeavours  to  introduce  the  Liiurgy;  the  canons  sent  down  previously. 
568.  Tumults  in  Edinburgh;  the  covenant  framed  and  signed;  civil  war  successfully  carried  on 
against  the  government.  569.  Laud;  ceremonies.  570.  Canons  ot  164().  571.  State  of  England. 
572.  Long  Parliament.  573  Bishops  deprived  of  their  voles.  574.  Destruction  ot  the  church. 
575.  Causes  of  the  war.  576 — 579.  Ouiline  of  the  war.  5S0.  Selt-denying  ordinance;  Fairtax; 
Cromwell.  581.  Their  campaign.  582.  Lord  Strafford;  Laud.  583.  His  character.  584.  And 
trial.  585.  Usher's  episcopacy  ;  the  assembly  of  d.vines  at  Westminster.  586.  The  parties  in  the 
assembly.  587.  Presbyterians,  their  church  government.  588.  Independents;  Erasiian.s.  589. 
Thirty-nine  .Articles  altered ;  church  government  ;  ordination.  590.  Works  of  the  assembly,  direc- 
tory, &,c.  591.  Presbyterian  government.  592.  Set  up  in  London  and  Lancashire;  earnestness 
exhibited  in  its  favour.  593.  I  he  growth  of  independency.  594.  Fate  of  the  king.  595.  His  dis- 
cussions on  episcopacy,  (')  present  state  of  church  discipline.  596,  597.  Character  of  Charles. 
598.  Sufferings  of  the  clergy.    599.  Cambridge.    600.  0.\ford. 


§  5.j1.  (a.  I).  1625.)  In  the  period 
of  history  on  which  we  are  about  to 
enter,  it  is  difficult  to  distinofuish  be- 
tween the  portions  which  belong-  to  the 
civil  or  to  the  ecclesiastical  historian. 
The  interests  of  church  and  state  are  so 
intimately  blended  that  they  admit  of  no 
real  separation  ;  yet  the  multiplicity  of 
affairs,  in  this  eventful  reign,  renders  it 
absolutely  necessary  that  much  should 
be  omitted,  and  that  a  decided  line 
should  be  drawn  between  the  two. 
Strictly  speaking,  perhaps  little  can  be 
referred  to  the  church  alone,  but  durino; 
the  whole  of  the  earlier  government  of 
Charles,  churchmen  not  only  influenced 
his  councils  to  a  great  e.xtent,  but  the 
influence  which  they  possessed  tended 
greatly  to  overthrow  the  monarchy,  and 
to  swallow  up  the  ecclesiastical  estab- 
lishment in  its  train.  The  causes  which 
had  contributed  to  transfer  to  the  church 
much  of  the  popular  odium  which  was 
due  to  the  civil  government,  not  only 
continued  to  exist,  but  some  accidental 
circtimstances  tended  to  augment  the 
evil ;  it  must  therefore  be  our  first  object 
to  enter  on  the  detail  of  these,  that  we 
may  understand  how  the  church  and 
monarchy  fell  together,  and  how  each 
assisted  in  promoting  the  destruction  of 
the  other. 

§  .'3152.  Montague,'  in  an  answer  to  a 
Roman  Catholic  book,*^  had  made  some 

'  Fuller,  xi.  119. 

'  The  book  which  he  answered  was  called,  A 


concessions  which  offended  many  Pro- 
testants, and  when  attacked,  had  de- 
fended hituself  by  publishing  an  appeal 
to  the  king,  which  tended  only  to  in- 
crease the  storm.  When  objections 
were  raised  against  these  books  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  the  king  injudi- 
ciously advocated  the  cause  of  the 
writer,  till  deterred  from  doing  so  by 
the  displeasure  which  this  conduct 
created  among  his  subjects. 

The  necessities  of  the  court  induced 
those  who  governed  to  have  recourse 
to  many  expedients  for  raising  money, 
and  as  these  depended  for  their  success 
on  the  strength  of  the  royal  prerogative, 
whatever  augmented  it  became  pecu- 
liarly acceptable  to  those  in  authority. 
Mainwairing,'  who  was  one  of  the 
chaphiins  to  the  king,  preached  and 
printed  two  sermons  on  this  subject, 
(1()28,)  which  gave  great  offence  to  the 
Comtnons,  and  he  was  severely  pu- 
nished. Montague  was  held  to  bail  in 
2009/. ;  (the  dissolution  of  the  parlia- 
ment probably  prevented  further  pro- 
ceedings against  him;)  Mainwairing 
was  fined  1000/.,  and  declared  incapable 
of  holding  preferment,  or  of  preaching 
before  the  court.    Yet  both  these  men 


Oag  for  the  New  Gospel ;  his  answer,  A  New 
Gag  for  an  Old  Goose.  He  published  also  a 
treatise  on  the  invocation  of  saints,  and  a  work 
entitled  Appdlo  ad  Ccsarnn.  Collier,  ii.  736,  gives 
a  full  account.  Neal's  Puritans. 
3  Fuller,  xi.  129.    Collier,  ii.  743. 


200 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIH. 


were  subsequentlj-  made  bishops.  The 
punishments  \\  hich  had  been  thus  in- 
flicted by  the  commons,  were  perhaps 
tyrannical,  but  it  argued  in  the  court  a 
great  contempt  for  the  opinions  of  the 
nation,  when  the  animadversions  of  the 
parliament  were  to  prove  the  road  to 
preferment,  and  naturally  connected  the 
church,  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  with 
the  party  which  was  adverse  to  the  civil 
liberties  of  the  subject.  These  may  be 
regarded  as  accidental  circumstances, 
yet  they  strongly  mark  the  temper  of 
the  times,  and  the  inclination  of  the 
court  to  convert  the  church  into  an  in- 
strument for  enlarging  its  power,  a  de- 
sign which  was  more  strongly  displayed 
on  other  occasions. 

§  553.  When  in  the  year  1G26  the 
court,'  on  the  dissolution  of  the  parlia- 
ment, adopted  the  method  of  forced  loans, 
in  order  to  meet  the  necessities  of  the 
state,  the  king  sent  a  circular  letter  to  the 
bishops,  instructing  them  to  urge  their 
clergy  to  show  their  zeal  in  promoting 
these  objects  through  their  sermons;  a 
step  which,  if  successful,  could  not  fail 
to  give  the  clergy  a  close  connection,  in 
the  eyes  of  the  people,  with  the  abuses 
under  which  so  many  real  friends  of 
liberty  were  groaning.  Laud  was  pro- 
bably the  author  of  the  plan,  as  well  as 
employed  to  draw  up  the  letter;  and 
indeed  the  whole  of  his  policy  went 
upon  the  idea  that  he  was  benefiting  the 
church  by  making  churchmen  contri- 
bute to  the  direct  support  of  the  state, 
and  thus  divesting  them  of  their  spiritual 
character.  Connected  as  church  and 
state  must  be,  we  cannot  entirely  se- 
parate them  ;  but  the  very  notion  of  a 
priesthood,  set  apart  for  the  service  of 
God,  seems  to  imply  that,  as  far  as 
such  a  separation  is  possible,  it  should  be 
maintained.  Laud  was  probably  an 
honest  and  pious  man,  but  he  seems 
not  to  have  seen  that  the  improvemc^nts 
which  he  was  sincerely  anxious  to  pro- 
mote were  incompatible  with  the  go- 
vernment which  he  endeavoured  to 
support;  since~ arbitrary  authority,  in 
either  church  or  state,  must  have  the 
tendency  of  corrupting  those  who  com- 
mand, and  debasing  those  who  obey. 
The  steps  by  which  the  House  of  Com- 
mons were  inclined  to  assert  their  right 


'  of  paying  no  taxes  which  they  had  not 
1  imposed  on  themselves,  ap|)eared  to 
j  Laud  lo  sa})  the  foundations  of  govern- 
1  ment,  and  to  give  the  subject  an  indirect 
;  power  over  his  prince  ;   in  attempting, 
therefore,  to  obviate  this  difficulty,  he 
appealed  to  the  people    through  the 
clergy  ;  but  in  so  doing,  he  made  the 
latter  appear  to  the  eyes  of  their  flocks 
to  be  the  tools  of  the  court. 

§  554.  When  more  churchmen  were 
admitted  into  the  privy-council,  and  the 
same  individuals  became  members  of 
the  Star  Chamber  and  of  the  Court  of 
High  Commission,  it  was  not  unnatural 
that  the  people  should  connect  in  their 
own  minds  the  two  latter  courts,  as  con- 
stituting one  and  the  same  authority, 
and  thus  the  odium  attached  to  either 
the  one  or  the  other,  combined  to  create 
a  hatred  against  the  church.  "The 
Star  Chamber^  was  a  court  of  very  an- 
cient original,  but  new  modelled  by 
statutes  :i°  Henr.  VII.  ch.  1,  and  21° 
Hen.  YIIL  ch.  20,  consisting  of  divers 
lords,  spiritual  and  temporal,  being  privy 
counsellors,  together  with  two  judges 
of  the  courts  of  common  lav,',  without 
the  intervention  of  any  jury.  Their 
jurisdiction  extended  legallj^  over  riots, 
perjury,  misbehaviour  of  sheriffs,  and 
other  notorious  misdemeanors,  contrary 
to  the  laws  of  the  land.  Yet  this  was 
afterwards,  as  Lord  Clarendon  informs 
us.  stretched  to  the  asserting  of  all  pro- 
clamations and  orders  of  slate:  to  the 
vindicating  of  illegal  commissions,  and 
grants  of  monopolies  ;  holding  for  ho- 
I  nourable  that  which  pleased,  and  for 
j  just  that  which  profited  ;  and  becoming 
I  both  a  court  of  law  to  determine  civil 
rights,  and  a  court  of  revenue  to  enrich 
the  treasury;  the  (privy)  council  table 
j  by  proclamations  enjoining  lo  the  people 
I  that  which  was  not  enjoined  by  the 
I  laws,  and  prohibiting  that  which  was 
not  prohibited  ;  and  the  Star  Chamber, 
I  which  consisted  of  the  same  persons 
in  difTerent  rooms,  censuring  the  breach 
and  disobedience  to  those  proclamations 
by  very  great  fines,  imprisonments,  and 
corporal  severities ;  so  that  any  disre- 
spect to  any  acts  of  state,  or  to  the  per- 
sons of  statesmen,  was  in  no  time  more 
penal,  and  the  foundations  of  right 
never  more  in  danger  to  be  destroyed." 


'  Heylin'e  Laud,  162. 


1       2  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  iv.  ch.  19. 


Chap.  XIIL] 


CHURCH  OF 


ENGLAND, 


201 


The  severity  frequently  exercised  by 
this  court  must  have  been  sufficient  to 
excite  a  great  dislike  to  it,  had  all  its 
acts  been  legal ;  in  many  cases  they  in- 
flicted the  punishments  of  whipping, 
branding,  cutting  off  the  ears,  and  slit- 
ting the  nose  ;  and  this,  not  on  thieves 
and  vagabonds,  but  on  writers  of  poli- 
tical and  religious  pamphlets,'  and  some- 
times to  gratify  private  malice  ;  for  the 
interest  of  the  court  was  readily  called 
into  action,  whenever  the  character  of  a 
privy  counsellor  was  attacked. 

§  555.  The  Court  of  High  Commission 
had  been  created  by  the  eighth  clause 
in  the  act  of  supremacy  ;^  and  during 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  considerable  cor- 
ruptions and  much  oppression  had  ori- 
ginated from  it;  but  when  many  of  the 
laity  were  made  parties  in  the  contest 
about  ceremonies,  it  became  in  several 
dioceses  a  source  of  very  serious  hard- 
ship,'' and  irritated  the  body  of  the 
people  against  the  whole  government 
of  the  church. 

The  faults  also  of  Laud  were,  by  a 
species  of  reasoning  which  is  not  un- 
common, reflected  on  the  body  to  which 
he  belonged  ;  and  the  general  anger 
against  the  court,  which  arose  from  the 
dissolution  of  so  many  parliaments,  one 
after  another,  was  in  a  great  measure 
directed  against  him.  This  dislike  was 
increased  by  the  treatment  experienced 
by  two  churchmen,  who,  though  high 
in  situation,  were  oppressed  by  the 
court,  and  subjected  to  the  malice  of 
their  enemies.  Williams,  bishop  of 
Lincoln'  and  lord  keeper  of  the  seals, 
was  deprived  of  this  latter  office  from 
the  enmity  of  the  duke  of  Buckingham, 
(a.  u.  1027;)  and  Abbott,  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  suspended  from  exer- 
cising any  ecclesiastical  functions,  be- 
cause, according  to  Fuller,^  he  had  acci- 
dentally killed  a  gamekeeper  some 
years  before.  He  had,  however,  ever 
since  continued  to  perform  the  duties 
of  his  office,  had  been  cleared  from  all 
irregularity  by  a  commission  which  was 

'Fuller,  xi.  UC.  ^  42S. 

'  Mrs.  Huichinson  says,  i.  129,  (8vo.  edit.)  such 
"of  the  puritans"  as  could  not  flee,  were  tor- 
mented in  the  bishops'  courts  ;  fined,  whipped,  pil- 
loried, imprisoned  and  suffered  to  enjoy  no  rest, 
BO  that  death  was  better  than  life  to  them.  How- 
ever exaggerated,  this  must  have  been  in  some 
degree  true. 

«  Collier,  ii.  735.  5  xi.  127. 

36 


formed  for  this  purpose  soon  after  the 
accident  took  place,"  and  no  mention  of 
this  reason  is  made  in  the  comtnission 
by  which  he  was  suspended.  His  real 
oflence,  probably,  consisted  in  nis  re- 
fusal to  license  a  sermon  of  Dr.  Sib- 
thorpe,"  who  had  preached  in  favour  of 
the  legality  of  loans.  The  effect  of 
these  severities  was,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  to  create  a  further  ill-will  ^ 
towards  the  court  and  Laud,  and  a  ge- 
neral sympathy  in  favour  of  the  sufferers. 

§  .55!).  (a.  d.  10:32.)  Another  cause 
of  discontent"  arose  in  the  suiipression 
of  the  feoffees  for  improjiriations.  The 
poverty  of  the  church  had  induced  many 
persons  to  contribute  money  for  the 
purpose  ofobviating  this  evil,  and  twelve 
feoffees  were  constituted  for  carrying 
this  pious  subject  into  execution,  which 
was  to  be  effected  by  the  purchase  of 
impropriate  rectories.  They  consisted 
of  four  divines,  four  lawyers,  and  four 
citizens,  Avho  acted  without  anj-  legal 
authority,  or  charter  of  any  sort,  and 
large  sums  of  money  were  raised  for 
furthering  their  ends.  The  first  check 
which  was  given  to  this  society,  arose 
from  a  sermon-'  preached  at  Oxford  in 
1(530,  wherein  the  preacher  inveighed 
vehemently  against  those  who  managed 
its  concerns,  accusing  them  of  carrying 
on  their  own  political  plans  under  the 
mask  of  religion.  They  were  said  to 
retain  all  the  impropriations  so  pur- 
chased in  their  own  hands,  and  not  to 
transfer  them  to  the  livings  to  which 
they  had  belonged  ;  to  employ  the  pro- 
ceeds in  maintaining  factious  preachers 
in  market  towns,  and  in  supporting  si- 
lenced ministers  and  their  families.  Such 
an  establishment  was  liable  to  be  turned 
to  the  very  worst  of  purposes,  but,  if 
well  directed,  might  have  produced 
much  good  ;  and  it  was  said  that  White,'" 
one  of  the  feoffees,  privately  offered 
Laud  to  submit  the  whole  to  his  lord- 
ship's direction  ;  yet  the  fear  of  what 
might  happen  induced  those  who  di- 
rected the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  the 
kingdom  to  bring  the  matter  into  the 
Exchequer,  where  the  incorporation  was 
overthrown,  the  property  forfeited  to 


«  Collier,  ii.  740. 

'  In  Collier,  ii.  740.  there  is  some  account  of 
this  sermon  ;  see  too  Rapin,  ii.  259. 
8  Fuller,  xi.  136.  »  Heylin's  Laud,  210. 

">  Fuller,  xi.  143. 


202 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIII. 


the  crown,  and  the  feoffees  subjected 
to  such  punishment  as  the  StarChaniber 
chose  to  inflict :  this  last  part,  liowever, 
was  never  carried  into  effect.  Had 
Laud,  by  joining  in  this  society  and 
putting  himself  at  its  head,  attempted 
to  guide,  instead  of  opposing  it,  the  re- 
suh  might  have  been  very  beneficial  to 
the  church  and  creditable  to  himself ; 
as  it  was,  he,  for  the  time,  carried  his 
point,  and  violated  the  better  feelings 
of  those  who  could  hardly  perceive  the 
danger,  however  real  it  might  be  ;  and 
in  the  end,  the  bitterness  which  was 
thus  created  tended  to  destroy  what  re- 
mained of  the  establishment. 

§  .J.57.  Notwithstanding  the  counte- 
nance which  the  church  of  England 
had  given  to  the  decrees  of  the  synod 
of  Dort,  the  opinions  of  the  Arminians 
so  gradually  prevailed  among  the  higher 
clergVf  particularly  among  those  who 
had  the  disposal  of  preferment,  that  to 
entertain  sentiments  in  favour  of  Cal- 
vinism was  the  greatest  bar  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  any  clergyman.  Bisliop 
Morley,  when  chaplain  to  Lord  Carnar- 
von,' was  asked  by  a  country  gentle- 
man who  wished  to  know  something 
of  their  doctrine,  "What  the  Arminians 
held?"  "They  hold,"  says  he,  "  the 
best  bishoprics  and  deaneries  in  Eng- 
land a  bon  mot,  which  sufficiently 
shows  how  far  party  feeling  was  al- 
lowed to  prevail  on  every  subject,  and 
will  partially  account  for  the  bias  which 
the  religious  part  of  the  community,  par- 
ticularly the  lower  clergy,  took  against 
the  equally  strong  prejudice  of  the  court ; 
and  it  should  be  remembered  that  there 
is  an  anti-Calvinism  which  is  as  much 
at  variance  with  the  doctrines  of  the 
church  of  England  and  with  Scripture  as 
the  decrees  of  the  synod  of  Dort  can  be. 

(June  14,  162(i.)  Early  in  the  reign 
the  king  had  issued  a  proclamation' 
enjoining  his  subjects,  particularly  the 
clergy,  to  abstain  from  all  innovations 
with  regard  to  religion  ;  and  in  order  to 
co-operate  with  this  injunction,  (1028,) 
a  declaration*  was  prefixed  to  a  new 


'  Clarendon's  Life,  50  or  26. 

2  The  fact  is  alluded  to  in  the  remonstrance 
which  was  made  to  the  king  by  the  House  of 
Commons,  1628.    (Collier's  flist.  ii.  744.) 

*  Heylin's  Laud.  \r>4. 

*  Sparrow's  Collection,  87.  There  is  a  copy  of 
tnis  original  edition,  .1628,  in  Christ  Church  Li- 


edition  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  in 
which  all  persons  were  forbidden  to 
interpret  them  in  any  but  the  gramma- 
tical sense  ;  and  it  is  no  small  proof  of 
the  temper  of  the  times,  that  this  was 
deemed  to  be  in  favour  of  the  Arminian 
side  of  the  question,^  and  that  the  Cal- 
vinists  were  about  to  petition  against  it. 
Yet  the  conduct  of  the  court  did  not 
correspond  with  this  apparent  temper- 
ance in  its  declarations,  for  when  Bishop 
Davenant''  (March,  1(5:31)  had  preached 
on  the  subject  of  j)redestination,  and  in 
so  doing  offended  the  king,  he  was 
brought  before  the  council,  and  se- 
verely reprimanded  for  that  which, 
according  to  his  own  answer,  was  done 
in  ignorance,  and  perfectly  in  accord- 
ance with  the  published  injunctions  of 
the  court.  Something  of  the  same  sort 
took  place  with  regard  to  some  preach- 
ers in  Oxford,  on  which  Fuller  observes, 
"The  expulsion  of  these  preachers  ex- 
pelled not,  but  increased  the  differences 
in  Oxford,  which  burnt  the  more  for 
blazing  the  less ;  many  complaining 
that  the  sword  of  justice  did  not  cut 
indifferently  on  both  sides,  but  that  it 
was  more  penal  for  some  to  touch,  than 
others  to  break  the  king's  declaration." 
The  natural  effect  of  all  this  was  to  ren- 
der every  one  who  entertained  Calvin- 
istic  opinions  hostile  to  the  court,  and 
to  make  them  connect  a  dislike  to  the 
government  of  the  church  with  the 
hatred  which  they  bore  towards  the 
state. 

§  558.  The  Sabbatarian  controversy, 
too,  contributed  to  injure  the  cause  of 
the  church  in  the  minds  of  the  people. 
During  the  period  in  which  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion  had  prevailed  in  this 
country,  much  laxity  had  existed  with 
regard  to  the  day  set  apart  for  God's 
service,  a  laxity  which  had  been  con- 
tinued during  the  reigns  of  Elizabeth 
and  James"  by  the  practice  of  the  court, 
though  a  sentiment  of  disapprobation 
against  such  proceedings  seems  gradu- 
ally to  have  spread  throughout  the  na- 
tion. The  question,  indeed,"*  involved 
a  considerable  number  of  heads,  which 
were  A'ariously  argued,  but  the  chief 
difference  of  opinion  consisted  with  re- 

brary :  the  dale  of  this  publication  is  sometimes 
questioned. 

=  Collier's  Hist.  ii.  746.     «  Fuller,  ix.  138. 

"See  ^519,'.  «  Fuller,  xi.  144,  &.C. 


ClIAP.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


38S 


gard  to  the  manner  in  which  this  day 
ought  to  be  observed. 

While  one  party  admitted  of  no  other 
term  for  its  designation  than  that  of  the 
Sabbath,  this  appellation  was  the  abo- 
mination of  another  ;  and  moderate  and 
indifferent  persons  called  it  by  the  se- 
veral names  of  Sunday,  Sabbath,  or 
Lord's  day. 

Its  beginning  and  duration  formed 
another  subject  of  dispute;  some  con- 
fined its  continuance  to  the  time  occu- 
pied by  the  service  of  the  church,  and 
others  were  as  strenuous  in  enjoining  a 
strict  observance  of  it  from  the  Satur- 
day evening  till  the  following  night. 

One  party  founded  the  institution  on 
the  sole  authority  of  the  church,  others 
attributed  the  change  in  the  day  to  the 
appointment  of  the  church  founded  on 
apostolic  usage,  while  the  original  dedi- 
cation of  one  day  in  seven  rested  on  the 
command  given  by  the  Almighty  at  the 
creation  :  this  contained  virtually  the 
question  of  the  legality  of  any  alteration 
in  the  day,  and  it  appears  that  the 
church  of  Geneva  had  once  thought  of 
adopting  Thursday  as  their  day  of  rest. 

But  the  point  which  was  agitated 
with  the  greatest  warmth,  was  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  this  day  ought  to  be 
kept  holy.  The  advocates  of  the  greatest 
strictness  would  allow  of  no  amusements 
but  walking,  while  the  maintainers  of 
the  contrary  opinion  devoted  those  parts 
of  the  day  which  were  not  occupied  by 
religious  services  to  every  species  of 
enjoyment.  The  ordinary  amusements' 
in  country  parishes  were  called  church- 
ales,  clerk-ales,  and  bid-ales,  besides  the 
revels  or  feasts  of  the  dedication  of  the 
church :  they  were  merry-makings,  con- 
sisting of  drinking  and  sports,  particu- 
larly dancing,  which  took  place  either 
every  Sunday  or  on  particular  occa- 
sions. Such  meetings  necessarily  led 
to  disorders,  and  the  religious  part  of 
the  community,  in  their  anxiety  to  re- 
press them,  occasionally  fell  into  the 
opposite  extreme,'^  and  in  their  animad- 

'  Neil's  Piiriians,  ii.  214. 

^  '■  Some  preachers  went  so  far  as  to  maintain, 
that  to  do  any  work  or  servile  business  on  the 
Lord's  dav,  is  as  great  a  sin  as  to  kill  a  man  or  to 
commit  adultery;  that  to  throw  a  bowl,  to  make 
a  feast,  or  dress  a  wedding  dinner  on  the  Lord's 
day,  is  as  great  a  sin  as  for  a  man  to  take  a  knife 
and  cut  liis  child's  throat.  That  to  ring  more  bells 
than  one  on  the  Lord's  day,  is  as  great  a  sin  as  to 
cuii.mit  murder.    And  I  know  also  a  town  of  my 


versions  on  the  unruly,  became  uncha- 
ritable towards  those  who  differed  from 
themselves,  and  unjustly  severe  on  the 
lower  orders,  whose  excesses  might  pro- 
bably have  been  checked  without  any 
open  interference  in  the  magistracy. 

§  55!).  In  lG;i3Chief  Justice  Richard- 
son, at  the  request  of  the  magistrates  in 
Somersetshire,' ordered  the  Sunday-ales 
and  wakes  to  be  suppressed,  and  direct- 
ed that  the  order  should  be  read  by  the 
clergy  in  their  several  churches  :  an 
interference  with  ecclesiastical  matters 
which  the  archbishop,  whose  influence 
was  now  supreme,  highly  resented. 
The  judge,  therefore,  was  brought  be- 
fore the  privy  council,  and  commanded 
to  rescind  his  order  at  the  next  assizes. 
To  correct  this  spirit  of  what  was  called 
puritanism,  the  king,  probably  at  the 
suggestion  of  Laud,  issued  a  proclama- 
tion which  is  generally  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Book  of  Sports.  It  con- 
tained a  proclamation*  which  had  been 
formerly  issued  by  James  I.,  and  was 
accompanied  with  a  declaration,  that 
the  king  would  not  allow  any  curtailing 
of  the  liberty  of  his  poorer  subjects, 
with  regard  to  their  amusements  on 
the  Sunday.  The  clergy  were  enjoined 
to  read  this  in  their  churches,  a  com- 
mand which  became  a  stumbling-block 
to  many  sincere  men.  Some,'^  indeed, 
approved  of  the  contents,  others  paid 
a  partial  obedience  to  the  injunction 
by  reading  the  proclamation,  and  im- 
mediately repeating  the  fourth  com- 
mandment, or  preaching  on  the  due 
observance  of  the  Sabbath  ;  while  others 
utterly  refused  all  compliance  with  the 
order.  Among  the  bishops  there  was 
a  great  difference  in  the  severity  with 
which  they  animadverted  on  those  cler- 
gymen who  had  been  guilty  of  neglect 
in  this  particular.  Some  deprived  those 
who  persisted  in  their  refusal ;  others 
declined  becoming  the  accusers  of  their 
brethren  ;  while  much  moderation  was 
exhibited  by  a  third  class,  who  exer- 
cised severity  on  a  few  only  of  the  most 
obstinate  refusers. 


acquaintance,  the  preachers  there  brought  the  peo- 
ple 10  that  pass,  that  neither  baked  nor  roast  meat 
was  to  be  found  in  all  the  parish  for  a  Sunday's 
dinner  throughout  the  year,"  Slc.  &c.  (Prefaes 
to  Prideaux  on  the  Sabbath.) 

3  Rushworth's  Coll.  ii.  i.  191. 

"  Rushworth's  Coll.  ii.  i.  193,  «  519. 

5  Fuller,  xi.  148. 


204 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XHI. 


§  560.  The  subject  itself  is  one  on 
which  so  few  directions  are  contained 
in  the  Scriptures,  that  much  latitude  of 
opinion  might  naturally  have  been  ex- 
pected with  regard  to  it.  Its  name, 
perhaps,  and  its  exact  duration,  are  of 
less  practical  importance  ;  but  the  na- 
ture of  the  institution,  and  the  manner 
in  which  it  ought  to  be  observed,  are 
of  the  greatest  consequence.  The 
generall)'  received  opinion,  and  that 
which  tallies  best  with  the  institutions 
of  the  church  of  England,  seems  to  be, 
that  the  dedication  of  one  day  in  seven 
to  the  service  of  God  is  part  of  the 
moral  law ;  that  the  change  of  this  day 
from  Saturday  to  Sunday  is  sanctioned 
by  the  custom  of  the  apostles  ;  and  that 
the  Christian's  liberty  will  allow  of  any 
method  of  keeping  this  day  which  an- 
swers the  command  of  abstaining  from 
work  and  of  keeping  it  holy.  Amuse- 
ments in  the  abstract  contain  nothing 
which  need  infringe  on  this  holiness; 
yet  it  is  obvious  that  some  amusements 
will  so  far  unfit  the  mind  for  religious 
duties,  that  they  must  be  totally  inad- 
missible ;  that  to  persons  situated  in 
different  spheres  of  life  a  different 
rule  may  be  applicable  ;  and  that  all 
recreations  which  offend  against  the 
religious  scruples  of  our  brethren  ought 
out  of  charity  to  be  avoided.  In  this 
case,  therefore,  it  seemed  an  act  of  great 
impolicy,  to  say  no  worse,  to  make  the 
clergy  exhort  their  parishioners  to  join 
in  dancing,  leaping,  vaulting,  archery, 
and  May-games ;  amusements  which 
were  little  likely  to  promote  the  spirit- 
uality of  the  Sabbath  employments, 
even  if  we  grant  that  they  were  not 
actually  wrong :  and  the  issuing  such 
a  proclamation  must  have  had  the  tend- 
ency of  alienating  from  the  govern- 
ment the  affections  of  all  those  who  had 
any  doubts  on  these  points.  The  effect 
in  Somersetshire'  seems  to  have  been, 
that  the  laity  were  petitioning  to  have 
these  disorders  on  the  Sabbath  put 
down  by  authority,  while  the  high 
church  party  requested  that  these 
amusements  might  remain  ;  a  state  of 
things  which,  if  it  produced  no  other 
consequence,  must  have  raised  a  very 
unfavourable  impression  in  the  breasts 
of  the  people  concerning  their  spiritual 


•  Neal,  ii.  215. 


§561.  Had  this  proclamation  con- 
fined itself  to  its  proper  province, — had 
I  it  condemned  in  general  terms  the  pro- 
fanation of  the  Lord's  day,  while  it 
forbade  magistrates  to  punish  any  who 
were  not  engaged  in  unlawful  pursuits, 
the  object  of  the  king  might  probably 
have  been  furthered  :  for  on  these 
points  the  law,  as  it  now  stands,  seems 
to  be  well  calculated  for  procuring  a 
due  observance  of  the  Sabbath.  While 
gross  violations  of  propriety  are  punish- 
able as  misdemeanors,  pragmatical  in- 
terference in  the  amusements  of  the 
people  is  prevented  by  the  silence  of 
the  law,  and  everj'  sincere  observer  of 
the  Sabbath  is  at  liberty  to  influence  by 
his  example  and  advice  others  who  are 
less  strict  in  their  practice ;  a  species 
of  persuasion  which  is  at  once  the  most 
effectual,  and  in  which  every  step  is 
sure  to  be  accompanied  with  the  moral 
improvement  of  those  who  make  it.* 

§  503.  (a.  d.  1637.)  A  piece  of  se- 
verity^ exercised  on  three  members  of 
the  learned  professions,  produced  more 
effect  in  spreading  a  general  hatred 
against  Laud  and  the  government  than 
the  victims  of  this  severity  perhaps 
deserved.  Prynne,  a  common  lawyer, 
Bastwick,  a  physician,  and  Burton,  a 
clergyman,  had  each  of  them  published 
pamphlets  offensive  to  the  court,  and 
when  brought  before  the  Star  Chamber, 
they  severally  put  in  pleas  of  such  a 
nature  as  were  not  admitted.  The 
prisoners,  therefore,  were  convicted  as 
not  making  any  defence,  though  they 
wished  to  be  allowed  to  plead  for  them- 
selves, and  were  condemned  to  lose 
their  ears  in  the  pillory,  to  be  im- 
!  prisoned  in  remote  places  during  plea- 
sure, and  fined  5000/.  each.  Prynne 
was  also  branded.  Such  a  punij?hment 
produced  much  more  irritation  than  if 
they  had  been  sentenced  to  death ;  and 
it  so  happened  that,  after  having  been 
sent  to  Guernsey,  Jersey,  and  Scilly, 
they  were,  upon  the  assemblincf  of  the 
Long  Parliament,  brought  back  in  tri- 


2  Xbere  are  two  acts  of  parliament  during  this 
reign  against  profaning  the  Lord's  day :  1°  ch.  i. 
forbids  bull-baiting,  bear-baiting,  interludes,  com- 
mon plays,  and  other  unlawful  exercises  and 
pastimes ;  people  are  forbidden  to  go  out  of  their 
own  parishes  for  any  amusements.  .3"  ch.  ii.  Car- 
riers and  wagoners  are  forbidden  to  travel  on  the 
Sunday,  and  butchers  to  kill  meat. 
!    '  Fuller,  xi.  151.  Heylin's  Laud,  328. 


ClIAP.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


205 


umph,  to  the  disgrace  of  the  court. 
Their  fauhs,  which  were  great,  were 
overlooked  in  the  indignity  of  their 
punishment;  and  the  blame  was  thrown 
on  the  church,  because  each  of  their 
libels  had  been  directed  chiefly  against 
the  bishops  and  their  government. 

§  5f);J.  Williams,who  was  a  turbulent 
man,'  after  having  been  deprived  of  the 
office  of  lord  keeper,  for  which  he  was 
probal)Iy  unfit,  had  resided  at  his  epis- 
copal house  at  Bugden,  where  he  al- 
lowed of  greater  freedom  in  talking 
about  the  government  than  was  well 
suited  to  his  situation.  He  was  indicted 
in  l()'.}7for  betraying  the  king's  secrets, 
being  a  privy-counsellor,  a  charge  which 
was  soon  dropped  as  being  frivolous  ; 
and  another  brought  against  him,  of 
suborning  and  tampering  with  wit- 
nesses. Whether  innocent  or  no,  he 
endeavoured  to  escape  by  offering  to 
make  a  composition  with  the  king,  in 
which  he  was  prevented  by  some  of  his 
enemies,  and  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine 
of  8!)()0/.,  and  to  be  imprisoned  during 
the  king's  pleasure.  In  this  transaction 
Laud  took  an  active  part,  and  the 
bishop  afterwards  complained  that  he 
had  not  been  allowed  to  impugn  the 
testimonies  of  the  persons  brought 
against  him,  who,  as  being  king's  wit- 
nesses, could  not  be  excepted  against ; 
that  Secretary  Windebank  had  caused 
all  those  who  would  have  given  evi- 
dence in  his  favour  to  be  imprisoned 
under  royal  warrants  till  the  trial  was 
over;  and  that  those  pleas  of  his,  which 
the  court  was  ashamed  to  set  aside  pub- 
licly, were  overruled  in  private.  An- 
other charge  was  brought  against  him 
while  he  was  in  the  Tower,  which,  for 
the  severity  of  the  punishment  and  the 
absurdity  of  the  crime,  rivals  any  thing 
recorded  in  liistory.  Lambert  Osbols- 
ton,some  time  student  of  Christ  Church, 
master  of  Westminster-school,  and  pre- 
bendary of  that  church,  had  been  much 
favoured  by  Williams,  who  was  dean 
there,  and  taking  part  with  liiin  in  his 
enmity  against  Laud,  he  on  some  occa- 
sion wrote  to  the  bishop  a  letter  which 
contained  the  following  sentence 
"The  little  vermin,  the  urchin,  and 
hocus   pocus,  (Laud,)  is  this  stormy 


>  Fuller,  xi.  155.  Heylin's  Laud,  343. 
»  Fuller,  165. 


Christmas  at  true  and  real  variance 
with  the  Leviathan,"  (Lord  Treasurer 
Weston.)  This  was  ""ound  among 
Williams's  papers  when  his  house  was 
searched,  and  the  bishop  was  sentenced 
to  pay  another  fine  of  8000/.  for  not 
having  presented  this  libellous  letter  to 
some  justice  of  the  peace  :  and  Osbols- 
ton  condemned  to  pay  5000/.,  to  have 
his  ears  tacked  to  the  pillory  in  presence 
of  his  scholars,  as  well  as  to  be  deprived 
of  all  his  preferments.  The  personal 
part  of  the  sentence  he  escaped  by 
flight,  and  his  sufferings  made  him 
afterwards  a  favourite  with  the  com- 
mons, till  the  madness  of  their  proceed- 
ings induced  him  to  join  the  king. 
More,  perhaps,  has  been  said  on  this 
point  than  it  deserves;  but  it  must  ever 
appear  not  only  to  affix  a  deep  stain  on 
the  character  of  Laud,  but  to  furnish  a 
proof  of  the  personal  insecurity  under 
which  every  man  must  have  lived;  and 
show  how  impossible  it  was  that  such  a 
government  should  continue,  when  a 
prime  minister  could  be  guilty  of  such 
open  tyranny. 

§  554.  As  the  events  connected  with 
the  liturgy  in  Scotland  may  be  said  to 
have  formed  the  first  step  in  the  civil 
war,  and  to  have  contributed  much  to 
give  the  rebellion  a  turn  so  peculiarly 
hostile  to  the  church  of  England,  it  will 
be  necessary  to  look  back  into  the  history 
of  the  Reformation  in  that  country,  and 
to  touch  on  some  points  to  which  no 
previous  allusion  has  been  made,  in 
order  to  comprehend  the  whole  under 
one  view.  The  alterations  in  the  church, 
which  had  taken  place  in  that  kingdom, 
had  been  carried  on  in  opposition  to 
the  bishops,  who  had  often  made  them- 
selves the  instruments  of  the  persecu- 
tions inflicted  on  the  friends  of  the 
Reformation;  a  circumstance'*  which 
rendered  the  mass  of  the  people  inimi- 
cal to  the  order.  The  nobility,  too, 
were  equally  hostile  to  bishops,  since 
the  avarice  of  the  upper  ranks  had 
contributed  greatly  to  introduce  the 
Reformation,  with  the  view  of  dispos- 
sessing the  ecclesiastical  owners  of 
their  property  ;  and  the  tenures,  there- 
fore, by  which  these  possessors  held 
their  newly  acquired  domains  were 
very  doubtful.    Elizabeth  had  fostered 

'  Sir  P.  Warwick's  Mem.  98,  &.C. 
S 


m 

the  animosities  of  the  people  and  the 
appifhensions  of  the  nobles,  for  the 
purpose  of  keeping  up  a  party  in  Scot- 
land ;  and,  under  the  nominal  plan  of 
introducing-  a  conformity  between  the 
churches  of  the  two  nations,  had  been 
seeking  her  own  interests  and  promot- 
ing divisions  among  the  Scotch.  The 
general  assembly  had,  from  the  first, 
assumed  to  itself  a  considerable  power, 
independent  of  the  government;  and  in 
15(}6  had  decided  on  the  adoption  of 
the  Geneva  discipline,  which  virtually 
destroyed  the  spiritual  authority  of  the 
bishops,  though  they  retained  in  some 
measure  their  lands  and  their  seats  in 
parliament.  The  projierties,  indeed, 
and  the  higher  situations  connected 
with  the  abbeys,  were  generally  in  the 
hantis  of  laymen,  but  the  bishoprics 
were  still  filled  by  ecclesiastics.  The 
authority  ];ossessed  by  the  bishops  va- 
ried at  different  times,  depending  in  a 
great  degree  on  the  j  olicy  of  the  suc- 
cessive regents  and  favourites  of  James. 
Till  l.'3!)2,  the  assembly  had  generally 
rejected  episcopal  interference,'  and  the 
court  retained  sufficient  power  to  pre- 
vent the  legal  establishment  of  the 
presbytery.  In  that  year,  however, 
this  step  was  effected,  and  soon  after, 
in  consequence  of  a  tumult  in  Edin- 
burgh connected  with  the  presbyterian 
ascendancy,  the  life  of  James  was  en- 
dangered ;  an  event  which  gave  him  a 
continual  dislike  to  that  form  of  church 
government  and  a  decided  preference 
to  e])i.scopacy,  independently  of  the 
consideration  of  the  j  olitical  influence 
which  the  votes  of  the  bishops  furnished 
to  the  court.  He  obtained  for  the 
bishops,  in  1.597  and  ICOO,  a  concession 
of  their  right  to  sit  in  parliament ;  but 
this  was  fettered  with  such  restrictions 
as  rendered  the  spiritual  authority  of 
the  order  almost  nugatory,'  and  they 
accepted  what  was  granted,  though 
they  never  seem  to  have  conformed  to 
the  stipulated  conditions;  and  when  he 
came  to  the  throne  of  England  he 
formed  the  wish  of  reducing  the  two 
churches  to  a  uniformity  of  discipline 
and  service;  a  wish  reasonable  indeed 
in  a  king  of  Great  Britain,  and  in  cor- 
respondence with  the  desires  of  every 
friend  of  the  two  countries,  but  the  plan 


'  Guthry's  Memoirs,  4.         ^  Rapin,  ii.  299. 


[Chap.  XIII. 

was  not  likely  to  succeed  unless  at- 
tempted by  honourable  and  fair  means. 

§565.  (a.  d.  KilO.)  In  the  assembly 
at  Glasgow^  he  so  contrived  to  collect  a 
body  suited  to  his  own  vie^vs,  that  he 
carried  all  liis  points  in  favour  of  episco- 
pacy, and  presently  set  up  a  court  of 
ecclesiastical  commission.  Episcopacy, 
therefore,  now  began  to  gain  ground,* 
and  James  was  very  careful  in  the  se- 
lection of  the  men  whom  he  advanced, 
consulting  the  older  bishops,  and  bring- 
ing forward  such  men  only  as  were 
suited  to  promote  the  real  interests  of 
the  church.  It  was  by  these  steps  that 
the  assembly  of  St.  Andrew's  was  en- 
abled to  consult  about  introducing  a 
liturgy,  (1(317,)  which  some  of  its  mem- 
bers began  to  form,  or  rather  to  copy 
from  the  Prayer  Book  of  the  church  of 
England  ;  and  the  assembly  of  Perth^  to 
establish  the  five  points  connected  with 
the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  church. 
(ItilS.)  James  would  probably  have 
gone  further,  had  not  the  difficulties 
with  regard  to  his  daughter's  kingdom 
j:  re  vented  his  doing  any  thing  which 
might  embroil  him  at  home. 

§  5(iG.  On  the  accession  of  Charles  I.^ 
(1C25,)  the  presbyterians  addressed  a 
petition  to  him,  but  found  that  he  was 
not  at  all  disposed  to  comply  with  their 
wishes  ;  the  interests  of  ihe  anti-episco- 
fal  cause,  however,  were  kept  up  by 
the  appointment  of  a  secret  fast,  Ai  hich 
was  observed,  at  stated  periods,  among 
their  friends  throughout  the  kingdom. 
(I(;:i:].)  When  the  king  visited  Scot- 
land, they  had  prepared  a  petition, 
which  they  purposed  to  have  presented 
to  him,  had  he  not  forbidden  the  earl  of 
Rothes  to  do  so :  and  the  next  year, 
Lord  Balmiranoch,  having  this  petition 

3  Rnpin,  ii.299.  ^  Ouihry,  13. 

5  'I  l.t'se  ariicles  are,  from  ilitir  i.iirnbcr.  which 
was  five,  soinelimes  mislaken  lur  ihe  Five  Ar- 
ticles ol  liie  synod  ol  Dort,  wiili  v\  l.icli  ihcy  are 
in  no  \\  ay  l  ontiecied.  'J  hoy  are  printt  d  i;>  .'"'piiiiis- 
wond's  Hisl.  ot  Scuiland,  p.  53W ;  jS'eai's  Puri- 
lans.  ii.  101 ;  sed  also  Wordsworth's  Eetl.  Biog. 
V.  'i98. 

The  1st  enjoins  ihe  poslure  of  kiiee'irg  in  re- 
ceiving ihe  Lord's  Supper. 

'I  he  2d  allows  of  piivaie  coniiiiunion  in  case 
of  sickness. 

'1  he  3d  allows  of  privale  liapti.<:m  in  case  of 
dancer. 

The  4ih  enjoins  ihe  use  of  catechising  and  con- 
firmation. 

'I'lie  5ih  enjoins  the  observation  of  holydays 
and  testivals. 

Gulhry,  7,  &,c. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


CiiAp.  XIIT.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


207 


in  his  possession,  which  he  imprudently 
showed  to  a  friend,  was  imprisoned,  and 
most  unjustly  condemned  to  die,*  (Ifi;}-!,) 
a  sentence  which,  though  immediately 
remitted,  made  him  forever  an  enemy  to 
the  court,  and  induced  him  to  combine 
with  others,  who  saw  the  dang-er  to 
which  the  lives  and  properties  of  every 
one  must  be  exposed  under  so  arbitrary 
a  o^overnment,  and  to  form  plans  by 
which  the  chief  authority  might  be  trans- 
ferred into  their  own  hands. 

These  circumstances  had  enrolled  the 
lovers  of  civil  freedom  among  the  ene- 
mies of  episcopacy.  The  prejudices  of 
the  common  people  were  against  it,  and 
the  lower  clergy  exerted  their  influence 
to  increase  this  dislike  ;  the  nobles  were 
afraid  that  their  titles  to  the  church  pro- 
perty which  they  held,  would  be  called 
in  question,'^  and  to  this  was  added  a 
considerable  irritation  among  them,  par- 
ticularly in  the  earls  of  Traquair  and 
Argyle  (then  Lord  Lorn)^  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  archbishop  of  St.  An- 
drew's to  the  chancellorship,  and  the 
advancement  of  other  churchmen  to  high 
civil  offices.  Fuller*  insinuates  that  the 
bribery  which  James  had  carried  on 
among  the  leading  presbyterians  now 
ceased,  and  that  this,  among  other  causes, 
contributed  to  the  subsequent  opposi- 
tion ;  and  whether  this  were  so  or  no,  it 
is  difircult  to  determine  how  much  blame 
attaches  to  Charles  I.  in  all  these  pro- 
ceedings. He  had  been  much  less  care- 
ful than  h's  father^  in  appointing  proper 
men  to  the  several  sees  as  they  became 
vacant,  and  in  the  selection  of  those 
whom  he  chose  he  had  been  guided 
by  personal  favour,  as  well  as  the  hope 
of  promoting  his  own  political  ends  ;  and 
probably  much  influenced  by  Laud,  who 
fancie  I  that  the  advancement  of  church- 
men into  the  higher  offices  of  state  was 
likely  to  benefit  the  cause  of  the  church. 
But  the  great  evil  in  Scotland  was,  that 
party  was  allowed  to  trample  on  law 
and  justice,  so  that  men  sought  for 
power  in  self-defence  ;  and  when  fur- 
ther disturbances  arose,  neithei  the  one 
side  nor  the  other  had  any  other  prin- 
ciples than  those  of  using  to  the  utmost  I 

'  Guthry's  Mem.  9.  I 

2  See  an  Abstract  of  the  Acts  of  the  Scotch  par-  i 
liameiit  wliicli  affected  this  species  of  property,  I 
passed  during  this  session.  (Collier,  ii.  7.')5.) 

^  Guthry's  Mem.  \'Z,  and  Collier,  ii.  770. 

«xi.  163.  5  Uuthry,  U.  ! 


j  the  power  with  which  they  were  in- 

1  vested.  The  ruling  party  was,  for  the 
time,  generally  the  most  in  fault,  as 

j  having  the  greater  means  of  doing 
wrong;  and  from  lOlO  to  the  date  of 
these  events,  the  country  had  been  op- 

j  pressed  by  the  episcopalians,  and  their 
opponents  were  ifi  secret  brooding  over 
their  discontent  and  the  prospects  of 
revenge. 

§  507.  (a.  d.  16;i7.)  It  was  at  this 
time,  and  under  these  circumstances, 
that  Charles"  endeavoured  to  introduce 
the  new  liturgy.  He  had  originally  in- 
tended to  send  down  the  English  Com- 
mon Prayer  Book,  but  the  advice  of 
some  of  the  Scotch  bishops  had  induced 
him  to  alter  this  plan,  and  to  substitute 
one  which  might  belong  peculiarly  to 
themselves,  though  it  corresponded  very 
nearly  with  that  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land.' This  was  drawn  up  in  Scotland," 
chiefly,  in  all  probability,  by  Weeder- 
burn,  dean  of  the  (Jhapel  Royal,  Edin- 
burgh, but  overlooked  by  Laud,  Juxton, 
and  Wrenn.  In  the  year  163.5  certain 
canons*"  had  been  sent  down  to  Scotland 
as  the  first  step  in  the  intended  altera- 
tions ;  and  these,  without  any  other 
sanction  than  that  of  a  proclamation 
from  the  kinjf,  directed  throughout  that 
the  forms  of  the  liturgy,  not  then  pub- 
lished, should  be  used.  If  the  king  had 
possessed  a  right  of  imposing  canons 
and  a  liturgy  without  the  concurrence 
of  the  church,  a  right  quite  incompati- 
ble with  the  political  existence  of  any 
church,  tliis  method  of  proceeding  would 
have  been  very  impolitic,  as  it  could 
only  irritate  the  nation,  and  prepare 
them  for  resistance  whenever  any  tu- 
mult should  give  them  an  opportunity 
of  showing  their  dislike.  The  discon- 
tented party  had  long  been  in  corres- 
pondence with  the  nonconformists  in 
England,  and  they  well  knew  the 
strength  which  their  friends  possessed 
in  that  country.  The  persons  who 
were  chiefly  engaged'"  in  promoting  this 
step,  with  regard  to  the  canons  and 
liturgy,  were  some  of  the  Scotch  bish- 
ops who  had  been  tnost  lately  raised  to 
their  office,  and  who,  having  been  ad- 


6  Fuller,  xi.  IGO. 

'  See  App.  E.  History  of  the  Common  Prayer, 
^  748,''. 

8  Collier,  ii.  767.         »  Heylin's  Laud,  298. 
">  Guthry,  14. 


308 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIII. 


vaticed  by  interest,  not  dependent  on 
the  older  bishops,  never  cordially  joined 
with  them,  but  hurried  on  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  Liturgy  without  foreseeing 
the  danger.  Laud' had  frequently  urged 
them  to  take  care  that  their  proceedings 
were  according  to  the  law  of  Scotland, 
which  he  did  not  pretend  to  \inderstand  ; 
but  they,  sujiposing  probably  that  the 
power  of  the  court  and  the  archbishop 
would  carry  them  through  in  a  point  on 
which  the  king's  heart  was  much  set,'^ 
and  neglecting  the  advice  of  the  older 
bishops,  prepared  the  liturgy  and  pro- 
cured its  adoption  without  any  of  those 
authorized  forms  with  which  it  ought 
legally  to  have  been  received. 

§  5<)8.  When,  therefore,  it  was  first 
read  at  Edinburgh,  (July  23,)  it  is  not 
wonderful  that  it  was  received  with  so 
much  tumult  that  the  lives  of  those 
who  performed  the  service  were  endan- 
gered, and  that  there  was  no  readiness 
on  the  part  of  the  magistrates  or  no- 
bility to  defend  the  insulted  prelates,  or 
to  punish  those  who  were  guilty  of  the 
disturbance.  The  enemies  of  episco- 
pacy rejoiced  in  these  failures,  and  the 
mass  of  the  nobles,  and  those  in  au- 
thority, were  not  sorry  to  observe  the 
overthrow  of  a  project  which  had  been 
carried  on  without  their  advice,  by 
churchmen,  of  whose  exaltation  into 
civil  offices  they  were  peculiarly  jea- 
lous. Those  among  the  lower  clergy 
who  were  friends  to  episcopacy,  and 
who  probably  would  have  shown  them- 
selves in  greater  numbers,  if  the  interests 
of  the  bishops  had  been  managed  with 
any  prudence,  were  ofTended  that  the 
introduction  of  the  liturgy  had  been 
carried  on  without  their  advice,  or  the 
forms  which  were  necessary  to  render 
it  legal,  and  therefore  little  disposed  to 
befriend  or  support  steps  which  were 
thus  imprudently  taken.  After  several 
applications  had  been  made  to  London, 
Hamilton,  as  commissioner  from  the 
king,  ultimately  rescinded  all-  that  had 
been  done,  convoking  a  general  assem- 
bly at  Glasgow,  and  calling  a  parlia- 
ment for  the  next  spring.  He  is  gene- 
rally' accused  of  duplicity  and  cunning 
in  all  these  transactions,  and  there  is 
some  evidence  apparently  against  him  ; 


but  his  line  of  policy  was  in  reality 
much  sounder  than  tliat  of  Laud,  and 
his  fidelity  seems  adequately  established 
by  his  subsequent  sufl^-rings  and  death. 
It  is  obvious  that  any  friend  of  the  court 
of  Charles  I.  would  have  been  esteemed 
a  traitor,  who  had  given  that  advice 
which  we  should  now  deem  to  have 
been  for  the  real  advantage  of  the  king 
and  the  nation  ;  and  be  it  remembered, 
that  the  marquis  of  Montrose,''  who 
was  undoubtedly  a  patriotic  royalist, 
was  at  this  time  on  the  side  of  the  cove- 
nanters. This  appellation  was  assumed 
by  those  who  were  enemies  to  the  Litur- 
gy and  to  the  arbitrary  power  of  the 
throne,  from  a  solemn  league  and  cove- 
nant'* now  framed,  and  to  which  the 
subscriptions  of  all  those  who  approved 
of  the  cause  were  affixed.  Hardly  anj' 
steps  could  have  tended  more  strongly 
than  this  to  mix  up  church  politics  with 
civil  :  for,  among  the  various  objects 
of  the  confederacy,  the  second  was  to 
root  out  prelacy,  i.  e.,  church  govern- 
ment by  archbishops,  bishops,  their 
chancellors,  commissaries,  deans,  deans 
and  chapters,  archdeacons,  and  all 
other  ecclesiastical  officers  depending 
on  that  hierarchy  ;  and  the  third,  to 
preserve  the  privileges  of  parliament 
and  the  kingdom.  The  proceedings  of 
the  assembly  at  Glasgow,^  (1638,)  were 
such  as  might  have  been  expected. 
The  church  had  been  tyrannized  over 


'  Hcylin's,  326. 

3  Guihry,  34—48—109. 


s  Guthry,  16. 


1  Guthry,  32—49. 

5  N.  B. — There  were  two  covenants:  the  first 
signed  by  Jomes  I.,  13S0,  and  the  one  here  men- 
tioned. They  are  far  from  corrcf  ponding.  They 
are  printed  in  the  Confession  of  Faith,  &c.,  of 
the  assembly  of  divines  at  Westminster.  Thia 
may  be  found  in  Fuller,  xi.  201,  and  in  many 
other  historians  ;  the  abstract  of  it  is  as  follows: 
The  preface  declares  the  deplorable  .slate  ol  reli- 
gion in  the  three  kingdoms  to  be  the  origin  of  ihisi 
act,  in  which,  after  the  custom  of  this  and  other 
godly  nations,  they  enter  into  the  following  cove- 
nant : 

1.  "  That  they  should  reduce  the  church  of 
England  and  Ireland  to  the  same  model  ns  that 
of  Scotland.    They  agree — 

2.  "  To  extirpate  popery,  prelacy,  and  super- 
stition, and  to  establish  godliness. 

3.  "  To  defend  the  rights  of  parliament  and  the 
liberty  of  the  kingdom,  the  person  and  authority 
of  the  king. 

4.  "  To  discover  and  punish  all  malignants. 
hinderers  of  reformation,  &c. 

.5.  "  To  preserve  the  peace  of  these  kinsdoms. 

G.  "  To  defend  and  assist  all  these  who  have 
entered  into  the  covenant. 

7.  "  To  humble  themselves  for  the  sins  of  the 
nation,  and  to  trv  to  reform  them." 
,    6Guthry,  41.  ' 


Chap.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


209 


fpr  a  time,  and  when  allowed  to  express 
its  fi'olings,  brolte  down  all  barriers, 
coalinued  its  sessions  after  it  had  been 
legally  dissolved  by  tiie  king's  com- 
missioner, and  went  on  to  rescind  at 
one*  all  that  had  been  establislied  since 
1605,  i.  e.,  episcopacy,  the  articles  of 
Perth,  the  canons,  and  liturgy.  These 
steps  naturally  and  necessarily  led  to  a 
civil  war.  Leslie  was  appointed  to  the 
coairnaud  of  the  anny  which  they  le- 
vied ;  the  castle  of  Edinburgh  fell  into 
their  hands,  and  the  king  was  forced  to 
treat,  and  make  peace  with  his  rebel- 
lious subjects. 

§  5.5.).  The  same  steps  had  been 
leading  silently  to  the  same  result  in 
England.  The  power  exercised  by 
Laud  not  only  disgusted  the  nobility, 
who  might  be  deemed  his  rivals,  and 
who  found  themselves  supplanted  by 
churchmen,  but  the  severity  exercised 
by  some  of  the  bishops  on  their  non- 
conformist brethren,  was  likely  to  ren- 
der tht!  lower  and  more  numerous  por- 
tion of  the  members  of  the  establish- 
ment hostile  to  the  government  of  the 
church,  and  consequently  not  friendly 
lo  that  of  the  state  which  upheld  it. 
When  Laud  was  made  archbishop,' 
(lfj:}3,)  he  pressed  conformity,  and  at- 
tended much  to  the  ceremonies  of  the 
church,  so  that  a  preacher  was  censured 
.for  saying  that  the  night  was  approach- 
ing, since  shadows  were  growing  so 
much  longer  than  the  bodies,  and  cere- 
monies regarded  more  than  the  power 
of  godliness.  In  his  eagerness  in  this 
res])ect,  he  not  only  enforced  those 
ceremonies  which  had  been  appointed, 
but  took  great  delight  in  increasing  the 
number  of  them.  He  had  put  up  a 
crucifix  oa  the  altar^  in  Westminster 
Abbey  at  the  coronation  ;  had  used 
considerable  ))omp  in  the  consecration 
of  churches,  adopting  an  office'  com- 
posed by  Andrews,  bishop  of  Win- 
chester, which  corresponds  almost  en- 
tirely with  the  service  of  the  church  of 
Rome ;  had  directed  the  communion 
tables  to  be  surrounded  with  rails,  and 
the  communicants  to  approach  the  altar, 
and  caused  various  genuflexions  and 
bowings  to  be  used  on  entering  and 


'  Fuller,  xi.  1.50.  2  Collier,  ii.  736. 

3  See  an  outline  of  the  histo'-y  of  this  office, 
i  750. 

27 


leaving  the  church.  Most  of  which 
ceremonies  were  in  themselves  very 
innocent,  and  it  was  natural,  at  a  time 
when  the  neglect  of  them  was  grow- 
ing into  fashion,  that  a  man  of  Laud's 
views  should  studiously  observe  them  ; 
but  it  was  madness  to  suppose  that  the 
enforcing  them  would  cure  the  evil,  or 
fail  to  irritate  and  augment  the  disorder. 
Pure  Christianity,  when  placed  near 
fanaticism  or  formalism,  will  ordinarily 
soon  gain  the  ascendant  over  either  the 
one  or  the  other;  but  extremes  are  little 
likely  to  produce  a  cure  to  their  oppo- 
site evils. 

§  570.  Laud,  however,*  was  not  con- 
tented with  putting  in  force  the  existing 
laws,  or  practising  such  ceremonies  as 
he  himself  approved ;  but  when,  in 
KJIO,  Charles  was  compelled  to  call  a 
parliament,  which  he  so  soon  dissolved, 
to  the  regret  of  all  good  men,  the  con- 
vocation which  was  then  asseinbled 
proceeded  to  frame  a  body  of  canons,  and 
continued  their  session  beyond  the  ex- 
istence of  the  parliament.  These  ca- 
nons were  put  forth  to  the  world  at  a 
moment  when  every  one  was  ready  to 
cavil  at  the  acts  of  legitimate  authority, 
and  under  circumstances  which  might 
have  rendered  them  questionable  at 
any  other  time,  inasmuch  as  it  was  pre- 
sumed by  many,  that  upon  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  parliament  its  sister  assem- 
bly ceased  at  the  same  moment.  The 
convocation  was  in  fact  now  changed 
into  a  synod,  in  which  ca])acity,  to  use 
the  words  of  Lord  Clarendon,^  it  "made 
canons,  which  was  thought  it  might  do  ; 
and  gave  subsidies  out  of  parliament, 
and  enjoined  oaths,  which  certainly  it 
might  not  do  ;  in  a  word,  did  many 
things,  which  in  the  best  of  times  might 
have  been  questioned,  and  therefore 
were  sure  to  be  condemned  in  the 
worst ;  and  drew  the  same  prejudice 
upon  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy,  to 
which  before  only  some  few  clergymen 
were  exposed." 

The  canons  themselves  are  such  as 
prove  the  violence  of  those  who  framed 
them,  who  must  have  been  actuated  b}^ 
despair  or  fatuity  to  select  such  a  time 
for  their  publication.  They  enact"  that 
every  of?iciating  minister  shall,  on  some 


*  Fuller,  xi.  1G8.  >  Hist.  i.  148, 

*  Sparrow's  Collection. 

s3 


210 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIII 


one  Sunday  in  every  quarter,  insist  on 
the  divine  right  of  kings,  and  on  their 
prerogatives,  in  which  the  power  of 
taxing  was  indirectly  implied.  That 
the  day  of  the  king's  inauguration  shall 
be  carefully  observed.  They  were 
very  severe  against  papists,  Socinians, 
and  all  sectaries.  In  order  to  support 
the  establishment,  an  oath  was  imposed 
against  innovations,  in  which  every  j 
clergyman,  or  person  taking  a  degree, 
was  to  swear  "  that  he  would  not  con- 
sent to  alter  the  government  of  the 
church  by  archbishops,  bishops,  deans, 
archdeacons,  &c. ;"  a  form  sufficiently 
equivocal,  and  which  acquired  for  the 
oath  the  name  of  the  "  et  caetera  oath." 
It  was  ordered  that  the  communion 
table  should  stand  as  in  the  cathedral 
church ;  that  it  should  be  railed  in,  and 
,  the  people  approach  the  holy  table 
when  they  received  ;  and  that  on  enter- 
ing and  quitting  church  they  should  do 
obeisance.  Every  preacher  was  directed 
to  enforce  in  his  sermons,  twice  every 
year,  conformity  to  the  riles  and  cere- 
monies of  the  church  of  England.' 

The  effects  of  such  a  proceeding  were 
obvious.  The  state  of  the  question 
between  the  king  and  the  people  at  this 
moment  was,  whether  they  should  be 
governed  constitutionally  by  law,  or  by 
the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  court : 
whether  -they  should  possess  the  right 
of  taxing  themselves,  or  whether  the 
security  of  their  property  were  to  de- 
pend on  the  necessities  of  those  who 
governed  them :  whether  the  petition  of 
rights  were  to  be  observed  or  no.  Who- 
ever, therefore,  among  the  clergy  had 
followed  these  canons,  as  to  their  spirit, 
must  have  taken  a  part  in  the  great 
question  at  issue,  in  favour  of  the  court, 
'i'he  words  indeed  of  the  canon  arc  very 
cautiously  chosen,  so  as  to  assert  in 
general  terms  only  the  right  of  kings  to 
tribute,  custom,  and  aid,  while  the  pro- 
perty of  the  subject  is  secured,  a  posi- 
tion which  no  Christian  will  deny ;  but 
the  question  was,  whether  the  king  had 
a  right  to  collect  that  tribute  a.s  he 
pleased,  and  to  dispense  with  the  laws 
of  the  country. 

§  571.  It  is  difficult  to  give  a  distinct 

'  Walker,  in  his  .Sufferings  of  the  Clergy,  p.  ~, 
supposes  that  these  canous  are  now  as  much 
binding  as  those  of  1(,03  ;  in  this  he  is  mistaken. 
See  ^  756,  or  the  Act  13-"  C.  II.,  ch.  12. 


view  of  the  feelings  of  the  country  with 
regard  either  to  church  or  state,  whhout 
entering  into  a  protracted  discussion, 
which  must  be  little  suited  to  this  work; 
but  as  it  is  impossible  to  understand  the 
condition  of  the  kingdom  without  doing 
so,  a  brief  outhne  must  be  attempted. 
Every  real  friend  to  his  country,  who 
understood  the  circumstances  under 
j  which  England  was  then  placed,  must 
have  desired  a  reformation,  both  in 
church  and  state.  The  power  of  the 
king  was  so  ill  defined,  that  it  was 
scarcely  possible  for  an  honest  man  to 
have  served  him  without  great  compunc- 
tion ;  and  however  little  Charles  might 
have  wished  to  play  the  tyrant,  it  is  dif- 
ficult for  a  king  to  restrain  his  ministers, 
if  arbitrary  power  be  once  placed  in 
their  hands.  Such  a  power  indeed  might 
be  easily  borne  by  the  people,  were  it 
not  for  the  ramifications  to  which  it  is 
liable  ;  for  a  monarch,  unless  he  be  un- 
bendingly severe  on  his  immediate  ser- 
vants, becomes,  against  his  will,  a  tyrant 
to  every  one  of  his  subjects  wlio  is  ex- 
posed to  the  arbitrary  government  of 
those  whom  he  trusts.  The  Court  of  Ec- 
clesiastical Commission  had  frequently 
exercised  severity,  and  sometimes  cruel- 
ty, on  those  who  were  called  before  it, 
and  the  people  had  indistinctly  mixed  up 
the  idea  of  the  church  government  under 
which  they  groaned,  with  episcopacy 
and  the  higher  offices  in  the  church.  It 
was  this  which  gave  rise  to  the  supposed 
necessity  of  imposing  the  et  cxlera  oath  ; 
and  the  very  nature  of  that  oath  tended 
to  countenance  the  error.  Laud  and  his 
party  were  justly  alarmed  at  the  spirit 
of  innovation  which  they  beheld  ;  and  in 
their  attempts  to  maintain  what  was  val- 
uable, they  were  too  fearful  to  allow  that 
anj'  ])art  of  the  fabric  ■was  unsound,  and 
endeavoured  to  defend  the  whole,  cor- 
ruptions and  all.  The  honest  party,  on 
the  other  side,  who  were  anxious  lor  the 
correction  of  abuses,  found  that  they  had 
no  hopes  of  accomplishing  their  pro- 
jected reforms,  except  by  breaking  down 
the  barriers  of  what  was  in  itself  excel- 
lent ;  but  which  they  were  forced  to 
couple  with  the  evils  which  they  wished 
to  remedy,  because  the  same  defence 
was  thrown  around  both  :  nor  can  it  be 
doubled,  that  the  enemies  of  the  ecclc- 
j  siastical  constitution  rejoiced  to  perceive 
1  the  church  thus  imprudently  connected 


Chap.  XIII.]  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  211 


with  the  errors  of  the  state.  The  three 
parties,  therefore,  in  the  kingdom,  with 
reference  to  the  church,  were,  1,  the 
high  church  party  ;  2,  those  who  were 
desirous  to  see  the  church  reformed,  and 
the  excessive  power  of  the  hierarchy 
diminished  and,  3,  those  who  were 
eager  to  establish  the  presfsyterian  go- 
vernment at  the  expense  of  the  higher 
offices  in  the  church.  This  latter  party 
was  at  first  in  all  probability  very  small,' 
till  political  circumstances  augmented 
their  power,  and  threw  the  preponder- 
ance into  their  hands  ;  but  the  impolicy 
•of  which  Laud  was  guilty,  consisted  in 
alienating  tlie  moderate  party,  and  driv- 
ing them  into  the  interests  of  the  enemies 
of  the  state.  The  same  observations 
will  apply  with  almost  equal  truth  to  the 
political  parties  which  existed  in  the 
kingdom  :  and  indeed  the  whole  discus- 
sion appears  to  belong  to  the  state  rather 
than  to  the  church.  Episcopacy,  pres- 
bytery, and  independency,  were  made 
the  watchwords  of  parties  ;  but  the  real 
question  throughout  was  a  political  one, 
and  took  its  religious  aspect  rather  from 
the  connection  with  Scotland,  than  be- 
cause the  parties  in  England  were  con- 
tending about  the  government  of  the 
church.  The  political  reformers  attacked 
the  church,  partly  because  a  churchman 
was  governing  the  country,  partly  be- 
cause the  feelings  of  the  people  were 
irritated  against  the  power  of  the  church 
as  an  engine  of  oppression,  and  partly 
because  the  voles  of  the  bishops  gave  a 
preponderance  in  the  House  of  Lords  to 
the  friends  of  the  court.  The  mass  of 
the  country  wished  perhaps  that  the 
episcopal  authority  should  be  curtailed, 
but  there  was  probably  no  general  ob- 
jection to  episcopacy  itself. 

§  572.  Such  seems  to  have  been  the 
state  of  parties  when  the  Long  Parliament 
was  assembled,  (Nov.  Oth,)  and  one  of 
its  earliest  acts  was  to  a])point  a  com- 
mittee of  religion,'  consisting  of  the 
whole  House:  this  subsequently  branched 


'  Baxter  says,  (Life,  i.  33,)  "  Almost  all  thoso 
afterwards  called  presbylerians  were  before  con- 
formisis;"  and,  35,  "that  those  who  were  the 
honour  of  the  parliament,  were  previously  con- 
formists. It  was  an  episcopal  and  ErasMan  par- 
liament of  conformists  that  took  np  arms  in  Eng- 
land against  the  king;"  (iii.  149;)  "they  knew 
l>ut  one  prcsbyierian  in  the  House  of  Commons." 

2  Clarendon,  ii.  283.    Heylin's  Laud,  503. 

3  Walker's  Suff.  62,  63. 


off  into  divers  sub-committees,  one  of 
which  took  the  appellation  of  "  the  com- 
mittee for  providing  preaching  ministers 
and  removing  scandalous  ones."^  The 
practical  effect  of  these  committees  was 
to  intimidate  the  clergy,  as  well  as  to 
bring  them  into  disrepute  ;  for  the  mere 
fact  of  being  brought  before  a  tribunal, 
usually  called  "  the  committee  of  scan- 
dalous ministers,"  could  not  fail  to  load 
the  obnoxious  clergyman  with  a  certain 
degree  of  obloquy.  The  crimes  which 
were  ordinarily  charged  on  the  unfortu- 
nate delinquents  who  were  brought  be- 
fore this  mock  court  of  justice,  were  with 
regard  to  those  ceremonies  which  by 
law  they  were  bound  to  observe  :  and 
the  reformers  who  were  forward  in  main- 
taining the  sanctity  of  the  law,  when  the 
other  party  violated  it,  Avere  guilty  of  the 
same  injustice  when  power  fell  into  their 
own  hands.  Indeed,  one  great  misfor- 
tune during  the  whole  struggle  was,  that 
neither  side  could  feel  secure  under  the 
protection  of  the  laws  :  the  royal  pre- 
rogative had  first  taught  the  people  that 
all  bands  were  too  weak  to  secure  their 
liberty  ;  and  when  the  day  of  retribution 
came,  the  popular  faction  sought  to  make 
themselves  safe  by  overturning  the 
whole  power  of  their  adversaries. 

§  573.  The  chief  attacks  against  the 
church,  during  the  early  session  of  this 
parliament,  aimed  at  destroying  its  civil 
authority ;  because,  when  that  was  ef- 
fected, no  one  could  expect  to  find  any 
great  difficulty  in  overthrowing  the  whole 
fabric  of  the  establishment.  It  is  per- 
haps in  the  abstract  desirable,  that  men 
peculiarly  dedicated  to  the  service  of 
God  should  possess  as  little  temporal 
power  as  possible,  for  every  act  whei-ein 
coercive  authority  is  used  must  tend  to 
destroy  the  influence  of  our  spiritual 
advice,  which  is  the  proper  province  of 
the  clergy:  but  he  must  be  very  igno- 
rant of  human  nature,  who  supposes 
tiiat  property  can  fail  to  confer  jiower, 
or  that  the  attempt  to  take  away  the 
power,  which  is  alone  able  to  defend  it, 


*  I'he  several  chairmen  of  th"se  committees,  hy 
wjiose  niimes  I  hey  are  frequenily  designaied, 
were.  While,  Corbet,  Sir  Robert  Harlow,  .Sir 
Edward  Dering. 

While's  was  probably  the  same  as  that  for  [iliin- 
dered  ministers,  lortned  to  provide  for  such  godly 
ministers  as  had  suHiired  through  the  king's  sol- 
diery :  it  was  nicknamed  "the  committee  for 
plundering  ministers,"    Walker,  Suff.  62 — ^83, 


212 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


[Chap.  Xllf  ' 


can  be  made  without  crcatinof  an  inso- 
curity  to  the  properly  itself.  The  attack 
began  by  a  general  outcry  against  the 
temporal  power  of  the  clmrch ;  the  lord 
keeper  was  ordered  to  leave  out  the 
clergy  from  the  commission  of  the 
peace  ;  and  a  hill  was  brought  forward, 
though  without  success,  to  deprive  the 
bishops  of  their  votes  in  the  House  of 
Lords.  Sir  Edward  Dering,  indeed,  pro- 
posed one  Avhich  would  have  destroyed 
at  once  bishops,  deans,  and  chapters ; 
but  the  question  was  moved  rather  as  an 
experiment  to  try  the  House,  than  from 
any  idea  that  it  Avould  pass.  The 
clamour,  however,  which  was  raised  by 
the  mob  without,  and  the  countenance 
which  they  received  within  the  House, 
at  length  drove  the  bench  to  a  step' 
which  led  to  their  final  exclusion ;  for 
towards  the  end  of  the  year,  the  popu- 
lace of  London  became  so  violent  against 
episcopacy,  and  threatened  the  lives  of 
the  bishops  with  so  much  vehemence, 
that,  having  been  forced  one  night  to 
fly  from  the  House  by  stealth,  they  met 
together,  and  signed  a  protest  against 
any  of  the  proceedings  of  the  House  of 
Lords  during  their  forcible  and  involun- 
tary absence.  This  document  Avas  put 
into  the  hands  of  Lord  Keeper  Lyttle- 
ton,'  in  order  to  its  being  produced  when 
it  had  been  approved  by  the  king ;  but 
he  unadvisedly,  if  no  worse,  brought  it 
forward  at  once,  and  the  poor  bishops 
were  sent  to  the  Tower  on  a  charge  of 
high  treason ;  a  charge  so  absurd  in 
itself,'  that  one  of  the  lawyers  friendly 
to  the  parliament  declared,  that  they 
might  as  well  have  been  accused  of 
adultery.  They  were  there  detained  for 
some  time,  till  deprived  of  their  votes, 
and  presently  after  of  their  property. 
The  hardship  of  these  proceedings  is 
described  in  a  very  Christian  manner  by 
Bishop  Hall,  in  the  tract  here  referred  to. 
Tho  coercive  power  of  the  spiritual 
courts  had  been  before  taken  away  by 
the  act  which  deprived  the  High  Com- 
mission Court  of  its  authority,  when  its 
sister  power  of  the  Star  Chamber  had 
justly  experienced  the  same  fate.  The 
destruction  of  these  two  courts  was  an 
act  which  well  deserved  the  blessing  of 

'  Fuller,  xi.  186. 
*  Racket's  Williams,  ii.  178. 
'  Hall's  Hard  Measure ;  Wordsw.  Ecc.  Biog. 
V.  320. 


posterity,  and  we  cannot  but  lament  that 
these  prosp.eroas  beginnings  were  so 
soon  clouded  by  tyranny  and  oppres- 
sion ;  but  it  was  bj'  the  j^opularity  of 
such  acts  that  the  parliament  acquired 
its  power,  till  the  wickedness  of  some 
of  the  members,  and  the  weakness  of 
the  king,  broke  down  the  barriers  of 
right  and  wrong,  and  admitted  all  the 
miseries  which  the  rebellion  introduced, 

§  574.  These  steps  met  with  less  op- 
position than  might  have  been  expect- 
ed from  a  nation  which,  on  the  whole, 
seemed  favourable  to  the  church  ;  but 
it  may  be  observed,  that  they  extended 
only  to  the  diminution  of  the  jiower  of 
the  hierarchy,  and  not  to  its  utter  de- 
struction. Many  friends  of  episcopacy 
might  be  glad  to  see  the  bishops  dispos- 
sessed of  their  votes  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  no  friend  of  religion  could 
be  sorr}^  to  witness  the  downfall  of  the 
High  Commission  Court;  and  this  was 
the  ultimate  point  which  received  the 
sanction  of  the  king.  When  the  war 
broke  out,  the  parliament  soon  found 
the  church,  particularly  the  higher 
members  of  the  establishment,  not  only  . 
faithful  in  their  allegiance,  but  earnesi 
in  the  cause  of  loyalty ;  and  the  conse- 
quence Avas,  that  they  wer'^  forced  to 
destroy  them  as  partisans  of  their  ene- 
my ;  and  many  more  clergymen''  were 
dispossessed  of  their  preferments  as  ma- 
lignants  than  as  scandalous  ministers. 
These  circumstances  ruined  individual 
clergymen,  and  weakened  the  body; 
but  in  ail  probability  the  adverse  fac- 
tion would  never  have  been  able  to 
alter  the  constitution,  and  thus  to  anni- 
hilate the  church  of  Eno;land  as  a 
church,  had  not  the  hopes'*  of  bringing 
over  the  Scotch  to  their  cause,  ulti- 
mately induced  those  who  were  anxious 
to  carry  their  political  objects  at  any 
rate,  to  consent  to  the  establishment  of 
a  presbyterian  government. 

§  .575.  It  may  be  expected  that  some- 
thing should  here  be  said  of  the  growth 
of  a  faction  which  converted  the  mo- 
narchy into  a  republic,  and  a  church 
governed  by  bishops  into  a  presbytery; 
that  some  account  should  be  given  of 
the  means  whereby  these  ste])s  were 
accomplished  :  but  after  having  detailed 
most  of  the  false  measures  which  con- 

4  Walker,  passj'm.       Clarendon's  Hist.  ii.  117. 


Chap.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND, 


213 


nected  the  church  with  the  downfall  of 
the  state  ;  after  having  premised  that 
the  government  was  such  as  no  wise 
man  could  wish  to  support,  while  those 
who  were  at  the  head  of  it  resisted  all 
legitimate  reform  springing  from  par- 
liamentary discussion,  it  need  hardly  be 
added,  that  the  instruments  correspond- 
ed with  what  might  naturally  have 
been  expected.  Factious  lecturers  and 
preachers  will  never  be  wanting  where 
there  are  violent  parties  in  the  church, 
and  reasonable  causes  of  complaint. 
Demagogues  are  the  production  of 
every  country  and  period,  but  they  are 
only  dangerous  when  the  sober  and 
thinking  part  of  the  population  are  dis- 
contented. The  strong  arm  of  power 
may  put  them  down  for  the  moment, 
but  a  strong  arm,  unless  supported  and 
nourished  by  a  healthy  body  politic, 
will  tend  but  to  weaken  the  system, 
through  its  unnatural  exertions.  The 
nation,  by  observing  abuses,  became 
overheated  and  restless,  and  the  court 
dared  not  feel  the  pulse  of  the  public 
by  calling  a  parliament,  till  the  fever 
was  too  violent  to  admit  of  ordinary 
remedies.  The  concessions  made  by 
the  king  in  the  different  acts  of  parlia- 
ment which  he  passed,  might  have  satis- 
fied the  kingdom,  had  they  been  offered 
at  an  earlier  period,  when  they  would 
have  been  received  as  a  favour;  but 
being,  as  it  were,  torn  from  his  grasp 
by  the  violence  of  the  Houses,  the  very 
facility  with  which  they  were  yielded 
made  those  who  had  obtained  them 
doubtful  whether  they  were  sincerely 
granted  ;  and  the  leaders  of  the  com- 
mons, with  the  view  of  securing  their 
own  safety,  demanded  that  the  militia 
should  be  intrusted  to  such  men  as  they 
could  confide  in,  i.  e.,  to  themselves  ; 
and  because  the  king  wisely  refused  to 
resign  this  last  bulwark  of  the  throne, 
they  put  themselves  in  a  posture  of  de- 
fence, and  began  the  civil  war. 

§  .57f).  As  the  fate  of  the  church  de- 
pended for  a  time  on  the  state  of  the 
war,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  exhibit  a 
brief  outline  of  its  progress,  particularly 
as  the  complicated  nature  of  such  a 
warfare  must  render  it  difficult  to  ac- 
quire an  accurate  notion  of  what  took 
place  as  a  whole.' 

'  The  following  abstract  of  the  war  is  taken 
from  Clarendon  and  Ludlow. 


A.  D.  1042.  August  35.  The  royaJ 
standard  was  raised  at  Nottingham,'' 
under  most  unfavourable  prospects; 
but  the  loyalty  of  the  nation  soon  put 
the  king  at  the  head  of  a  respectable 
force,  with  which  he  encountered  the 
earl  of  Essex  at  Edge-hill,  and  gained 
a  considerable  advantage  over  him. 
(Oct.  2'i.)  This  gave  the  royalists  the 
command  of  the  centre  of  the  kingdom, 
and  established  their  head-quarters  at 
Oxford,  a  town  peculiarly  well  suited 
for  carrying  on  the  war,  as  well  from 
the  influence  of  the  place  itself,  as  the 
associations  fixed  in  the  minds  of  many 
of  those  who  were  destined  to  take  a 
part  in  the  contest.  It  was,  too,  from 
its  central  position,  in  a  military  point 
of  view,  an  acquisition  of  no  slight  im- 
portance. His  majesty  afterwards  ad- 
vanced towards  London,  (Nov.  V-i,)  and 
was  engaged  for  some  days  at  Brent- 
ford ;  but  the  citizens,  supported  by  the 
remnant  of  Essex's  army,  contrived  to 
defend  the  ground  which  they  hud  oc- 
cupied, and  he  was  forced  to  retire  to 
Oxford,  leaving  a  garrison  at  Reading.' 

§  577.  (a.  d.  1543.)  In  the  next  spring 
the  parliament  were  able  to  recover 
Reading,  but  the  general  appearance 
of  the  contest  was  decidedly  against 
them.  In  the  west.  Sir  R.  Hopton  had 
made  himself  master  of  the  open  coun- 
try, and  proceeded  to  aid  the  royal 
forces  in  taking  Bristol;  (.Tuly  25;)  and 
had  not  the  king  foolishly  wasted  time 
in  the  siege  of  Gloucester,  there  would 
probably  have  been  no  army  sufficient- 
ly strong  to  prevent  his  marching  to 
London.  This  delay,  however,  allowed 
the  parliament  to  collect  a  considerable 
body  of  troops;  and  when  (Sept.  5) 
they  advanced  towards  the  royal  army, 
the  siege  was  raised,  and  the  first  battle 
of  Newbury  (Sept.  20)  subsequently 
fought,  which  obliged  the  king,  though 
he  was  not  beaten,  to  retire  upon  Ox- 
ford, instead  of  prosecuting  the  cam- 
paign. 

§  578.  (a.  D.  lf!44.)  In  the  beginning 
of  the  next  year  the  Scotch  army  began 
its  march  southward.  They  had  been 
urged  and  invited  so  to  do  by  commis- 
sioners sent  down  for  this  express  pur- 
pose, who,  on  their  return  to  London,* 


^  Clarendon,  i.  720. 

'  Neal's  Puritans,  iii.  5G. 


ei4 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIH. 


brought  back  with  them  the  solemn 
league  and  covenant,  which  the  Scotch 
were  particularly  anxious  lo  enforce  on 
their  English  brethren.  The  English 
wished  to  have  made  a  civil  alliance, 
but  the  presbyterians  would  consent  to 
no  terms  without  the  alteration  of  the 
church  government ;  and  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  parliament  induced  them  to 
consent  to  this  unreasonable  proposal. 
Up  to  this  period,  the  war  was  in  favour 
of  the  king,  and  in  the  beginning  of  this 
\'ery  year,  the  relief  of  Newark,  (March 
22,)  by  Prince  Rupert,  and  his  other 
successes,  made  the  general  aspect  con- 
tinue so,  till  the  loss  of  York,  after  the 
battle  of  Marston  Moor,  (July  2,)  re- 
duced the  whole  of  the  north  of  Eng- 
land under  the  power  of  the  parliament. 
The  marquis  of  Newcastle  had  been 
exerting  himself  in  the  preservation 
of  the  interests  of  the  king,  not  only 
against  the  forces  which  were  raised  in 
the  north  of  England  for  the  parliament, 
but  against  the  Scotch  army,  under  Les- 
lie, and  was  besieged  by  them  in  York. 
■  Prince  Rupert  had  succeeded  in  throw- 
ing relief  into  the  place,  and  all  might 
have  done  Avell,  had  he  been  wise 
enough  to  have  been  contented  with 
this  ;  but  in  his  hasty  anxiety  to  gain  a 
victory,  which,  if  won,  could  produce 
little  effect,  he  put  the  whole  to  the 
issue  of  a  battle,  lost  it,  and,  with  it,  not 
only  York,  but  the  whole  of  the  king's 
interests  in  that  part  of  the  country. 
This  blow  might  have  been  fatal  to  the 
whole  cause,  had  it  not  been  balanced 
by  the  surrender  of  the  forces  of  the 
earl  of  Essex,'  in  the  west,  who,  having 
proceeded  too  far  in  that  direction,  was 
cooped  up  at  Fowey,  (Sept.  2,)  in  Corn- 
wall. As  for  himself,  he  was  obliged 
to  retire  by  sea ;  his  cavalry  cut  their 
way  through  the  enemy,  and  his  foot 
were  made  prisoners.  But  even  this 
success  on  the  part  of  the  king  was  on 
his  return  towards  Oxford  counteracted 
hy  the  second  battle  of  Newbury,  (Oct. 
27,)  where  the  earl  of  Manchester  and 
Waller  met  him  ;  and  after  a  very  brisk 
encounter,  in  which  both  sides  suffered 
much,  and  scarcely  any  advantage  was 
gained  bv  either,  it  became  evident  that 
the  royalists  i)0ssessed  no  decided  su- 
periority over  their  opponents. 


§  579.  The  fate  of  the  war  was  even 
now,  in  a  great  degree,  undecided,  as 
far  as  fighting  was  concerned  ;  but  the 
parliament  had  learnt  their  faults,  and 
discovered  the  remedy  for  them,  while 
the  evils  which  accompanied  the  army 
of  the  king  daily  increased.  The  dis- 
cipline of  the  troops  of  both  parties  had 
from  the  first  been  exceedingly  bad. 
The  royal  army  was  composed  of  a 
gallant  band  of  armed  and  mounted 
gentry,  who  at  the  moment  when  they 
charged  were  every  thing  Avhich  a  ge- 
neral could  desire  ;  but  at  other  limes 
subject  to  very  little  control,  and  almost 
ungovernable  when  they  had  met  with 
success,  or  experienced  a  reverse  of 
fortune.  The  stem  severity  exhibited 
by  the  puritans  indoced  the  royalists  to 
despise  even  the  form  of  godliness;  so 
that  to  be  religious,  and  a  gentleman, 
became,  in  the  opinion  of  the  multitude, 
contradictory  terms  :  the  chief  officers 
themselves  were  guilty  of  the  grossest 
vices,  particularly  of  drunkenness  ;  and 
the  lawless  proceedings  of  the  troops 
alienated  the  minds  of  many  of  the 
people  from  the  royal  cause  ;  a  state  of 
things  which  engendered  contention 
among  those  who  should  have  governed,, 
and  disobedience  among  those  who 
should  have  obeyed.  The  soldiers  of 
the  parliament  were  collected  chiefly 
by  the  hopes  of  ])ay,  and  when  they 
had  gained  advantages  in  the  field,  they 
were  apt  to  turn  them  to  their  personal 
profit,  a  species  of  fault  which  was  much 
more  easily  cured  than  the  disorgani- 
zation which  prevailed  among  the  other 
party  ;  while  the  appearance  of  strict 
religion  which  was  maintained  among 
them,  answered  many  of  the  purposes 
of  military  discipline.  But  the  altera- 
tion which  now  took  place  in  the  ma- 
nagement of  the  interests  of  the  parlia- 
ment, produced  an  entire  change  in  the 
whole  face  of  their  affairs. 

§  580.  Essex  had  probably  wished  to 
become  the  arbitrator  of  the  war^  rather 
than  to  conquer  the  king ;  he  foresaw 
that  the  complete  success  of  either  party 
must  lead  to  the  destruction  of  the  con- 
stitution ;  this  produced  a  want  of  deci- 
sion in  his  counsels,  and  led  to  disgrace 
in  the  field,  while  his  ill  success  per- 


'  Neal's  Puritans,  iii.  89. 


I  '  Life  of  Col.  Hutchinson, 
1  Baxter,  53. 


347.  Calamy's 


GhJ^p.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


215 


haps  contributed  much  to  the  facility 
with  which  the  self-deuyiiig  ordinance 
passed.    The  country  had  long  been 
scandalized  by  the  interested  manner  in 
which  offices  were  assigned  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  two  Houses,  and  the  act 
which  received  this  denomination  con- 
sisted in  a  vote  which  disabled  all  who 
sat  in  either  House  from  holding  any 
situation  of  power  or  emolument.  The 
step  was  on  many  grounds  necessary, 
since  the  parliament  was  even  now  be- 
coming intolerable  from  its  tyranny  and 
selfishness ;  but  enabled  those  who  were 
secretly  promoting  their  own  advance- 
ment, to  remodel  the  army  according  to 
their  own  wishes,  and  to  raise  up  a 
power  which  ultimately  overcame  the 
party  which  employed  it.    It  is  difficult 
to  account  for  the  ease  with  which  Crom- 
well retained  his  command  in  the  army, 
together  with  his  seat  in  the  House,  un- 
less indeed  we  conclude  that  he  was  the 
secret  contriver  of  the  whole  :  but  the 
wisdom  of  this  arrangement  soon  be- 
came evident ;  for  when  the  army  in  its 
new  state  took  the  field,  it  was  obvious 
that  the  prospects  of  the  royal  party 
were  annihilated.     Fairfax  seems  to 
have  possessed  much  military  talent, 
but  to  have  been  too  honest  a  man  to 
enter  deeply  into  the  cabals  of  the  re- 
bellion ;  he  kept  his  men  in  order,  beat 
his  enemies  when  he  met  them,  and  was 
ever  ready  to  give  them,  when  beaten, 
the  best  terms  which  the  interest  of  his 
own  party  would   allow.  Cromwell 
was  equall}'  good  as  an  officer,  but  he 
understood    human    nature,  and  was 
willing  to  leave  no  stone  unturned  to 
accomplish  the?  object  which  he  had 
probably  now  begun  to  entertain.  He 
had  clearly  seen  from  the  first  that  an 
imbodied  gentry'  must  easily  surpass 
in  the  field  troops  composed  of  mecha- 
nics and  Servants;   but  he  perceived, 
and  taught  the  world,  that  religion, 
tinctured  with  fanaticism,  was  a  more 
powerful  motive  of  action  than  a  sense 
of  honour;  and  that  the  love  of  free- 


'  In  this  conlost  the  generality  of  llie  nobility, 
most  of  the  knights  ariii  gentry,  adhered  to  llic 
king,  and  were  loUowed  l)y  their  tetiants  and  the 
poorer  sort  of  people  ;  with  the  parliament  were 
the  smaller  part  of  the  npper  orders,  and  the 
greater  of  the  tradesmen,  freeholders,  and  middle 
sort  of  men,  particularly  in  manufacturing  cor- 
porations, together  with  those  who  were  more 
precise  in  religion.    (Calamy's  Baxter,  46.) 


dom,  with  which  the  yeomen  of  the 
country  were  then  inspired,  was  at  letist 
as  ])owerful  a  stimulant  as  the  desire 
of  dominion,  which  animated  the  nobi- 
lity and  royalists.  He  had  always  shown 
that  he  was  no  friend  to  half-measures, 
and  his  talents  had  given  confidence  to 
those  whom  this  circumstance  united  to 
his  interests  ;  when,  therefore,  the  self- 
denying  ordinance  had  cleared  away 
many  who  were  looking  to  a  compro- 
mise, the  opposite  party  might  succeed 
in  continuing  the  command  to  one  who 
had  taken  no  prominent  part  in  the  bu- 
siness of  the  House,  and  who  was  known 
to  possess  so  much  skill  as  a  soldier. 

§  581.  (a,  b.  1645.)  The  campaign 
of  Fairfax'^  was  short  and  brilliant: 
he  proceeded  from  London  in  the  spring, 
threatened  Oxford  with  a  siege,  but 
soon  followed  the  motions  of  the  king. 
Charles  finding  himself  unexpectedly 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  enemy,  it 
was  determined  to  risk  a  battle  ;  and 
the  precipitancy  of  Prince  Rupert,  as 
on  many  other  occasiorss,  contributed  to 
lose  the  battle  of  Naseby,  (June  14,) 
a  loss  which  destroyed  all  the  prospects 
of  the  royalists.  Fairfax  now  proceeded 
to  the  west,  and  rapidly  reduced  every 
thing  under  his  command.  This  so 
utterly  dispirited  the  king,  who  had 
been  wandering  about  as  far  as  Wales, 
and  had  returned  to  Oxford  with  little 
hopes  of  assistance,  that  the  next  spring 
h(!  put  himself  into  thi;  hands  of  the 
Scotch,  and  sent  an  order  to  the  gover- 
nor of  Oxford  to  surrender  the  place, 
and  the  war  was  tertninated  in  favour 
of  the  parliament.  The  fate  of  the 
royal  cause  had  indeed  long  been  de- 
cided by  the  mutual  jealousies  with 
which  this  party  was  distracted.  The 
mass  of  those  who  composed  the  court 
were  contending  for  honours,  and  in- 
dulging in  mutual  disputes,  when  the 
enemy  was  preparing  to  swallow  them 
up  ;  and  Charles  had  never  energy  or 
firmness  enough  to  take  the  command 
of  the  whole  into  his  own  hands,  or  to 
place  it  at  the  disposal  of  any  other 


2  The  whole  of  this  war  is  fully  detailed  in 
Spriggc's  Anglia  Rediviva,  a  work  which  is  some- 
limes  altrilmted  to  Nathaniel  Fietines.  It  is  ob- 
served by  Baxter, 'Life,  p.  49,)  thai  the  commission 
of  Fairfax  now  omitted  the  words,  "in  defence 
of  the  king's  person,"  and  so  changed  the  cause 
of  the  war. 


216 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  X\U. 


efficientpcrson.  The headlonggallantry  ; 
of  Prince  Kiiport  was  of  serious  ii)con- 
venience  to  the  cause,  but  by  no  means 
so  injurious  as  the  want  of  confidence 
in  himself,  under  which  the  king  la- 
boured, and  which  prevented  him  from 
assuming  that  authority  wliich  might 
have  restrained  the  turbulence  of  his 
party  ;  nor  is  it  rash  to  assert,  that  his 
majesty  would  probably  have  directed 
his  own  counsels  as  well  or  better  than 
any  other  individual  engaged  in  the  con- 
test, had  he  only  been  decided  and  firm. 

§  582.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  the 
state  of  a  country  more  wretched  than 
that  of  England  during  this  period. 
There  was  war  raging  in  every  corner 
of  the  land  ;  the  movements  of  the  ar- 
mies, indeed,  were  comparatively  con- 
fined, but  the  preparations  for  the  con- 
test, and  the  bitterness  of  it,  Avere  spread 
over  the  whole.  There  was  much  of 
virtue  marshalled  on  both  sides,  and 
both  sides  were  supported  by  a  host  of 
selfish  and  interested  partisans.  The 
first  exertions  of  the  parliament  were 
the  struggles  of  freemen  too  eager  to 
vindicate  their  rights;  but  they  soon 
outstepped  the  lines  which  freedom 
should  have  dictated,  and  violated  every 
principle  of  justice  in  murdering  Lord 
Strafford,  under  the  form  of  a  bill  of 
attainder;  and  impeaching  Laud  of 
treason,  of  which  he  was  undoubtedly 
innocent.  Lord  Straflx)rd  had  been  guilty 
of  such  an  exercise  of  arbitrary  power 
and  tyranny'  as  might  fairly  have  dis- 
qualified him  from  holding  any  sub- 
sequent command.  He  had  himself 
trampled  on  law:  the  lesson  was  easily 
learnt  by  his  opponents ;  and  Charles, 
by  giving  way  to  the  unjustifiable  bill 
for  his  attainder,  and  perpetuating  the 
parliament,  imbittercd  the  remainder  of 
his  own  life  ;  and,  by  consigning  his 
friend  and  servant  to  the  block,  pre- 
pared the  scaffold  for  himself.  The 
case  of  Laud  was  different  from  that  of 
Strafford,  both  in  his  criminality  and  in 
his  sufferings.  The  difficulty  of  esti- 
mating the  character  of  Laud  consists 
in  our  being  unable  to  determine  the 
standard  by  which  his  conduct  is  to  be 
measured.  If  we  regard  him  as  a 
Christian  bishop,  the  picture  will  be  in 
many  respects  sadly  deficient  ;  to  look 

'  See  some  excellent  observations  on  this  trial 
in  Phillips's  State  Trials. 


upon  him  merely  as  a  statesman,  is  to 
degrade  the  sacred  office  with  which 
he  was  invested  ;  to  view  him  only  as  a 
man,  is  to  divest  him  of  all  that  is  worth 
examining,  and  to  pass  sentence  con- 
cerning those  particulars  on  which  God 
only  is  the  judge.  On  whatever  ground 
he  is  placed,  the  opinions  and  the  pre- 
judices of  the  writer  can  hardly  fail  to 
mix  themselves  up  in  the  estimate  :  none 
but  a  churchman  could  write  a  life  of 
Laud,  and  few  churchmen  are  suffi- 
ciently free  from  the  same  feelings  as 
prevailed  in  his  day  to  form  the  estimate 
fairly.  A  temperate  life  of  the  arch- 
bishop would  be  a  most  valuable  acqui- 
sition to  the  Church  Llistory  of  our 
country. 

§  5i"8.  Laud  was  a  man  of  an  upright 
heart  and  pious  soul,  but  of  too  warm  a 
temper,  and  too  positive  a  nature,  to  be 
a  good  courtier,  a  good  ruler,  or  ]  crhaj  3 
a  good  man.  The  great  objects  which  he 
had  in  view  were  such  as  every  honest 
man  would  approve;  hut  his  method  of 
pursuing  those  objects  produced  much 
of  the  misfortunes  with  which  these  un- 
happy times  were  marked.  The  times 
wherein  he  lived  were  fraught  Avith  the 
utmost  difficulty,  and  the  experience  of 
past  ages  had  given  those  who  were 
engaged  in  governing  the  kingdom  no 
clue  which  might  extricate  them  from 
these  difficulties.  The  nation  had  ar- 
rived at  that  point  wherein  it  was  neces- 
sary that  it  should  become  free  or  be 
enslaved.  A  powerful  government,  such 
as  that  of  Elizabeth,  might  have  delayed 
the  catastrophe,  or  have  thrown  the 
country  backward  into  a  lower  moral 
and  intellectual  condition,  by  riveting 
the  chains  of  slavery  ;  but  an  arbitrary 
government  cannot  exist  with  an  en- 
lightened people,  and  a  government 
could  hardly  fail  to  be  arbitrary,  which 
possessed  two  such  courts  as  the  Star 
Chamber  and  the  High  Commission. 
The  church  was  attacked  on  all  sides ; 
but  it  is  more  than  probable  that  the 
temporal  power  of  the  higher  members 
of  it  was  the  chief  cause  of  these  attacks. 
Laud  saw  the  danger,  and  in  order  to 
defend  the  establishment,  and  to  give  it 
strength,  he  tried  to  advance  churchmen 
into  offices  of  power  and  authority.  In 
Scotland^  the  archbishop  of  St.  Andrew's 


2  Clarendon,  i.  £5 — 87. 


Chap.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


217 


was  through  his  means  made  lord  chan- 
cellor, and  several  of  the  bishops  privy 
counsellors  ;  with  this  view  he  himself 
became  a  commissioner  of  the  treasury  ; 
and  when  he  had  made  Juxon  lord 
treasurer,  he  writes  in  his  diary,*  "  And 
now,  if  the  church  will  not  hold  up  them- 
selves, under  God,  I  can  do  no  more." 
The  consequence  was,  that  the  church 
became  hated  by  the  peo{)le  ;  and  a  body 
possessed  of  property  which  is  generally 
disliked,  can  hardly  be  preserved  in  times 
of  civil  commotion.  Laud  foresaw  per- 
haps the  danger  to  which  religion  would 
be  exposed,  if  the  violent  decisions  of 
the  synod  of  Dort^  generally  prevailed: 
he  foresaw  perhaps  the  tendency  towards 
the  presbyterian  government,  which  the 
Calvinists  were  creating,  and  he  en- 
deavoured to  counteract  it  by  advancing 
those  only  who  were  in  their  theological 
sentiments  opposed  to  this  party:  thereby 
concentrating  against  the  high  church 
all  the  strength  of  those  who  differed 
from  him  on  the  five  points,  and  who 
could  never  hope  to  obtain  any  promo- 
tion, unless  the  whole  principles  of  the 
men  who  had  now  the  ascendancy  were 
overturned.  '  Moderate  churchmen,  who 
were  suspected  of  favouring  Calvinism, 
were  driven  into  the  party  which  Laud 
was  trying  to  destroy,  and  added  to  its 
strength ;  and  there  was  a  further  danger, 
that  every  religious  man  would  be  called 
aCalvinist,  and  thus  forced  to  rank  him- 
self as  hostile  to  the  archbishop. 

Laud  perceived  that  there  was  a  grow- 
ing disinclination  to  ceremonies,  and  in 
order  to  remedy  the  evil,  he  enforced 
them  with  severity.  He  was  an  arbi- 
trary and  stout  man,  and  he  dared  any 
one  to  oppose  his  authority :  and  this 
unfortunately  converted  unimportant 
trifles  into  serious  matters  of  dispute. 
The  nonconformists  were  probably  the 
more  guilty  of  the  two  parties,  in  giving 
importance  to  ceremonies  ;  but  they  who 
punished  them  were  certainly  not  wise  in 
enforcing  the  observance  of  outward 
rites,  till  obedience  was  converted  into  a 
real  scruple  of  conscience.  By  a  singu- 
lar combination  of  these  several  causes, 
it  so  happened,  that  religion  appeared  to 

«  p.  53.  2  $  520. 

^  When  a  new  list  of  chaplains  was  made  out 
lor  the  court,  Laud  was  directed  to  mark  them 
eevcraily  with  an  O  or  P,  as  being  orthodox  or 
puritan.    (Collier's  Hist.  ii.  733.) 

28 


j  be  marshalled  against  the  stability  of  the 
royal  government,  and  that  men  were 
j  led  to  believe,  that  they  were  engaged 
■  in  the  cause  of  God,  while  they  were 
,  taking  measures  which  must  tend  to 
throw  down  and  destroy  the  authority 
which  God  had  given  to  the  king.  As 
a  minister  of  the  crown,  Laud  beheld 
with  dismay  an  influence  which  he  knew 
not  how  to  control,  and  was  alarmed  at 
the  growing  power  of  the  parliament ; 
so  that  he  did  his  utmost  to  prevent  the 
necessity  of  assembling  any  future  one, 
and  justified  himself  in  his  own  mijid, 
because  he  fancied  that  the  king  had 
performed  the  whole  of  his  duty,  in 
having  sufRcientlj-  tried  the  temper  of 
that  assembly.  When,  therefore,  the 
archbishop  found  that  the  parliament,  if 
assembled,  insisted  on  the  redress  of 
abuses  before  they  would  grant  any 
supplies,  he  exerted  himself  in  raising 
money  by  every  means  within  his  reach. 
As  his  jDolicy  thus  became  arbitrary,  he 
found  no  lack  of  persons  who  were  ready 
to  advocate  and  promote  his  plans ;  and 
it  happened,  as  it  always  will  happen  in 
such  cases,  that  he  imagined  his  forward 
instruments  to  be  following  their  own 
zeal,  while  they  were  but  observing  his, 
and  trying,  from  interested  motives,  to 
gain  his  favour  by  outstripping  the 
energy  of  his  measures  :  of  course  such 
supporters  fled  from  him,  when  the  hour 
of  difficulty  arrived.  In  one  sense  his 
proceedings  were  legal,  for  he  endea- 
voured in  every  case  to  observe  the  law 
so  far  as  to  have  it  on  his  side  ;  but  he 
had  no  scruple  in  making  the  law  bend 
to  his  wishes. 

§  5S4.  The  charges  of  treason  which 
were  exhibited  against  him  are  too 
absurd  to  merit  much  discussion.  He 
had  doubtless  tried  to  render  the  govern- 
ment as  arbitrary  as  he  could,  not  to 
overthrow  the  constitution ;  he  had  en- 
deavoured to  alter  the  church  of  Scot- 
land;  and  these  were  sufficient  reasons 
why  the  people  of  England  might  dislike 
him  as  a  prime  minister,  but  amounted 
no  more  to  treason  than  to  any  other 
crime.  Of  many  of  the  ofTences  with 
which  he  was  charged,  he  was  undoubt- 
edly innocent ;  he  was  free  from  the  very 
thought  of  bribery,  and  hostile  to  the 
pretensions  and  errors  of  the  church  of 
Rome  :  but  because  he  did  not  wish  to 
exterminate  Roman  Catholics,  he  was 
T 


£18 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XTIl, 


callpj  a  papist ;  oecansc  he  approved 
of  so  Tie  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  Roman 
ritual,  he  was  esteemed  anxious  to  intro- 
duce licr  peculiar  tenets  into  the  king- 
dom. He  probably'  wished  to  efiect 
some  sort  of  compromise  with  that 
church  ;  a  step,  perhaps,  little  to  be  de- 
sired, provided  Christian  charity  prevail 
between  the  members  of  the  two  com- 
munions, and  less  to  be  hoped  for,  while 
she  maintains  her  claims  to  supremacy 
and  infallibilit)' :  and  so  sensible  was 
that  court  of  his  friendly  intentions" 
towards  peace,  that  he  was  twice  offered 
a  cardinal's  hat.  But  if  he  were  guilty 
of  ten  times  as  much  as  this,  it  was  no 
treason.  He  had  made  himself  justly 
obnoxious  to  the  dislike  of  the  true 
friends  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and 
he  was  persecuted  even  imto  death  by 
men  who  had  learned  to  disregard  both 
the  one  and  the  other.  *He  had  often, 
perhaps,  perverted  the  course  of  justice  ; 
but  the  course  of  justice  was  never  more 
sadly  perverted  than  when  he  was  con- 
signed to  the  block.  In  his  conduct  as 
a  man  there  was  much  of  littleness, 
much  of  unchristian  temper.  In  his 
diary  there  is  a  constant  reference  to 
dreams  and  other  portents  ;  and  his  treat- 
ment of  Williams  and  Osbolston,^  as  well 
as  of  many  others,  precludes  the  possi- 
bility of  supposing  that  he  was  not  influ- 
enced by  personal  feelings  of  revenge. 
In  his  defence  he  generally  argues  that 
the  act  objected  to  him  was  the  common 
decision  of  the  council,  and  sometimes 
justifies  himself  as  having  been  ffuided 
by  the  king  :  this  method  might  secure 
him  against  any  legal  punishment,  but 
could  never  furnish  him  with  a  fair 
excuse,  since  the  influence  of  such  a 
prime  minister  must  have  been  more 
than  adequate  to  sway  the  council ;  and, 
at  all  events,  to  bring  forward  such  a 
defence  takes  from  him  the  character  of 
a  hero,  with  which  the  circumstances  in 
which  he  was  placed  might  naturally 
invest  him.  As  it  was,  he  did  not  save 
his  own  life  ;  and  had  he  taken  up  a 
higher  line  of  defence,  had  he  justified 
his  general  conduct,  on  the  grounds  of 
those  violences  which  had  since  verified 
the  predictions  of  his  own  foreboding 
mind,  he  would  haA  c  maintained  a  posi- 


'  Fuller.      217.  »  Heylin's  Laud,  253. 

'  See  «  563. 


'  tion  Avhich  sound  reasoners  might  be- 
lieve to  be  untenable,  but  which  every 
I  one  must  have  acknowledged  to  have 
been  nobly  taken  up.    After  all,  how- 
ever, he  was  a  great  man,  in  heart  and 
j  intention  sincerely  a  friend  to  the  church, 
,  and  a  noble  patron  of  learning.    Had  he 
:  fallen  into  other  times,  his  character 
might  have  shone  as  one  of  the  brightest 
I  luminaries  of  our  country- ;  had  he  pur- 
i  sued  a  different  line  of  policy,  and  en- 
'  deavoured  to  soften  down  the  asperities 
1  of  party  feeling  in  that  reformation  of 
!  church  and  state  which  was  absolutely 
i  required,  he  might  have  been  held  up 
I  as  the  preserver  of  the  establishment ; 
I  whereas  he  was,  perhaps  more  than  any 
other  individual,  the  secret  cause  of  its 
I  destruction.    He  was  possessed  of  enor- 
;  mous  power,  and,  as  he  feared  the  popu- 
I  lar  nature  of  innovations,  he  threw  the 
i  full  weiijht  of  his  influence  into  the  op- 
posite scale,  and  endeavoured  to  prevent 
them.  He  must  not  perhaps  be  regarded 
as  the  enemy  of  real  reforms.-*  but  he  did 
not  perceive  that  the  sj;irit  of  the  times 
might  be  guided,  but  could  not  be  con- 
trolled ;  and  that  reforms  which  proceed 
from  those  in  authority  arc  almost  always 
safe,  and  generally  beneficial ;  so  that 
he  continued  to  support  abuses  till  the 
!  whole  fabric  of  the  state  was  over- 
!  whelmed  in  their  ruin,  and  he  himself 
I  buried  in  their  downfall.     Laud  was 
never  so  great  as  while  labouring  under 
the  oppressions  of  the  parliament ;  he 
I  bore  all  their  unjustifiable  conduct  (and 
j  few  men  have  been  treated  worse)  Avith 
a  quiet  composure,  which  his  genuine 
relicrion  afforded  ;  and  thanked  God  for 
having  triven  him  patience  to  endure 
that  which  his  providence  had  laid  upon 
him. 

§  5S.J.  The  proceedings  which  have 
been  already  described  extended  only  to 
the  destruction  of  what  had  previously 
existed  in  church  and  state.  The  royal 
authority  was  first  resisted  and  then 
thrown  down  by  the  power  of  the  sword. 
'  The  bishops  had  been  first  frightened 
from  sitting  in  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
then,  under  the  form  of  law,  deprived 


*  See  'he  inslnictions  sent  forth  by  his  advice, 
in  1629,  to  bishops;  and  which,  ihoush  they  give 
paniciilar  directions  about  lectures,  Sec.  yet  are 
well  calculated  to  reform  the  bishops  themseU-es. 
They  relate  to  residing  within  their  sees,  triennial 
visitations,  &,c    ^Heylin's  Laud,  p.  199.) 


Chap.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


219 


of  their  votes.  When  the  war  began 
they  were  declared  delinquents  for 
continuinn-  their  fidelity  to  the  king, 
robbed  of  their  property,  and  at  length 
extirpated  by  the  same  ordinance  (Jan. 
15-1:J)  which  destroyed  all  cathedral 
establishments.  A  proposal  had  been 
made  by  Archbishop  Usher'  in  1(341, 
when  the  first  committee  on  church 
affairs  was  formed,  to  constitute  such  a 
species  of  government  as  should  em- 
brace the  advantages  possessed  by 
episcopacy  as  well  as  the  presbyterian 
form.  The  clergymen,  churchwardens, 
and  sidesmen,  were  to  compose  a  body 
for  the  direction  of  the  parish.  Chore- 
piscopi,  or  bishops  rural,  were  to  be 
established  in  every  rural  deanery, 
who  should  hold  monthly  assemblies. 
These  were  to  be  subjected  to  the 
power  of  the  diocesan  synod,  and  that 
to  the  provincial  or  national  convoca- 
tion. This  system  would  have  given 
the  authority  of  a  body  to  the  discipline 
of  the  church  administered  by  them  ; 
and  the  bishop  or  his  delegate  would 
in  each  case  have  been  the  legitimate 
president  of  the  several  boards  ;  this 
plan,  however,  never  took  effect. 

The  desolation  which  had  been  caused 
by  the  war  was  peculiarly  felt  with 
respect  to  the  appointment  of  ministers 
who  might  fill  the  vacant  cures  ;  and  as 
the  bishops  could  not  attempt  to  supply 
the  deficiency  thus  created,  the  parlia- 
ment were  obliged  to  frame  some  sort 
of  church  government  which  might 
succeed  the  one  destroyed  by  them. 
They  could  hardly  venture  to  interfere 
with  the  affairs  of  the  church  without 
the  sanction  of  some  sort  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal authority,  and  they  therefore  had 
recourse  to  a  body  which,  from  the 
anomalous  nature  of  its  constitution, 
was  not  likely  to  raise  any  very  decided 
opposition  to  such  plans  of  amendment 
as  they  might  think  fit  to  adopt.  With 
these  views  they  called  together  the 
general  assembly  of  divines  at  West- 
minster,'' a  collection  of  men  connected 
with  the  ministry,  who  might  form  a 
council  for  the'parliament  on  such  sub- 
jects pertaining  to  the  church  as  might 


'  Cnlamy's  Baxter,  149.    Collier,  ii.  871.  &c. 

'■'  This  arcount  of  the  assembly  of  divines  at 
Westminster  is  almost  wholly  taken  from  Neal's 
History  of  the  Puritans,  vol.  iii 


be  proposed  to  them  by  the  two  Houses. 
They  were  not  a  convocation  summoned 
according  to  any  of  the  forms  or  princi- 
ples which  regulate  that  body.  They 
resembled  not  the  presbyterian  synod, 
for  there  was  not  even  the  semblance 
of  their  being  elected  by  their  brethren ; 
but  consisted  of  such  persons  from  the 
several  counties  as  the  members  of  the 
two  Houses  chose  to  congregate  for 
their  own  assistance  in  spiritual  and 
ecclesiastical  matters.  The  clergymen 
thus  convoked  amounted  to  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty,  and  to  these  thirty 
lay  members  were  added,  consisting 
of  ten  peers  and  twice  as  many  com- 
moners, who  possessed  an  equal  share 
in  the  debates,  and  equal  votes  with  the 
former.  Many  of  the  members  who 
were  thus  called  on  to  join  a  party  at 
open  war  with  their  sovereign  declined 
any  connection  with  their  proceedings; 
but  the  majority,  being  all  nominated 
by  the  two  Houses,  lent  their  assistance 
to  the  cause  of  rebellion,  and  the  places 
of  those  who  did  not  engage  in  this 
afl^iir  were  quickly  filled  up  by  the 
superadded  members.  They  met  for 
the  first  time  in  Henry  Vllth's  chapel, 
on  Sunday,  July  1st,  1G43. 

§  58(5.  The  members  of  whom  this 
body  was  composed  may  be  divided 
into  three  heads;  the  episcopalians, the 
presbyterians,  and  the  independents. 
The  first  and  last  indeed  formed  but  a 
very  small  part  of  the  numerical  force 
of  the  assembly,  and  this  small  number 
was  soon  diminished  by  the  secession 
of  the  episcopalians,  who  were  virtually 
excluded  by  being  called  on  to  take 
the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant ;  for 
though  an  alteration  was  made  in  the 
terms  of  that  document^  for  the  purpose 
of  reconciling  the  friends  of  a  moderate 
episcopacy,  yet  it  was  obvious  that  no 
one  who  had  any  regard  for  the  church 
of  England  could  long  continue  to  act 
with  men  who  were  bent  upon  destroy- 
ing her  sacred  fabric  root  and  branch. 
The  contest,  therefore,  lay  between  the 
presbyterians  and  independents,  and 
the  numerical  superiority  possessed  by 
the  former  rendered  the  struggle  of  the 
other  party  hopeless  from  the  very  first; 
a  preponderance  which  the  coalition 
with  the  Scotch  exceedingly  augment- 


3  Neal,  iii.  58. 


230 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIII 


cd.  These  two  parties  agreed  in  their 
aversion  to  the  jurisdiction  which  the 
bishops  had  held  over  them,  but  they 
were  little  suited  to  any  real  co-opera- 
tion. 

§  587.  The  presbytcrians  maintain 
that  their  discipline  is  derived  purely 
from  the  conduct  of  the  apostles,  as 
exhibited  in  the  word  of  God,  and  chal- 
lenge a  divine  authority  for  their  plat- 
form, Avith  an  exclusive  dogmatism, 
which  nothing  but  an  express  com- 
mand of  Omnipotence  could  sanction. 
According  to  their  hypothesis,  every 
parish  forms  a  little  republic  of  its  own. 
The  minister  and  lay  elders  constitute 
a  body  politic  for  its  domestic  govern- 
ment ;  a  certain  number  of  these,  by  a 
delegated  authority,  compose  the  classi- 
cal assembly,  which,  in  its  turn,  sends 
members  to  the  provincial  synod. 
These  are  under  the  superintendence 
of  the  national  synod,  and  that  in  its 
turn  is  subject  to  the  cecumenical. 
The  system  is  well  framed  for  giving 
considerable  energy  to  its  decrees,  and 
for  maintaining  a  due  subordination 
among  the  several  bodies,  but  is  liable 
to  great  abuse  by  the  power  which  is 
thrown  into  the  hands  of  the  individual 
clergyman;  and  had  this  discipline  ever 
been  introduced  without  any  of  those 
checks  which  could  restrain  its  opera- 
tion, the  people  of  England  would  soon 
have  learned  that  the  episcopal  juris- 
diction,' which  they  had  reduced,  was 
little  to  be  compared  with  the  tyranny 
of  that  which  they  had  established.^ 

§  5b8.  It  is  less  easy  to  give  any  dis- 
tinct account  of  the  independents,  since 
the  name  comprehends  every  species 
of  Christians  who  hold  the  same  opinion 
of  the  independence  of  each  separate 
body  of  Christians.  According  to  this 
hypothesis,  wherever  a  congregation  is 
assembled,  into  which  the  several  mem- 
bers are  admitted,  and  from  which  an 
exclusion  may  take  place,  there  will 
exist  a  full  and  independent  church, 
neither  connected  with,  or  dependent 
on,  any  other  body  of  Christians.  There 
is  perhaps  in  the  abstract  no  absurdity 
in  this  tenet,  but  the  slightest  knowledge 
of  human  nature  would  show,  that  no- 
thing but  an  immediate  guidance  from 
heaven,  or  the  perfection  of  the  indivi- 


«  Collier's  Church  Hist.  ii.  866.    2  See  §  591, 5. 


dual  members,  could  keep  out  the  gross- 
est heresies  from  societies  thus  consti 
tuted  :  and  there  arc  perhaps  few  error.* 
which  may  not  be  detected  among  those 
who  have  denominated  themselves  in- 
dependents. Liberty  of  conscience  was 
the  standard  around  which  they  rallied  : 
and  when  the  more  sober  independents 
found  this  assaulted  by  the  presbytc- 
rians, they  were  forced  to  summon  to 
their  aid  the  assistance  of  every  sepa- 
ratist, however  strange  his  opinions 
might  be.  Nor,  when  supported  by 
this  force,  Avould  they  have  had  any 
probability  of  success,  if  the  temporal 
power  which  the  presbytcrians  assumed 
had  not  rendered  their  form  of  ecclesi- 
astical government  incompatible  with 
the  dominion  which  Cromwell  was  en- 
deavouring to  establish. 

There  was  another  faction,  whicli, 
though  not  directly  advocated  as  a  party 
in  the  assembly,  found  very  able  sup- 
porters among  individuals  on  both  sides, 
and  met  with  the  strongest  co-operation 
from  the  prepossessions  of  the  mass  of 
those  who  were  invested  Avilh  civil  author- 
ity. The  Erastians  were  so  called  from 
Thomas  Erastus,^  M.D.,  a  native  of  Ba- 
den,whobecame  professor  at  Heidelberg. 
They  maintained  that  the  clergy  should 
be  possessed  of  no  coercive  power,  that 
they  might  persuade  the  vicious,  and 
try  to  reform  the  profligate,  but  that 
every  species  of  punishment,  whether 
civil  or  religious,  should  be  vested  in 
the  civil  magistrate  alone. 

§  589.  The  first  task  in  which  the 
members  of  the  assembly  were  engaged, 
was  the  alteration  of  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles     and  they  had  proceeded  as 

far  as  the  fifteenth,  when  the  political 

 . — —  ~f 

3  Fuller,  xi.  213. 
The  Articles  in  their  altered  state  are  printed 
in  the  Appendix  to  Neal,  (vol.  v.  p.  liii  )  No.  7,  in 
columns  parallel  with  the  original  Articles.  'I  he 
chief  differencesare,  III.  The  "  descent  into  hell" 
is  explained  as  "being  under  the  dominion  of 
death."  VI.  All  mention  of  the  Apocrypha  is 
omitted.  VIII.  On  the  three  Creeds,  is  wholly 
omitted.  IX.  "  Very  far  gone  Irom  original 
righieousne.ss,"  is  changed  into  "  w  holly  deprived 
of"  XI.  The  imputation  of  Christ's  oliedience 
and  satisfaction  to  us  is  introduced  :  ard  that  God 
will  not  forgive  the  impenitent.  XIII.  "  Inspi 
ration  of  his  Spirit"  is  rendered,  "  regetieration  of 
his  Spirit."  "They  have  the  nature  of  sin"  is 
rendered,  "they  are  sinful."  N.  B.  This  last 
change  of  expression  takes  place  in  the  ninth 
The  several  clauses  in  these  Articles  are  accom- 
panied with  references  to  the  texts  on  which  tliey 
are  founded. 


Chap.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


connection  with  Scotland,  and  the  arrival 
of  commissioners  from  that  countr_v.  im- 
posed the  covenant  upon  the  nation  :  a 
step  which  created  a  necessity  for  mnch 
greater  changes,  and  turned  their  atten- 
tion to  the  new-modelling  of  tlie  whole 
of  the  church  government. 

The  most  important  question,'  and 
one  which  was  agitated  with  the  great- 
est warmth,  was  respecting  the  nature 
of  congregations  generally,  as  forming 
the  essential  difference  between  the 
presbyterians  and  independents.  In  this 
discussion  Lightfoot  and  Selden  joined 
with  the  greatest  earnestness,  and 
brought  forward  their  great  learning,  to 
show  that  the  church  at  Jerusalem  must 
have  consisted  of  more  congregations 
than  one,  and  that  the  appeal  from  th^ 
church  of  Antioch  would  never  have 
been  made  to  that  at  Jerusalem,  had 
they  esteemed  themselves  an  independ- 
ent community.  It  is  almost  unneces- 
sary to  add,  that  the  presbyterians  car- 
ried their  point ;  and,  indeed,  it  is 
difficult  to  conceive  any  national  esta- 
blishment founded  on  independent  prin- 
ciples. The  presbyterians^  wished  that 
the  divine  right  of  their  own  form  of 
church  government  should  have  been 
officially  recognised,  but  this  absurdity 
was  obviated  by  a  judicious  motion  of 
Whitelock,  which  recommended  it  gene- 
rally, without  touching  on  this  delicate 
question.  Whatever  might  have  been 
the  decision  of  these  divmes,  it  was  pro- 
bable that  Erastian  principles'*  must 
have  prevailed,  at  least  in  the  House  of 
Commons  ;  for,  w'hen  the  ordinance  for 
suspending  ignorant  and  scandalous  per- 
sons from  the  Lord's  supper  was  passed, 
an  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  elders 
was  allowed  to  take  place,*  which  ulti- 
mately fell  under  the  cognisance  of  the 
parliament ;  and  all  members  of  either 
House  were,  in  such  j)laces  as  they  re- 
sided, ex  officio  triers  of  the  competency 
of  the  candidates  for  admission  into  the 
offices  of  the  church.  This  ])oint  was 
more  immediately  brought  into  discus- 
sion^ by  the  necessity  of  ordaining  some 
ministers,  in  order  to  fill  up  the  vacan- 
cies which  various  circumstances  had 
occasioned  in  the  church.  Many  of  the 
orthodox  divines  had  been  driven  from 

'  Lighifoot's  Genuine  Remains,  p.  x.xv. 
'  Neal's  Pur.  iii.  236.  »  Ibid.  iii.  240. 
*  Ibid.  21G— 248.  6  Ibid.  12G. 


their  cures,  and  the  bishops,  who  had 
alone  power  to  ordain  new  minist(>rs, 
were  all  opposed  to  the  proceedings  of 
the  parliament.  The  House  had  at  first 
committed  to  the  assembly  an  authority 
for  approving  of  such  ministers  as  were 
nominated  by  the  patrons  to  the  several 
cures,  but  they  soon  found  that  a  much 
more  extensive  supply  was  required ; 
while  their  interest  plainly  pointed  out 
the  wisdom  of  introducing  their  own 
friends  into  situations  which  were  likely 
to  ])rove  so  influential  on  the  opinions 
of  the  public.  When,  therefore,  there 
appeared  much  difficulty  in  settling 
any  thing  definitely,  an  ordinance  was 
made,  which  conveyed  to  the  assembly, 
pro  tempore,  the  power  of  ordaining. 
The  same  ordinance  was  subsequently 
continued  for  three  years,-  and  then 
made  perpetual. 

§  5;>0.  The  works  which  this  assem- 
bly gave  to  the  public  are  tlie  more 
interesting,  because  they  have  been 
retained  as  the  authorized  guide  to  those 
of  our  countrymen  who  still  adopt  the 
presbyterian  form  of  church  govern- 
ment. They  consist  of  a  Directory  for 
worship  and  ordination ;  of  a  Confes- 
sion of  faith  ;  and  two  Catechisms,  the 
larger  and  the  shorter.  Besides  these, 
there  is  a  form  of  presbyterian  church 
government  agreed  upon  by  the  assem- 
bly, but  never  authorized. 

The  Directory,  as  its  name  imports, 
does  not  itself  contain  a  form  of  prayer, 
but  gives  the  outline  of  such  a  service 
as  every  minister  is  left  to  himself  to 
frame :  a  method  which  apparently 
offers  some  advantages,  when  the  per- 
son officiating  is  possessed  of  any  very 
peculiar  talent  for  such  compositions, 
but  even  then  must  always  make  the 
congregation  defjend  on  his  abilities  in 
a  way  far  beyond  what  is  desirable ;  but 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  things,  is  liable 
to  most  serious  objections,  and  must 
virtually  tend  to  prevent  all  public  de- 
votion, since  either  the  individual  will 
relinquish  th(!  plan  of  extempore;  com- 
position, by  constantly  using  a  form  of 
his  own,  (and  this  can  hardly  be  ex- 
pected to  be  so  good  as  one  composed 
by  persons  sidected  for  the  purpose,)  or 
his  varying  expressions  will  be  apt  to 
confuse  the  less  enlightened  part  of  his 
hearers. 

The  points  on  which  the  Directory 
t2 


222 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XHI. 


essentially'  differs  from  the  service  of 
the  church  of  Enq-land  are,  that  the 
lessons  are  read  consecutively  from 
Sunday  to  Sunday,  and  the  Apocrypha 
is  entirely  omitted.  The  use  of  spon- 
sors in  baptism,  and  of  the  ring  in  mar- 
riao-e,  is  dispensed  with  ;  in  the  visitation 
of  the  sick  nothing'  is  said  of  confession 
or  absolution  ;  and  the  burial  of  the  dead 
is  accom]7anied  with  no  religious  rite. 
The  rules  about  ordination  are  peculiarly 
indefinite  ;  and  the  power  vested  in  the 
hands  of  the  presbytery  seemed  to  lie 
open  to  the  admission  of  alnaost  any  one, 
provided  he  would  take  the  covenant, 
and  could  satisfy  his  examiners  of  the 
evidence  of  his  calling  to  the  ministry, 
and  of  the  grace  of  God  which  was  in 
him.  It  is  not,  indeed,  stated  how  this 
last  particular  is  to 'be  ascertained,  and 
there  must  always  be  great  .danger  of 
hypocrisy,  when  men  become  the  wit- 
nesses of  their  own  qualifications  on 
points  which  admit  of  no  definite  proof. 

The  chief  peculiarity  of  the  doctrinal 
works  is  the  prominence  with  which 
the  tenet  of  predestination  is  brought 
forward.  The  Confession"  of  Faith  of 
the  assembly,  however,  is  not  exactly 
the  same  as  the  Articles  jjublished  by 
the  parliament,  for  only  a  part  of  it  was 
authorized  by  tiiem.' 

§  .591.  The  recommendations  of  the 
assembly^  with  regard  to  cliurch  govern- 
ment, are  imbodied  in  a  tract  ^vhich  has 
been  mentioned  as  ])ublished  among 
their  other  works,  and  which,  though 
approved  of  by  the  church  of  Scotland, 
never  received  any  autliority  from  the 
parliament.  According  to  this,  the  offi- 
cers of  the  church  consist  of  pastors, 
teachers,  other  governors,  and  deacons. 
There  seems  no  other  difference  be- 
tween the  two  first,  than  as  they  mark 
out  different  duties  of  the  same  office. 
They  constitute  the  only  individuals 
who,  m  ordinary  language,  are  called 
ministers,  and  are  invested  not  only 

'  The  word  essrn! 'mil ii  is  used,  since,  under  the 
direc:ior,s  given  in  ilie  Directory,  ilie  church  of 
England  service  might  he  employed,  except  in 
(he^e  particulars. 

2  Neal,  lii.  320. 

3  'I  hese  works  are  freiiuenlly  to  he  met  with  in 
a  small  •^•Imo.  vol.  neatly  primed.  The  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant,  as  well  as  the  former  cove- 
nant, form  a  pan  of  the  same  little  book.  The 
Directory  is  also  printed  in  the  appendix  to  Ncal, 
No.     p.  Ixiii. 

*  See  %  587. 


with  the  power  of  teaching,  but  com- 
bine in  their  persons  a  jiidicial  author- 
ity, and,  in  conjunction  with  the  elders, 
;  possess  the  right  of  expelling  from  the 
1  sacrament.  It  is  in  this  that  the  chief 
difl^erence  consists  between  the  episco- 
■  palian  and  presbyterian  form  of  church 
government,^  with  regard  to  discipline 
over  the  laity.  The  minister  of  the 
church  of  England  may  exclude,  for 
the  time,"  an  ofll'nding  brother  from 
the  sacrament ;  but  then  he  is  bound 
(within  fourteen  days,  by  the  Rubric 
introduced  after  the  Savoy  Conference) 
to  inform  the  bishop,  who  is  to  proceed 
against  the  offender;  so  that  it  will  be 
necessary  for  the  clergyman  so  repel- 
ling to  have  good  grounds  for  all  he 
does,  and  to  be  able  to  prove  his  charge. 
Whereas,  by  the  presbyterian  author- 
ity, the  minister,  together  with  the  lay 
elders,  is  the  judge  of  the  propriety  of 
such  excommunication,  and  it  remains 
with  the  offending  )'arty  to  appeal  to 
the  higher  tribunal  of  a  superior  court, 
of  which  the  clergyman  in  question 
may  happen  to  be  an  inffuential  mem- 
ber ;  at  all  events,  the  person  expelled 
will  have  to  prove  the  original  excom- 
munication to  have  been  wrong,  and 
be  subject  to  the  onus  prohundi.  Thus, 
whatever  might  have  been  the  tyranny 
of  bishops,  the  people  would  have 
gained  little  by  erecting  a  bishopric  in 
every  parish.  The  other  governors,  or 
lay  elders,  were  to  compose  a  kind  of 
council  for  the  ptistor,  and  are  copied 
fi'om  the  institutions  of  the  Jewish 
church.  Deacons'  were,  in  strict  con- 
formity with  their  original  appointment, 
persons  selected  to  take  care  of  the  tem- 
poral wants  of  the  indigent,  a  sort  of 
overseers  of  the  poor." 

^  In  episcopal  sovcrnment  the  hishop  is  jndge; 
in  presbyterian.  the  minister  and  elders.    If  an 
episcopalian  clergyman  quarrel  with  any  of  his 
parishioners,    he   cannot   ex'-ommniiicare  them 
without  proving  tliein  guilty  l^cfore  a  court,  over 
j  whicli  he  has  no  control,  ard  whi'  h  has  a  ronl.'ol 
i  over  him.    The  presbyterian  may  excommuni- 
I  caie  ■propria  jure,  and  the  pariv  exconmmnicaied 
'  must  appeal,  and  ilie  appeal  will,  in  each  case,  lie 
lo  a  court  of  which  the  i  lerL'yman  may  1  e  a  mem- 
ber, and  therefore  a  jiulize  in  iiis  own  cause.  The 
whole  question  of  excomniiinication  is  one  of  great 
difficulty.    Some  good  may  arise  from  it  in  pre- 
I  Vf-niipg  scandal ;  but  very  little  with  regard  lo  the 
offending  party.    See  Pax'er's  own  Life,  i.  92. 
s  Rubric  for  the  Lord's  Supper. 
;     '  Acts  VI. 

I  *  For  further  particulars  concerning  the  prcsby- 
j  lerian  discipline,  see  §  5S7,  and  a  note  in  Rapin, 


Chxp.  XIIL] 

§  592.  This  form  of  church  govern- 
ment was  nowhere  established  except 
in  London  and  Lancashire,  and  was 
never  invested  with  such  authority  as 
its  friends  demanded,  since  an  uUiinate 
appeal  lay  to  the  parliament.  This  was 
rendered  absolutely  necessary  from  the 
power  which  the  church  would  other- 
wise have  possessed,  and  which,  had  it 
been  allowed  to  exert  all  the  civil  influ- 
ence of  which  it  was  capable,  might 
have  proved  as  tyrannical  to  the  repub- 
lic as  it  did  to  James  L,  while  he  was 
subjected  to  its  sway  in  Scotland.  It 
is  curious  to  observe  the  earnestness 
with  which  its  advocates  attacked  this 
restrictive  check,  which  the  parliament 
were  wise  enough  never  to  take  off. 
The  assembly  of  divines  petitioned 
against  it ;  the  Scotch  sent  commission- 
ers and  remonstrated  ;  but  the  amend- 
ments of  the  latter  were  burnt  by  the 
hands  of  the  common  hangman,  and 
the  assembly  were  informed  that  they 
had  incurred  a  praemunire,  by  discuss- 
ing subjects  which  were  not  proposed 
to  them  by  the  Houses,  and  were  re- 
quested to  prove,  from  Scripture,  that 
the  authority  which  they  claimed  was 
a  jus  diui.num,  and  clearly  established 
by  the  word  of  God.  We  have  before 
seen  the  probable  argument  in  favour 
of  episcopacy,'  which,  if  not  perfectly 
convincing,  is  at  all  events  much 
stronger  than  that  for  the  presbytery, 
inasmuch  as  the  voice  of  all  authentic 
history  concurs  in  establishing  the  fact, 
that  at  an  early  period  bishops  were  a 
distinct  order  in  the  church,  a  point 
which  the  other  party  can  never  esta- 
blish in  favour  of  presbyterian  govern- 
ment without  them.  And  though  these 
queries  "de.  jure  divino'''^  were  an- 
swered by  some  individual  ministers 
assembled  at  Sion  College,  yet  they 
remained  with  the  assembly  without  an 
answer,  till  the  whole  fabric  was  de- 
stroyed by  the  prevalence  of  independ- 
ency. 

§  ii'Xi.  The  tendency  of  the  system 
of  the  independents  was  such,  that  un- 
der it  no  established  religion  could  exist 
in  the  state,  since  every  teacher,  who 

ii.  297;  printed  also  in  Neal,  iii.  323;  or  the  bur- 
den of  Issachar,  printed  in  the,  Phrenix,  ii.  2()0. 
There  is  a  Compendium  of  the  Ijaws  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland,  published  1830,  in  Edin- 
burgh. 

>  See  «  IGO.  »  Neal,  iii.  279. 


2aB 

was  not  deficient  in  life  and  good  mo- 
rals, might  assemble  a  congregation 
wherever  he  pleased  ;  and  every  so- 
ciety, having  the  means  of  excluding 
an  offensive  member  from  its  commu- 
nion, might  be  deemed  a  church  to  all 
intents  and  purposes.  Any  member 
of  any  religious  community,  who  was 
ejected  from  one  society,  might  enrol 
himself  in  another  ;  so  that  the  coercive 
discipline  of  the  church  was  reduced  to 
a  mere  nothing,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  church  of  England  pos- 
sesses in  the  bishops'  courts  a  very 
considerable  authority  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  manners  ;  that,  at  the  period  of 
which  we  are  speaking,  this  was  con- 
stantly exercised  ;  and  that  the  (i^ourt 
of  High  Commission,  by  supporting  and 
aiding  the  minor  courts,  and  sometimes 
by  superseding  their  authority,  ren- 
dered the  ecclesiastical  discipline  for- 
midable, and  in  some  cases  oppressive. 
In  the  presbyterian  government  the 
authority  was  placed  in  lower  hands, 
but  by  no  means  diminished  ;  and  in 
both  cases,  civil  punishments  were  the 
consequence  of  negh'Cting  ecclesiastical 
censures.  The  point  at  issue,  then,  on 
the  part  of  the  independents  was,  whe- 
ther there  should  be  any  coercive  disci- 
pline at  all ;  and  it  was  perhaps  natural, 
that  an  army,  which  had  conquered  the 
king,  should  not  quietly  surrender  them- 
selves to  the  rule  of  their  priests.  R^  li- 
gion,  real  or  pretended,  had  contribiilcd 
much  to  preserve  the  discipline  of  the 
army;  and  they  who  in  the  field  guided 
the  sword  of  the  flesh,  took  upon  them 
in  the  camp  to  use  that  of  the  Spirit,  so 
that  almost  all  the  good  officers  of  the 
parliament  army  became,  by  degrees, 
great  preachers.  The  presbyterian 
form  of  church  government  is  very 
republican,  and  it  was  partly  from  this 
reason  that  the  republican  party  in 
the  state  favoured  its  establishrii  nt, 
though  they  never  allowed  it  to  poss  -ss 
an  authority  independent  of  tliemselv  .'s. 
When  the  army  had  subdued  the  king, 
the  republicans  wished  them  to  !ay 
down  their  arms;  but,  in  the  division 
of  spoil  among  robbers,  it  is  diffirnli  to 
say  nay  to  him  who  has  the  [)owi')'  in 
his  own  hands.  Thi;  presbyteriaii  mi- 
nistry favoured  the  form  of  governin  mt 
which  was  best  suited  to  th(>mselves, 
and  which  their  party  deemed  the  K  gi- 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


234 


HISTORV  OF  THR 


,Chap.  Xlll. 


timate  authority  of  the  country  ;  but  the  ' 
arm}',  with  their  preachers,  were  ready 
to  say,  in  spiritual  as  well  as  temporal 
concerns,  "  Who  shall  be  lord  over  us  ?"  j 
It  is  imj)ossible,  as  it  was  before  ob- 
served, to  state  the  exact  nature  of  in- [ 
dependency;'  every  separate  church  j 
may  vary,  but  the  principle  of  it  is  to 
destroy  the  existence  of  any  priesthood 
at  all.    The  presbyterian  establishment  j 
continued  till  the  Restoration,  though] 
it  was  shorn  of  its  glory,  and  the  bonds 
of  its  union  and  strength  were  broken. 

The  only  place  where  the  independ- 
ents'^ had  the  power  of  establishing  a 
church  government  of  their  own  was 
in  Wales  ;  but  what  was  there  done, 
was  accompanied  with  so  much  mani- 
fest dishonesty,  that  it  can  be  hardly 
admitted  as  a  specimen  of  their  princi- 
ples.^ 

§  51)4.  Liberty  of  conscience  was  the 
aim  of  the  independents,  who  wished 
also  to  subject  tiie  ministry  to  the  power 
of  the  state.  They  may  be  identified 
with  the  army  to  a  certain  degree,  as 
the  presbj'terians  became  the  same  body 
with  the  republicans  ;  and  the  struggle 
which  remained  lay  between  these  two 
confederate  bands.  The  king,  by  sur- 
rendering himself  to  the  Scotch,  Avho 
were  combined  with  the  presbyterians, 
became  indirectly  the  prisoner  of  the 
parliament,  till  the  army  got  possession 
of  him  through  the  violent  seizure  of 
his  person  by  Cornet  Joyce  :  both  these 
parties  possessed  many  individuals  who 
were  anxious  to  restore  trantjuillity  by 
re-establishing  a  limited  monarchy;  but 
the  violent  partisans,  who  ruled  their 
several  proceedings,  could  hardly  hope 
for  safety,  if  the  king  were  restored, 
and  must  at  all  events  have  lost  that 
influence  which  they  had  acquired. 
Anxious,  therefore,  for  the  destruction 
of  Charles,  the  difficulty  which  re- 
mained consisted  in  the  means  whereby 
this  object  might  be  effected.  The  his- 
tory of  his  escape  from  Hampton  Court 
is  so  enveloped  in  obscurity,  that  the 
utmost  we  can  do  is  to  conjecture  the 
real  cause  of  it.  The  leaders  of  the 
army,  who  had  for  the  time  treated 
him  with  considerable  civility,  now 
wished  for  his  death,  and  for  a  pro- 

1  Neal,  iv.  172. 

2  Walker's  Sufferings  of  the  Clergy,  i.  147 — 1C9. 

3  Sec  ^  608. 


text  on  which  they  might  found  their 
change  of  conduct  towards  him:  for 
this  purpose  they  alarmed  his  fears, 
and  facilities  for  his  escape  were  afford- 
ed to  his  friends,  of  which  they  took 
advantage  ;  while  the  general  vigilaucy 
of  their  guards  made  the  flight  from 
the  kingdom  almost  impossible.  It 
was  thus,  perhaps,  that  he  left  Hamp- 
ton Court  without  the  knowledge  of 
the  army,  but  was  deceived  in  the 
hopes  of  finding  a  ship  ready  to  convey 
him  away.  It  was  thus  that  he  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  governor  of  Carisbrook 
castle,  and  was  detained  as  a  jjrisoner 
till  his  removal  for  trial.  It  was  neces- 
sary for  Cromwell  that  the  king  should 
be  removed.  It  was  necessary  for  the 
army  that  they  should  not  allow  the 
king,  by  joining  with  the  republican 
part}',  to  annihilate  the  influence  of  the 
soldiery;  and  they  cared  perhaj's  less 
for  the  fate  of  Charles  than  for  their 
own  interests :  had  he  escaped,  they 
would  have  little  regarded  it,  provided 
he  did  not  join  the  parliament  and  the 
republicans. 

§  595.  The  moderate  republicans 
foresaw  their  danger,  and  were  anxious 
to  re-establish  the  king.*  The  Scotch 
would  have  consented  to  his  restoration, 
because  they  perceived  the  risk  they 
ran  of  falling  a  prey  to  the  English 
government,  whatever  it  might  be,  and 
they  were  ready  to  adopt  either  loyalty 
or  rebellion,  provided  their  own  inte- 
rests were  promoted.  But  Charles  be- 
lieved that  the  episcopal  government 
of  the  church  was  the  one  which  the 
apostles  had  established,  and  he  had 
suffered  too  much  by  taking  oni<  false 
step  (the  death  of  Lord  Strafford"^)  ever 
to  adventure  his  soul  on  another  act 
which  was  in  direct  violation  of  his 
principles.  Had  Charles  consented  to 
adopt  the  presbyterian  form  of  church 
government,  the  party  which  was  treat- 
ing with  him  might  possibly  have  been 
strong  enough  to  restore  him  to  a  nomi- 
nal throne  ;  at  least  he  had  good  reason 


*  Many  of  ihose  who  ha;!  roiitribiitrd  to  this 
catastrophe,  now  saw  the  lonfrihs  into  wiiich  they 
had  been  carried,  and  exerted  ihetnsfKvs  to  hin- 
der the  event  when  it  was  too  late.  Koriy-seven 
of  the  presbyterian  ministers  in  Lotidnn  [iresenird 
a  petition  to  (ieneral  Fairfax  and  his  c'oimcil  of 
war,  wherein  they  boldly  and  plainly  rebnked  a 
victorious  army,  and  pointed  ont  the  villany  ol 
their  proceedings.    (Collier,  ii.  ?.")!>.) 

'  Life  of  Col.  Hutchinson,  ii.  156. 


Chap.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


335 


to  believe  this,  and  his  resistance  on 
this  ])oint  obviously  led  to  his  death. 
The  decision  of  the  king  on  this  ques- 
tion was  by  no  means  the  efll-ct  ol'  ob- 
stinacy, but  of  a  thorough  conviction, 
arising  from  a  very  perfect  understand- 
ing of  the  argument.  He  was  twice 
engaged  in  the  dispute,  and  it  fortu- 
nately happens  that  his  papers  are 
preserved^ 

In  the  first,  Mr.  Henderson,*  who 
was  deemed  a  learned  and  a  moderate 
presbyterian,  was  sent  to  satisfy  ihe 
king's  doubts,  while  he  was  prisoner  in 
the  Scotch  army  at  Newcastle,  (May 
2!) — July  IGth,  1040.)  The  arguments 
of  the  king  are  nearly  those  wiiich  are 
before  stated,  (§  460  ;)  the  answer  of 
Henderson  appears  to  be  a  pelitlo prin- 
cipii,  and  an  avoiding  of  the  question. 
There  is  not  throughout  a  single  argu- 
ment on  the  jus  (Uvininn  of  presbyte- 
rian ordination  ;  (that  is,  an  argument 
to  show  that  episcopal  ordination  is  not 
as  consistent  with  the  word  of  God  as 
presbyterian  ;)  and  this  was  what  they 
virtually  maintained  in  their  sermons 
when  they  attacked  episcopacy.  The 
argument  really  is  this.  The  point  is 
not  settled  in  Scripture,  the  expressions 
of  which  are  not  contradictory  to  either 
hypothesis  ;  the  presbyterian  hypothe- 
sis is  inconsistent  with  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory :  which  hypothesis  therefore  is  the 
most  probable  ?  All  Henderson  says 
is,  It  is  not  settled  in  Scripture.  Tra- 
dition is  inadmissible  into  theological 
argument,  or  the  papists  must  carry 
the  day.'^  Episcopacy  has  obviously 
done  much  harm  to  religion  ;  therefore 
it  ought  to  be  cast  out.  Had  he  been 
pleading  for  the  reform  of  (!piscopacy, 
his  argument  would  have  been  good, 
"therefore  it  ought  to  be  reformed." 
One  query  of  the  king  received  no  an- 
swer ;^  viz. :  What  warrant  is  there  in 
the  word  of  God  for  subjects  to  endea- 
vour to  force  their  king's  conscience, 
and  to  make  him  alter  laws  against  his 
will  ? 

The  discussion  at  Newport'  (Sept.  18, 

'  Kin?  Charles  T.  Works,  75—90. 

'  This  is  a  position  which  the  mombor  of  the 
chiircli  of  England  would  nrvor  grant.  We  are 
ready  to  meet  the  Roman  Caihohcson  the  ground 
of  tradition,  when  llie  meaning  of  that  term  is 
rightly  settled. 

9  Letter,  i.  76. 

*  King  Charles's  Works.  612— 61G. 

29 


IfilS)  is  more  fully  drawn  up,  on  the 
side  of  episcopacy,  'nasmuch  as  his 
majesty  was  here  assisted  by  Usher, 
Sanderson,  Sheldon,  and  Duppa,  where- 
as in  the  other  case  all  was  done  by 
himself:  the  presbyterian  argument  is 
well  stated,  but  labours  under  the  same 
dilFiculty  ;  it  avoids  the  real  question. 
That  in  favour  of  episcopacy  is  not 
perhaps  so  sound  as  the  king's  at  New- 
castle ;  they  assert  that  episcopacy* 
may  be  sufficiently  proved  from  Holy 
Scripture  ;  a  position  which  a  presby- 
terian would  indubitably  deny  ;  and 
which  cannot  probably  be  carried  be- 
yond the  point  that  it  is  in  no  wise  in- 
consistent, but  rather  agrees  with  the 
account  there  given  of  the  church  of- 
ficers. Charles  does  not  insist  on  the 
divine  right,  but  puts  these  three  ques- 
tions,^ to  which  no  answer  was  made  : 

1.  Did  Christ  and  his  apostles  appoint 
any  one  form  of  church  government? 

2.  If  so,  may  this  be  changed  by  hu- 
man authority?  3.  AVas  this  govern- 
ment episcopal  or  presbyterian  ?- 


5  Letter,  iii.  2,  616. 

6  Letter,  iii.  9,  620,  and  646. 

'  The  whole  question  of  episcopacy,  as  debated 
by  the  prpsbyieriaiis.  is  frcqiirnily  conliiscd,  from 
not  distinguislung  be'vvcen  tlic  order  of  bishops 
and  their  jurisdiclion.  If  it  be  granied  that 
liisHops  are  a  di.stinci  order,  it  does  not  follow 
that  they  are  to  be  the  sole  governors  in  the 
church.  They  are  so.  perhaps,  loo  much  in  the 
church  of  England,  and  llie  rc.^iill  has  been,  not 
that  thoy  now  tyraiinixc  over  the  inferior  clergy, 
as  in  the  early  days  of  the  church  of  England,  for 
in  the  present  times  the  force  of  public  opinion 
u-ill  siifricienlly  prevent  this  ;  but  that  ecclesiasti- 
cal discipline  atnong  the  clergy  has  been  destroyed 
by  the  counteraction  arising  from  the  risk  of  their 
tyrannizing.  Bishops,  in  most  cases,  where  a 
clergyman  is  concerned,  are  by  law  the  sole 
Judges,  (at  least  their  courts  are,  and  the  world 
does  not  know  that  a  bishop's  court  is  not  the 
same  thing  as  a  bishop.)  They  are  forced  there- 
fore to  shrink  froin  the  ap])earance  of  being  un- 
just, and  they  may  more  truly  perhaps  be  accused 
of  not  e.xerting  the  power  which  ihey  possess.  In 
many  cases  the  expense  of  doing  their  duty  is  so 
enormous,  and  the  dilFicully  of  proving  charges, 
though  notorious,  so  groat,  that  he  must  be  very 
ignorant  ol  human  nature  who  has;ily  passes  cen- 
sure on  bishops  in  this  particular.  If  a  certain 
number  of  clergymen,  chosen  independently  ot 
the  bishop,  were  appointed  as  his  assessors  and 
council,  much  of  the  personal  responsibiliiy  would 
be  taken  off.  and  the  opinion  of  the  public  wouM 
support  ecclesiastical  discipline,  «  hereas  it  is  nov/ 
freriuently  arrayed  against  it  on  most  false  groinid.s. 
(."^ee  some  ob.servations  on  this  head  in  )). 
Chundi  Ileform.  by  a  (Mnnchman.)  Sonietliing 
of  this  sort  is  directed  in  the  31st  Canon  with  re- 
gard to  ordinations  ;  though,  perhaps,  it  has  hardly 
ever  been  practically  adopted  by  any  bishop. 
Here,  according  to  our  conon,  the  power  ol"  a 


i,2G  HISTORY 

The  whole  of  these  tn-o  discussions  | 
is  well  worthy  the  attention  of  any  one 
who  is  anxious  to  examine  into  this 
point,  and  will  leave  on  the  mind  of 
the  reader  a  strong  impression  of  the 
goodness  and  sense  of  the  king.  He 
seems  to  have  comj)rehended  the  ques- 
tion fully,  and  to  have  acted  upon  it 
honestly,  though  it  cost  him  his  crown 
and  his  life.  For  when  no  concessions 
could  be  obtained  from  him,  the  party 
who  wished  for  his  death  became  suffi- 
ciently strong  to  perpetrate  the  mur- 

bisliop  is  limiled  ;  for  he  oaglit  not  to  ordain  with- 
out I  he  presence  ot  the  dean,  archdeacon,  and 
two  prebendaries,  or  at  least  ibur  parsons,  masters 
of  arts,  a?id  allowed  preachers;  nor  (35)  without 
the  candidates  having  been  previously  examined 
in  the  presence  of  at  least  three  of  them  :  a  step 
which  would  greatly  diminish  the  odium  of  reject- 
ing candidates  for  orders.  The  neglect  of  this 
canon  has  not  been  to  render  bishops  arbitrary  in 
rejecting  candidates  for  orders,  but  to  admit  im- 
proper persons  into  the  church.  In  many  cases 
the  freehold  of  a  clergysnan  is  implicated  in  the 
question  of  his  conduct,  and  God  forbid  that  any 
man's  properly  in  England  shoi^ild  be  left  nn- 
guarded  ;  but  it  is  surely  but  fair  to  the  flocks 
over  whom  we  are  appointed  to  watch,  that  if  we 
neglect  our  duty,  and  can  be  convicted  before  a 
jury  of  our  fellow  beneficed  clergymen,  we 
should  be  removable  by  law,  without  entailing 
a  vast  expense  on  the  liishop,  who  only  does  his 
duty  in  dismissing  an  offending  clergyman.  The 
presbyferian  church  obviously  possesses  the  ad- 
vantage in  point  of  discipline;  but  there  is  no 
reason  why  these  advantages  should  not  be  trans- 
planted into  a  church  which  shall  at  the  same 
retain  the  apostolic  order  of  bishops.  Archbishop 
Usher's  (SN  585)  plan  would  have  combined  many 
of  the  advantages  of  these  two  forms  of  govern- 
ment ;  and  probably  the  only  hopes  which  we  can 
reasonably  entertain  of  ever  seeing  ecclesiastical 
disciplinnover  the  clergy  effectually  re-established, 
(which  God  of  his  great  mercy  grant,)  must  arise 
Ironi  adopting  something  of  this  sort.  A  bishop, 
who  was  disposed  to  do  so,  might  introduce  much 
without  any  change  of  the  laws;  for  the  consti- 
tution of  our  parish  offices,  rural  deaneries,  archi- 
diacona!  and  episcopal  visitations,  are  all  founded 
upon  a  principle  which,  while  it  made  the  bishop 
the  head  and  source  through  which  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  llie  church  was  derived  from  the  throne, 
presumed  that  much  of  this  authority  was  exer- 
ci.sed  by  the  united  influence  of  the  clergy  them- 
selves, who  would  thus  become  the  guardians 
and  judges  of  the  conduct  of  their  brethren. 
(Herbert,  in  his  Country  Parson,  ch.  xix.  p.  62, 
considers  visitations  as  clergy  councils.)  The 
churchwardens  and  sidesmen  form  a  sort  of  a 
parish  council  for  the  clergyman  ;  the  dean-rural 
was  formerly  the  overseer  of  his  deanery.  'I'he 
visitations  might  answer  the  purposes  of  peculiar 
and  general  iis.-^emblies  of  the  diocese,  while  the 
convocation  might  form  a  national  synod.  All 
nut  the  last  might,  to  a  certain  degree,  be  esta- 
blished ill  his  own  diocese  by  any  bishop  who 
chose  it. 

The  kingdom  has,'  for  the  last  two  hundred 
years,  been  making  rapid  strides  in  every  species 
of  improvement,  and  a  corresponding  alteration  in 
the  laws  on  every  subject  has  taken  place ;  during 


OF  THE  [Chap.  XIII.- 

|der;  and  he  Avas  brought  to  a  mock 
trial,  which  exhibited  his  patience,  his 
Christianity,  and  the  injustice  of  his 
oppressors ;  and  his  death  sealed  the 
testimony  of  his  uprightness  as  a  man. 

§  59(5.  Charles  had  the  misfortune  of 
being  educated  in  a  political  school  little 
likely  to  enable  him  to  see  the  line  of 
policy  which  it  was  wise  for  him  to 
adopt.  When  the  majority  qf  the  in- 
fluential part  of  society  have  made  up 
their  minds  as  to  the  necessity  of  any 
alteration  in  the  government,  prudent 

this  period,  nothing  has  been  remedied  in  the 
church;  a  few  acts  of  parliament  have  regulated 
some  of  its  temporal  concerns,  and  obviated  some 
evils,  but  the  clergy  have  never  been  allowed 
officially  to  stale  the  disadvantages  under  which, 
as  a  body  politic,  we  labour ;  or  to  sugyest  the 
methods  by  which  these  evils  might  prol.ably  be 
cured  ;  and  if  the  temper  of  ilic  mass  of  church- 
men be  little  suited  to  enter  on  such  discussions, 
as  is  sometimes  asserted  ;  if  there  be  grcaier  risk 
in  discussing  the  question  of  alleraiions  than  in 
conlinuing  the  abuses  ulidcr  which  we  labour; 
the  fault  is  attributable  chiefly  to  ihose  who  have 
long  closed  our  national  assembly,  and  to  the 
want  of  discipline  which  ihe  circumstances  of  our 
country  liave  created.  '1  he  state  of  the  church 
of  England  at  present  is  that  of  a  perfect  toleration 
of  religious  opinions,  co-existent  with  anestahlish- 
nient ;  a  form,  under  God's  providenfe.  probably 
the  most  likely  to  foster  real  Chrislianiiy  ;  but 
the  temporal  advantages  which  the  establi.-hinent 
possesses  are,  perhaps,  more  than  coutilerbalanced 
by  the  total  inability  of  our  church  to  regulate 
any  thing  within  herself,  and  the  great  want  of 
discipline  over  the  clergy.  (We  must  except, 
indeed,  that  which  public  opinion  has  established.) 
In  those  points  which  are  regulated  by  acts  of 
parliamesit,  the  odium  of  putting  them  in  force  is 
thrown  on  the  bishop  alone,  when  frequently 
there  is  no  such  necessity  ;  while  the  absurd  na- 
ture of  our  ecclesiastical  laws  renders  every  spe- 
cies of  discipline  over  the  laity  not  only  nugatory, 
but,  when  it  is  exercised,  frequently  unchristian, 
ridiculous,  and  in  many  cases  very  oppressive.  In 
all  this,  the  fault  is  not  in  the  clergy  ;  but,  alas, 
we  bear  the  blame,  are  made  obnoxious  to  re- 
proach, for  faults  among  ourselves  which  there  is 
no  power  to  punish :  and  liable  to  censure  on  ac- 
count of  laws  which  ought  to  have  been  abro- 
gated long  ago,  but  over  which  the  clergy  havo 
no  control.  As  to  eccl('.<;iastical  discipline  over 
the  laity,  it  can  hardly  exist  where  universal  dis- 
sent is  tolerated;  and  it  may  be  a  great  question, 
whether,  in  the  present  state  of  society,  its  re- 
establishment  would  promote  the  cause  of  vital 
religion  ;  a  clfergyman  who  does  his  duty  may 
reprove  in  private  an  erring  brother;  may  warn, 
may  admonish  him  of  his  faults  ;  and  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  any  other  authority  is  wisely  in- 
trusted to  us  ;  whether  the  temptation  to  overstep 
our  duty,  from  personal  considerations,  may  not 
more  than  outweigh  the  probable  good  effect  of 
such  power.  As  it  is  at  present,  excommunica- 
tion bears  with  it  such  terrible  civil  penalties,  that 
it  can  hardly  be  used  in  a  Christian  manner. 
With  regard  to  discipline  among  ourselves, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is  much  wanted; 
and  may  God  grant  it  us,  as  il  shall  seem  good 
to  him  ! 


Chap.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


9X* 


concession  may  disarm  innovation  of  its 
violence,  may  counteract  its  ill  effects, 
and  may  guide  the  stream  of  opinion, 
though  nothing  can  arrest  it.  The  same 
stream  may  thus  produce  fertility  as  it 
passes,  which,  if  left  to  the  direction  of 
the  thoughtless  and  wicked,  who  form 
a  large  portion  of  every  society,  would 
have  produced  all  the  evils  which  the 
most  fearful  could  anticipate.  The 
people  of  England  had  come  to  the  de- 
cision, that  they  had  the  right  of  taxing 
themselves,  and  of  being  governed  by 
law.'  The  friends  of  the  court  dreaded 
to  admit  the  first,  and  were  unable  to 
concede  the  latter,  unless  the  first  were 
previously  granted;  and  Charles,  hav- 
ing learnt  from  his  father  that  the  only 
source  of  legitimate  power  lay  in  the 
crown,  regarded  all  opposition  as  a  spe- 
cies of  rebellion,  and  tried  to  govern 
without  parliaments.  A  general  com- 
bination was  formed  against  the  court; 
the  court  was  composed  of  many  un- 
wise, of  many  dishonest  individuals,  and 
when  it  came  to  act  against  the  people, 
it  was  inadequate  to  the  task.  A  church- 
man at  the  head  of  the  ministry  tried  to 
excite  the  church  in  defence  of  the  sup- 
posed rights  of  the  crown,  but  he  had 
previously  divided  that  body  by  his  en- 
deavours to  promote  his  own  theolo- 
gical party;  and  while  the  more  digni- 
fied part  of  the  establishment  generally 
sided  with  the  king,  there  was  a  strong 
party  who  were  willing  and  eager  to 
humble  the  superior  members  of  their 
own  order,  whom  they  regarded  as  their 
oppressors,  and  to  destroy  the  higher 
offices  in  the  church,  and  those  prefer- 
ments from  the  attainment  of  which  they 
found  themselves  excluded  on  account 
of  religious  opinions,  which  the  govern- 
ing ascendancy  deemed  unorthodox. 

§  5!)7.  When  the  first  parliament  of 
1G40  was  assembled,  good  men  had 
reasonably  formed  great  hopes  from  its 
moderation  and  prudence,  and  its  disso- 
lution was  accompanied  with  the  uni- 
versal sorrow  of  the  well-affected;  the 


'  This  is  in  lart  the  substance  of  the  petiiion  ol 
rights,  (liapiii,  ii.  270.)  It  is  there  declared,  Thiii 
the  light  ol  imposing  ia.\es  lielonsis  to  the  parlia- 
ment;  that  this  had  been  infringed;  and  thai  vio- 
lence liad  been  ofTered  to  the  subject  by  imprison- 
ments, the  (luartering  of  soldiers  on  divers  coun- 
ties, and  issuing  commissions  of  martial  law.  This 
was  presented  in  1628,  and  a  very  general  answer 
returned  to  it. 


friends  of  the  government  saw  no  other 
hope  than  in  assembling  another,  and 
no  one  could  expect  that  such  a  step 
could  be  free  from  great  danger.  The 
violence  of  the  Long  Parliament  soon 
drew  from  the  affrighted  court  what 
might  easily  have  satisfied  its  prede- 
cessor ;  but  the  ease  with  which  con- 
cessions were  made,  and  the  warmth  of 
those  who  demanded  them,  convinced 
all  who  were  thus  implicated,  that  they 
could  not  trust  to  concessions  so  made, 
or  secure  their  own  personal  safety, 
except  by  throwing  down  and  trampling 
on  the  crown :  and  the  want  of  confi- 
dence in  the  court  which  the  country 
entertained,  enabled  them  to  do  so. 
When  subjects  begin  to  force  a  govern- 
ment, to  yield  is  dangerous,  to  resist 
often  impossible,  and  that  which,  if 
granted  with  a  good  grace,  might  have 
conciliated  a  large  portion  of  the  king- 
dom, becatne  so  inadequate  to  satisfy 
those  who  had  obtaineil  it.  that  the  very 
concession  could  on  their  part  be  guard- 
ed only  by  furtiier  demands.  The  sole 
ground  on  which  the  conduct  of  the 
parliament  can  be  justified,  is,  that  they 
could  not  trust  the  promise  and  conces- 
sions of  the  king;  and  if  this  could  be 
established,  they  had  no  alternative  but 
to  submit  their  necks  to  the  hazard  of 
the  block,  or  to  take  the  militia  into 
their  own  hands.  It  was  so  much  their 
interest  that  a  general  opinion  of  the 
insincerity  of  Charles  should  prevail, 
that  the  fact  of  its  prevailing  does  not 
at  all  prove  its  truth  ;  yet  there  is  some 
strong  evidence  against  the  king.  He^ 
calls  the  advice  for  peace,  given  him 
by  the  two  Houses  assembled  in  Ox- 
ford, "the  base  and  mutinous  motions" 
of  his  "mongrel  parliatnent ;"  an  ex- 
pression which,  coupled  with  many 
others  in  his  letters  to  the  queen  on  the 
treaty  at  Uxbriijge,  makes  it  very  ques- 
tionable how  he  might  have  acted,  had 
he  gained  the  superiority  in  the  war. 
Yet,  after  all,  these  may  be  petulant 
terms,  elicited  by  anger,  or  by  tender- 
ness to  the  prejudices  of  his  wife,  or  he 
might  have  seen  more  deeply  into  the 
undoubted  insincerity  of  the  parliament ; 
but  it  can  htirdly  be  itnagined  that  he 
would  intentionally  have  violated  those 


2  Wor'ns  of  King  Charles  I.,  150,  No.  29.  Ra- 
pin,  ii.  512. 


SS8 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XHI. 


bills,  to  which  his  assent  was  affixed ; 
and  at  all  events  the  security  of  the 
people  Avas  better  guarded  by  their 
power  of  refusing  iUegal  supplies,  than 
his  safety  could  have  been  secured,  had 
the  militia  been  in  the  hands  of  tlie  par- 
liament. The  real  danger  seems  to 
have  consisted  in  the  weakness  of  mind 
rather  than  in  the  dishonesty  of  Charles, 
for  no  one  could  trust  that  a  determina- 
tion once  formed  might  not  be  imme- 
diately changed.  He  had  listened  to 
the  proposals  of  Strafford,"  when  that 
minister  .idvised  him  to  establish  a  per- 
fect tyranny,  and  had  continued  to  trust 
him  as  his  adviser;  he  had  surrendered 
up  the  same  man  to  the  violence  of  his 
enemies,  when  he  ought  to  have  de- 
fended him  ;  and  can  we  wonder  that 
the  world  should  be  induced  to  believe 
that  Charles  was  not  worth}'  to  be 
trusted?  It  was  probably  this  same 
want  of  firmness  and  self-confidence, 
which  rendered  the  issue  of  the  war  so 
disastrous  ;  which  first  ruined  the  disci- 
pline of  his  officers,  and  then  exposed 
his  army  to  defeat.  His  failings  led  to 
a  catastrophe  which  might  probably 
liave  been  avoided,  had  he  been  a  worse 
man  ;  at  least  the  evil  day  might  longer 
have  been  delayed.  His  virtues  were 
tried  and  exhibited  by  the  difficulties 
and  misfortunes  to  which  he  was  sub- 
jected, and  have  gained  him  the  appel- 
lation of  a  martyr.''  Had  he  lived  when 
the  constitution  was  more  fully  esta- 
blished, he  would  probably  have  proved 
a  constitutional  and  good  king  ;  had  he 
lived  when  the  country  was  less  pre- 
pared to  assume  its  share  in  the  govern- 
ment of  itself,  he  might  have  been 
found  a  better  king  than  his  father;  as 

'  Ludlow's  Mem.  iii.  322,  or  third  edit.  262; 

'  It  is  perhaps  unfortuiialc  that  this  appellation 
ehould  ever  have  been  afiixed  by  authority.  He 
was  in  one  sense  a  martyr  to  the  delence  of  the 
church  of  England,  and  in  his  death  exhibited 
strong  proofs  of  his  sincere  Chrisiianity.  Nor  is 
it  less  to  be  lamented  that  the  observance  of  ihe 
fifth  of  November,  the  thirtieth  of  January,  and 
the  twenty-ninth  of  May,  has  not  been  legally  dis- 
continued, since  it  can  only  have  the  effect  of  pro- 
tracting animosities  and  continuing  party  feeling, 
which  it  should  be  the  office  of  a  wise  government 
to  destroy  as  much  as  possible.  The  services 
might  be  changed  by  the  crown  ;  they  are  not 
sanctioned  by  any  act  of  parliament.  It  is  curious 
that  Sancroft,  who  drew  up  the  office  for  the  thir- 
tieth of  January,  uses,  in  a  letter  to  his  father 
written  at  the  time,  expressions  more  strong  than 
any  which  he  has  introduced  into  the  services. 
(Life,  i.  43.; 


it  was,  his  weakness  lost  him  his  crown 
and  life,  while  his  firmness  prevented 
the  church  of  England  from  being  swal- 
lowed up  by  fanaticism,  or  chantred  to 
a  j>resbyterian  form  ;  a  fate  which  would 
probably  have  attended  her,  had  he 
coalesced  with  eitlier  the  army  or  the 
republicans. 

In  this  great  struggle,  when  the  vir- 
tues, vice^,  and  energies  of  every  man 
were  put  to  the  severest  test,  there  are 
few  whose  history  will  bear  more  near 
inspection  than  that  of  this  virtuous  man. 
There  were  others  who  were  wiser, 
better,  and  greater,  but  his  faults  were 
the  errors  of  a  judo-ment  which  did  not 
sufficiently  rely  on  itself,  and  followed 
the  prejudices  in  which  he  had  been 
brought  up,  or  which  were  instilled  into 
him  by  others;  his  virtues  were  his  own, 
and  the  fruit  of  his  sincere  religion. 
There  is  perhaps  no  greater  proof  of  the 
honesty  of  his  intentions,  than  the  fact'' 
that  the  best  vindication  of  him  which 
his  friends  could  publish  after  tlie  Re- 
storation, consisted  in  an  authentic  copy 
of  his  letters,  speeches,  and  public  acts. 

§  598.  Something  has  been  already 
said  with  regard  to  the  sufferings  of  the 
clergy,  who  were  on  both  sides  exj  osed 
to  great  cruelly.  Those  evils  which  the 
friends  of  the  parliament  endured,  Avere 
generally  the  rude  insults  of  unauthorized 
violence.  The  language  of  the  roj-al 
party*  had  applied  the  name  of  purhan 
to  those  who  would  not  conform  in 
church  matters,  and  the  rabble,  taking 
up  the  term,  comprehended  under  it  all 
who  were  disposed  to  greater  strictness 
in  life  or  preaching,  and  who  thus  became 
the  objects  of  popular  odium,  when  the 
fury  of  the  war  let  loose  the  multitude 
against  every  one  who  had  any  thing  to 
lose.  This  circumstance  drove  many 
persons  to  join  the  parliament,  who  Lad 
otherwise  no  inclination  to  take  any  part 
in  the  war.  The  sufferings  of  the  royal- 
ists arose  from  illegal  acts  of  tyranny, 
carried  on  under  the  semblance  of  justice, 
in  which  the  evil  passions  of  individuals 
were  allowed  to  imbitter  penalties  in 
I  themselves  sufficiently  grievous.  It 
i  must  be  granted  that  the  parliament, 
j  when  they  had  recourse  to  arms,  could 
!  not  in  prudence  alloAv  the  loyalist  clergy 
i  ,  

!  3Worksof  Charles  L 

I  *  Calamy's  Baxter,  48,  &c. 


Chap.  XIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


229 


to  retain  their  situations  as  teachers,  but 
the  means  which  they  took  to  dispossess 
them  were  very  unwarrantable.  They 
who  sat  as  judges'  were  often  the  pro- 
moters of  the  charges  which  they  were 
to  investigate,  were  frequently  incom- 
petent to  such  offices,  and  justly  sus- 
pected of  receiving  money  from  the 
prisoners  who  were  brought  before  them, 
as  well  as  from  those  who  succeeded  to 
the  vacant  benefices.  The  accusations^ 
which  were  made  against  the  clergy 
were,  besides  offences  of  a  moral  nature, 
generally  the  observance  of  ceremonies, 
and  malignancy ;  and  it  is  wonderful 
that  in  such  a  scrutiny  no  more  instances 
of  vicious  lives  and  conversations  are 
recorded.^  In  the  cases  adduced  by 
Walker,  some  of  the  clergy  are  charged 
with  very  ridiculous  crimes;  with  de- 
serting their  cures,  for  instance,  when 
the  parliament  had  driven  them  away. 
0ns  is  blamed*  for  singing  a  most  ma- 
lignant psalm,  another  for  reading^  a 
most  malignant  chapter;  for  walking  in 
his  garden  on  a  Sunday ;  because  his 
dog  caught  a  hare  on  a  Sunday.  But 
when  the  ordinance  for  taking  the  cove- 
nant was  passed,  (Feb.  22,  1044,)  and 
the  use  of  the  Directory  enjoined,  (Jan. 
3,  1045,)  these  two  handles  of  ejection" 
superseded  the  necessity  of  any  other, 
and  the  task  of  sequestration  became 
plain.  The  class  of  witnesses  who  were 
admitted,  consisting  of  ofTended  parish- 
ioners or  informers  encouraged  by  the 
committee ;  the  fact,  that  at  first  these 
witnesses  were  not  examined  on  oath, 
that  they  were  not  confronted  with  the 
accused,  for  fear  of  discouraging  them, 
that  they  were  often  received  without 
any  scrutiny^ — all  mark  a  dishonesty  of 
intention  on  the  part  of  the  parliament, 
which  the  necessity  of  the  case  may  ac- 
count for,  but  can  by  no  means  excuse. 
The  parliament  pretended  to  advocate 
the  cause  of  the  subject,  and  they  were 
guilty  of  gross  and  unnecessary  acts  of 
oppression.  What  could  be  more  arbi- 
trary than  to  compel  men  who  had  long 
used  and  admired  the  Common  Prayer 

'  Walker's  Sufforings,  SO,  90—94. 
2  Ibid.  97—103. 

^  VVliite,  chairman  of  the  cornmiltee,  published 
"  A  Century  of  Scandalous  Ministers,"  or  the  ac- 
count of  the  hundred  worst  cases  which  he  could 
select.    I  have  never  seen  it. 

*  Walker.  83.        s  n^jj,  93^       c  ibij.  106. 

'  Neal's  Puritans,  iii.  108. 


Book,  to  desist  from  its  use  ?  to  force 
men  to  take  the  covenant,  who  had  been 
bred  up  in  episcopacy,  and  believed  in 
the  sacred  nature  of  its  institution  ?  In 
July,  1(>4(5,^  when  there  was  some  ap- 
pearance that  the  parliament  and  the 
army  would  quarrel,  the  ejected  clergy 
presented  an  ineffectual  petition  to  the 
king  and  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  stating, 
"  that  they  have  been  put  out  of  their 
'freeholds  by  the  arbitrary  power  of  com- 
mittees, whose  proceedings  have  usually 
been  by  no  rule  of  any  known  law,  but 
by  their  own  wills ;  of  whose  orders  no 
record  is  kept,  nor  scarce  any  notes  or 
memorials  whereby  it  may  appear  when, 
by  whom,  or  for  what,  your  petitioners 
are  removed  ;"  and  then  recapitulating 
some  of  the  before-mentioned  hardships. 

The  provision  which  was  made  for  the 
families  of  those  who  were  ejected,  was, 
after  some  delay,  settled  at  a  fifth  of 
their  preferment ;  but  this  was  assigned 
with  many  restrictions,  and  frequently 
obtained  with  much  difficulty  ;^  nor  doea 
it  appear  to  have  been  ever  extended  to 
the  members  of  cathedral  churches. 
The  want  of  any  abstract  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  these  committees  has  ren- 
dered the  task  of  estimating  the  numbers 
of  those  who  Avere  ejected  exceedingly 
difficult ;  but  the  attempt  has  been  made 
by  Gauden,  who  states  it  as  his  opinion 
that  between  six  and  seven  thousand 
clergyiuen  were  ejected.  Walker's'"  cal- 
culation goes  higher,  but  these  compu- 
tations are  probably  much  beyond  the 
truth." 

§  599.  The  accounts  respecting  the 
universities'^  are  much  more  ample.  In 
1642,  Lord  Holland  obtained  an  order 
from  the  House  of  Lords,  which  was 
backed  by  one  from  the  earl  of  Essex, 
that  the  property  of  the  university  of 
Cambridge  should  be  respected :  the 
place,  however,  had  been  already  ran- 
sacked ;  and  subsequently,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  loyalty  exhibited  by  many 
of  the  members,  who  sent  assistance  in 
money  and  plate  to  the  king,  Oliver 


s  Walker,  145.      '  Ihid.  100.  Ibid.  199. 

"  The  ground  of  this  [>robabihty  is.  that  Gaii- 
den's  calculation  is  founded  on  his  assertion,  that 
"one-iialf  the  cleriiy  were  sequesteiod."  No 
very  certain  datum  ;  and  the  iride.\  in  Wiilker 
contains  only  1337  names,  and  some  of  these 
occur  twice.  The  luimber  8000  is  derived  from 
White,  the  author  of  the  Century. 

'2  Walker,  108. 

u 


<  230 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XHI. 


Cromwell  came  down  there,  and  the 
town  was  converted  into  a  garrison  for 
the  seven  associated  counties ;  a  step 
which  exposed  the  academicians  to  every 
species  of  minor  oppression,  an  annoy- 
ance which  was  not  at  all  discouraged  by 
those  in  authority. 

In  January,  1(143,  the  regulation  of  the 
university  was  committed  to  the  earl  of 
Manchester,  and  ample  powers  were  put 
mto  his  hands.  He  commenced  his 
operations  by  ejecting  all  who  were 
absent,  and  who  did  not  appear  within 
twelve  days  (a  period  of  time  too  short 
even  to  summon  many  of  them,)  ijnd 
proceeded  to  get  rid  of  all  whom  he  dis- 
liked, by  proposing  to  them  the  covenant 
for  their  acceptance.  It  is  supposed 
that  between  five  and  six  hundred  were, 
during  the  rebellion,  ejected  from  this 
university  alone.  In  filling  the  vacant 
places,  statutes  and  oaths  were  disre- 
garded, and  in  some  cases  fellowships 
were  left  altogether  void,  while  all  who 
were  admitted  to  any  situation  were  ex- 
amined by  the  assembly.  The  favour 
which  Avas  afterwards  shown  to  Cam- 
bridg'e  was  granted  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  a  rebellious  university,  since 
the  parliament  had  early  discovered  that 
the  university,  as  it  was,  would  never 
rebel. 

§  600.  (a.  d.  1647.)  Oxford,  during 
the  continuance  of  the  war,  had  fur- 
nished the  court  with  a  safe  and  com- 
fortable retreat ;  it  had  been  fortified  in 
1644,  and  surrendered  not  till  the  go- 
vernor had  received  an  order  to  that 
effect  from  the  king,  M'ho  was  then  a 
prisoner  with  the  Scotch.  The  members 
of  the  university  and  citizens  had  borne 
arms  in  the  roj'al  cause,  and  the  terms 
which  Avere  obtained  were  at  least  ho- 
nourable to  her  defenders  ;  but  the  day 
of  visitation  at  length  arrived. 

In  order  to  pave  the  way  for  the  com- 
missioners,* seven  divines,  who  were 
friendly  to  the  new  order  of  things,  were 
sent  down,  and  were  most  regular  in 
preaching  at  St.  Mary's,  while  the  sober 
part  of  the  university  retired  to  St. 
Mary  Magdalen  church.  They  opened 
also  a  place  for  theological  disputation, 
which  was  nicknamed  "  the  scruple- 
shop,"  and  there  met  with  much  dis- 
turbance from  one  Erbury,  an  inde- 


'  Walker's  Sufferings,  122. 


pendent,  who  silenced  the  presbyterian 
divines,  by  asking  them,  "by  what  au- 
thority they  taught  ?"  for  they  dared  not 
confess  their  episcopal  ordination,  and 
had  no  other  to  adduce.  When  the 
commissioners  of  visitation  were  ap- 
pointed, (May  1,)  the  university  put  forth 
reasons  why  they  could  not  assent  to  the 
covenant  and  its  appendages,  a  tract 
which  was  chiefly  drawn  up  by  Sander- 
son and  Zouch,  and  printed  in  the  ap- 
pendix to  the  small  edition  of  Walton's 
Life  of  Sanderson. 2  It  is  a  bold  and 
unanswerable  pamphlet,  and  distinctly 
tells  the  parliament,  in  respectful  terms, 
that  they  were  "  usurpers  and  tyrants." 
and  that  "  the  members  of  the  university 
neither  could  nor  would  obey  them." 
The  reception  with  which  the  commis- 
sioners met,  corresponded  with  this  be- 
ginning. They  found  their  authority 
despised  and  themselves  ridiculed,  and 
could  do  nothing-  till  the  arrival  (Sept. 
27)  of  a  new  commission  in  the  king's 
name.  Fell,  dean  of  Christ  Church, 
who  was  then  vice-chancellor,  and  the 
other  heads,  when  they  appeared  before 
the  commissioners,  demanded  their  au- 
thority ;  and  when  the  commission  was 
shown,  they  questioned  its  authenticity. 
The  most  obnoxious  opponents,  how- 
ever, Avere  by  degrees  sent  prisoners  to 
London  ;  but  the  commissioners  did  not 
find  themselves  able  to  effect  their  pur- 
pose, till  they  were  supported  by  a 
guard  of  soldiers ;  and  even  then  Mrs. 
Fell  would  not  quit  the  deanery  at  Christ 
Church,  but  sat  still  in  her  chair  till  she 
was  lifted  bodily  into  the  quadrangle. 
The  orders  which  were  inserted  by  the 
commissioners  in  the  buttery-book  at 
Christ  Church,  were  next  morning  found 
to  have  been  erased  by  the  students,  and 
every  step  which  they  made  Avas  gained 
merely  by  force.  They  expelled  fiom 
the  university  five  hundred  and  forty- 
eight  inferior  members'  Avho  rejected 
their  authority,  and  were  only  driven 
out  by  the  interference  of  a  file  of  sol- 
diers. Most  of  these  suffered  great 
misery,  and  continued  faithful  in  their 
loj'alty ;  and  from  their  numbers,  and 
the  influence  Avhich  educated  men  can- 
not fail  to  possess,  may  probably  have 

2  There  is  a  full  abstract  of  it  in  Collier,  ii.  849; 
it  is  primed  at  length  in  the  8vo.  edition  of  Wal- 
ton's Lives,  Oxford,  1824,  at  the  end. 

3  Walker,  138. 


CiiAP.  XIV. 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


231 


greatly  assisted  in  advancing  the  Resto- 
ration. 

Many  of  those  who  filled  up  the 
vacancies  thus  created  were  brought 
from  Cambridge,  where  they  had  re- 
sided since  the  regulation  in  1648; 
but  the  best  places  fell  to  the  lot  of  the 
visitors.  The  university,  when  new- 
modelled,  became  bounteous  of  her 
honours,  conferring  degrees  on  the 
chief  instruments  of  the  rebellion,  and 
subsequently  electing  Oliver  Cromwell 
as  their  chancellor,  it  might  have  been 
expected,  that  the'  persons*  now  intro- 
duced into  the  two  universities  would 
have  corrupted  the  soil  so  effectually 
as  to  have  prevented  the  growth  of  any 
goodly  plants  for  a  long  season  ;  but 
the  Restoration  found  them  as  full  of 
sound  learning  and  piety  as  of  obedi- 
ence and  duty  ;  a  fact  which  leads  us 
to  conclude  that  the  description  of  the 


I  persons  then  introduced,  as  given  oy 
Lord  Clarendon,  must  be  much  over- 
jcliarged.  Nor  must  it  in  fairness  be 
\  forgotten,  that  the  names-  of  Ward  and 
|of  Wallis  were  then  added  to  our  uni- 
versity, that  the  Royal  Society  sprung 
from  her  misfortunes,  and  that  oriental 
literature^  never  flourished  more  than 
during  the  usurpation.  It  is  by  exam- 
ining circumstances  such  as  these  that 
we  discover  the  real  importance  of 
sound  learning  and  of  establishments 
for  religious  education  ;  for  be  it  ever 
remembered,  that  the  royal  cause  found 
nowhere  more  determined  and  active 
friends  than  in  Christ  Church ;  and 
that  South,^  when  as  monitor  he  read 
the  Latin  prayers  in  Westminster 
school,  on  the  day  of  the  execution  of 
Charles  L,  prayed  publicly  for  his 
murdered  sovereign. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


THE  USURPATION,   1649 — 1660. 


601.  Outline  ot  the  history  ;  the  whole  power  was  in  the  hands  of  the  army.  602.  Cromwell's  suc- 
cess in  Ireland  ;  in  Scotland  ;  treatment  of  Charles  II.  in  Scotland  ;  advance  into  England,  and 
battle  ol  Worcester.  603.  Cromwell  makes  the  people  dissatisfied  with  the  parliament,  in  order 
that  they  may  fall  into  his  hands.  60-1.  Government  of  Cromwell.  (105.  Character  of  Cromwell. 
606.  Presbyterians.  607.  Independents.  ('.OS.  Propagation  of  the  gos(>el  in  Wales.  609.  Church 
government  ;  Triers.  610.  Treatment  of  the  church  ot  England  ;  Cromwell's  declaration  ;  tolera- 
tion ;  Rotiian  Catholics;  Jews.  (ill.  State  of  religion;  Baxter  at  Kidderminster.  612.  Disci- 
pline; associations.  613.  Observations  on  these.  614.  Independents;  presbyterians.  615.  Slate 
of  religion  ;  episcopalians.  616.  'I'reatment  of  them,  and  their  general  conduct ;  literature.  617. 
Sects.  618.  Quakers.  619.  Anabaptists;  aniinomians;  familists;  fifth-monarchy  men.  620, 
Laws  about  morality.  621.  Heresy.  622.  Marriage.  623.  Succession  of  bishops.  624.  Causes 
of  the  Restoration. 


§  60L  (January  31,  1049.)  The  his- 
tory of  England  durinc;  the  usurpation, 
is  more  or  less  the  general  history  of  a 
country  which  has  thrown  down  legiti- 
mate authority  instead  of  reforming  it : 
and  corresponds  with  every  reformation 
which  has  been  carried  on  by  the  people 
alone.  It  is  a  struggle  for  political 
power  on  the  part  of  those  who  have 
been  oppressed,  who  misuse  their  au- 
thority when  they  have  acquired  it, 
and  drive  the  nation  to  wish  again  for 
the  government  which  they  had  previ- 
ously cast  out.  The  necessity  of  refor- 
mation will  be  first  visible  to  those  who 
suffer  most  by  existing  abuses,  and  the 


'  Clarendon,  iii.  74. 


desire  of  it,  therefore,  must  spring  from 
the  people  ;  but  it  can  hardly  produce 
good  unless  it  be  managed  by  the  upper 
orders,  by  men  who  are  so  situated  as 
to  perceive  the  advantage  of  institutions 
which,  however  useful  in  themselves, 
have  become,  from  mismanarrcment,  lia- 
ble to  serious  objections.  The  charges 
raised  against  such  establishments  are 
often  so  peculiarly  apparent  to  those 
who  are  most  injured  by  them,  and  so 
exaggerated  in  their  eyes,  that  they 
cannot  estimate  the  benefits  which 
might  be  derived  from  their  proper  use. 
The  desire  of  correcting  real  evils  had, 
in  the  beginning  of  the  struggle,  not 


'  Neal's  Puritans,  iii.  396. 
*  Life,  by  Curl,  3. 


3  See  J  6  J  6. 


S32 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIV. 


only  combined  a  larg^e  portion  of  llic 
most  valuable  individuals  in  the  nation, 
but  had  concentrated  the  eood  wishes 
of  the  majority  of  those  who  took  no 
outward  share  in  the  contest.  The 
necessity  of  any  war.  and  its  commence- 
ment, may  perhaps  be  attributed  to  the 
unwillingness  of  the  court  to  reform 
abuses  till  it  was  too  late  ;  but  when 
the  parliament  took  up  arms,  many 
honest  friends  of  liberty  conscientiously 
joined  the  king.  The  strength  of  the 
nation,  however,  still  sided  with  their 
representatives,  and  the  heroic  devotion 
and  gallantry  of  some  of  the  royalists 
was  overpowered  as  much  by  the  errors 
and  selfishness  of  their  friends  as  by  the 
energies  of  their  adversaries.  When 
ihe  monarchy  was  subdued,  the  presby- 
terians  and  moderate  party  wished  to 
re-establish  it  upon  certain  conditions  ; 
but  the  interests  of  those  who  had 
learned  their  own  influence  and  who 
hoped  to  raise  themselves  in  the  general 
ruin,  prevented  the  adoption  of  any 
moderation.  The  army  had  conquered 
the  king,  and  the  republic  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  army,  that  is,  of  those  who 
knew  how  to  govern  and  direct  it.  The 
views  of  these  persons  were  naturally 
turned  towards  such  policy  as  was  likely 
to  render  themselves  powerful,  and  a 
state  of  confusion  was  that  which  they 
must  have  desired. 

§  (j02.  Cromwell  knew  that  some 
successful  general  must  be  the  governor 
of  England,  and  he  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  Irish  army,  where  his  suc- 
cess surpassed  all  that  ho  could  have 
himself  expected.  The  campaign  was 
that  of  an  experienced  general  at  the 
head  of  a  veteran  army,  opposed  by 
men  who  were  unskilled  in  war  and 
devoid  of  resources  for  carrying  it  on. 
His  progress  was  marked  with  extreme 
cruelty  towards  the  natives,  and  was  so 
rapid  that  the  whole  country  was  virtu- 
ally reduced,  when  the  affairs  in  Scot- 
land during  the  next  year  demanded 
the  presence  of  the  general.  When 
Fairfax  refused  to  take  the  command 
against  the  presbyterians  and  Scotch, 
he  placed  Cromwell  at  the  head  of  the 
military  force  of  the  republic,  and  the 
victory  at  Dunbar  made  him  formidable 
to  friends  and  foes.  Charles  II.  had 
consented  to  try  his  fortunes  in  Scotland 
and  to  trust  himself  to  the  presbyterians, 


who  would  not  receive  him  till  he  had 
taken  the  covenant,  and  publicly  ac- 
knowledged the  sin  of  his  father  in 
marrying  into  an  idolatrous  family,  and 
in  shedding  the  blood  whicli  had  already 
flowed  during  the  war.  (a.  d.  KiSO.) 
As  if  the  forced  profession  of  what  he 
did  not  believe,  and  a  public  act  which 
made  him  dishonour  his  parents,  were 
likely  to  render  him  a  good  king,  or 
friendly  to  a  body  which  had  tyranni- 
cally imposed  these  conditions  upon 
him  !  but  so  it  was,  and  so  does  selfish- 
ness ever  defeat  its  own  ends.  Had 
the  Scotch,  at  Dunbar,  avoided  an 
engagement  with  Cromwell,  that  gene- 
ral might  probably  have  been  obliged 
to  retire  with  disgrace  ;  but,  incited  by 
their  ministers,  the  Scotch  gave  up  the 
advantages  which  they  possessed  and 
were  totally  defeated.  (Sept.  J^.)  Uj;on 
this,  Charles  retired  to  the  north,  leav- 
ing Cromwell  master  of  Edinburgh  and 
the  south,  and  was  crowned  at  Scone 
on  Jan.  I,  1(>5I,  finding  himself  treated 
more  like  a  king  after  this  reverse  of 
fortune  which  oj)prcssed  his  nominal 
friends. 

In  the  spring,  the  royal  army  took  up 
its  position  at  Stirling,  and  when  Crom- 
well had  thrown  himself  into  their  rear, 
they  marched  as  rapidly  as  they  could 
into  England,  where  they  were  ulti- 
matel}^  defeated  at  Worcester.  (Sept. 
3.)  The  king  indeed  himself  escaped, 
but  the  royal  party  was  entirely  broken. 

§  003.  Cromwell  was  now  in  reality 
the  governor  of  England  ;  but  before 
he  could  put  himself  forward  as  invest- 
ed with  this  authority,  it  was  necessary 
to  make  the  army  and  the  country  dis- 
satisfied with  the  Long  Parliament.  This 
was  far  from  a  difficult  task ;  for  their 
own  selfish  conduct  had  already  ren- 
dered the  act  of  their  dissolution  accept- 
able to  most  parties,  and  the  necessity 
of  increasing  the  navy  during  the  war 
with  Holland,  (16.52,)  alarmed  the  army 
with  the  prospect  of  being  disbanded. 
Had  Cromwell  called, a  free  parliament, 
it  is  impossible  to  decide  what  might 
have  been  the  result ;  but  nothing  could 
be  further  from  his  intentions  :  he  ap- 
pointed a  parliament  of  his  own  nomi- 
nation, whose  foolish  proceedings'  made 


'  Cromwell  probably  called  the  Barebone  par- 
liament for  this  very  purpose.  Nothing  but  the 
necessity  of  the  case  could  satisfy  the  nation  with 


Chap.  XIV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


233 


every  one  more  contented  when  the 
mask  W.1S  uhimately  thrown  ofT,  and 
he  was  installed  (Dec.  lii,  1(5.5:})  as 
Protector  of  England,  Scotlatid,  and 
Ireland.  His  successive  mock-parlia- 
ments, and  his  finally  relinquishinir  the 
hope  of  being  king,  which  he  had  long 
fondly  cherished,  mark  the  spirit  of 
liberty  which  still  prevailed  in  the 
country,  and  prove  the  opposition 
which  was  raisinl  against  his  authority, 
and  the  talent  with  which  he  conducted 
the  government.  His  vigilance  and 
activity  rendered  him  safe  from  every 
danger  but  that  of  assassination,  and 
of  this  he  was  much  afraid.* 

§  (501.  The  secret  of  his  government 
was,  that  he  balanced  parties  against 
each  other,  without  offl-nding  any  of 
them  more  than  he  could  help  ;  and 
that  he  chose  men  who  were  suited  to 
the  situations  in  which  he  placed  them, 
and  ready  to  co-operate  in  his  j)lans. 
His  object  was  that  his  government 
should  be  as  strong  as  possible,  and 
therefore  it  was  his  interest  that  it 
should  be  well  conducted  ;  but  while- 
abilities  advanced  few  under  him,  he 
selected  those  who  would  never  ques- 
tion his  commands,  and  zealously  pro- 
mote his  welfare;  and  his  own  welfare 
was  closely  connected  with  the  well- 
being  of  the  country.  Under  such  a 
man,  this  plan  Avas  productive  of  much 

his  appqjiiiment  ;  but  when  they  saw  that  this 
parliament  was  ohviously  unequal  to  the  task  of 
govcrnini;,  and  the  choice  seeined  to  lie  between 
anarchy  or  a  protector,  reasonable  ineti  might  pre- 
fer the  latter.  In  the  Barebone  parliament  it  was 
p\it  to  the  vole  whether  parish  ministers  should  lie 
put  down;  and  though  the  motion  was  thrown 
out,  many  persons  might  be  alarmed  at  tlie  dan- 
ger in  which  the  establishment  was  placed.  (Bax- 
ter's Life.  i.  70.)  'I'his  was  exactly  what  Cromwell 
desired,  that  he  might  appear  to  come  forward  to 
save  the  nation  from  this  dilemma. 

'  The  nniTiinal  consliiution  which  was  esta- 
blished by  the  instrument  of  government  was  as 
follows:  A  parliament  shall  be  called  every  three 
years  by  the  protector;  the  first,  Sept.  3,  1654. 
No  parliament  to  be  dissolved  till  it  has  been  sit- 
ting five  months.  Such  bills  as  are  ofTered  to  the 
roleclor  by  ihe  parliament,  if  not  eonfirincd  by 
im  in  twenty  days,  to  be  laws  without  him.  His 
council  shall  not  exceed  twenty-one,  nor  be  less 
than  thirteen.  Lnmedialely  after  the  death  of 
Cromwell  the  council  shall  choose  another  pro- 
tector before  they  ri.se.  No  protector  after  the 
present  shall  be  general  of  an  army.  The  pro- 
tector shall  have  power  to  make  war  and  peace. 
The  protector  and  his  council  may  make  laws 
which  shall  be  binding  on  the  subject  during  the 
intervals  of  parliament.  (Rapin,  ii.  591  ;  White- 
lock,  571.) 
2  Perfect  Politician,  280. 

30 


good  to  the  kingdom  in  general.  He 
noticed  all  persons  who  were  eminent' 
in  any  way,  and  attached  them  to  him- 
self by  appropriate  encouragement;  but 
in  his  appointments  his  object  was  to 
select  the  man  for  the  situation,  and 
he  was  fortunately  unfettered  by  those 
parliamentary  interferences  which  must 
prevent  most  ministers  from  following 
his  example.  Justice  between  man  and 
man  was  fairly  administered,  which  was 
far  from  being  the  case  previously,  and 
Entjland  was  never  more  respected  by 
foreign  nations.  Cromwell  gloried  in 
being  the  protector  of  Protestants,  and 
is  reported,  by  Bishop  Burnet,*  to  have 
formed  a  plan  of  establishing  a  sort  of 
Protestant  "  propaganda"  society,  at 
Chelsea,  which  was  never  carried  into 
execution.  When  the  Vaudois^  were 
driven  from  their  valleys  by  the  court 
of  Turin,  (a.  d.  1i555,)  the  remonstrances 
of  England  to  Cardinal  Mazarine  and 
the  duke  of  Savoy  procured  for  them 
more  lenient  treatinent ;  while  a  sub- 
scription was  raised  which  atnounted, 
in  this  country,  to  o7,090/. :  so  again, 
when  in  a  tumult  at  Nisines  it  appeared 
that  the  Protestants"  had  been  ill  used, 
his  interference  was  so  prompt  and  de- 
cisive, that  Cardinal  Mazarine  had  just 
reason  to  complain,  though  he  dared 
not  refuse  to  comply  with  it. 

§  (505.  The  character  of  the  protector, 
as  drawn  by  Baxter,''  is  perhaps  as  fair 
as  any  which  can  be  found  :  and  it  must 
be  remembered,  that  Baxter  was  far 
from  being  his  friend.  He  describes 
him  as  beofinninsj  his  political  life  from 
religious  motives,  and  collecting  around 
him  a  band  of  mtm  who  were  actuated 
by  the  same  principles:  when,  however, 
they  had  shown  the  power  of  these  quali- 
ties in  gaining  a  superiority  over  others, 
they  were  themselves  overcome  by  their 
own  ambition.  Inhere  v/as  much  per- 
sonal danger  to  those  who  had  opposed 
the  king  in  arms,  in  case  he  should  ever 
recover  his  authority;  and  they  gradu- 
ally persuaded  theinselves,  that  they 
were  seeking  the  good  of  the  kingdom, 
as  well  as  their  own,  in  his  execution ; 
deeming  themselves,  according  to  their 
own  false  notions,  called  upon  to  use  a 

3  Neal,  iv.  184. 
*  Own  Time,  i.  132. 
^  Neal's  Puritans,  iv.  129. 
«  Ibid.  iv.  146.  '  Life,  i.  98 

u2 


234 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIV. 


power  which  God  liad  put  into  their 
hands.  In  order  to  accomplish  this 
end,  it  was  necessary  to  destroy  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Scotch  and  the  presby- 
terian  party,  who  favoured  a  limited 
monarchy  :  and  to  form  a  coalition  with 
those  who  were  fit  instruments  for  car- 
rying these  plans  into  execution.  In 
all  these  steps,  Cromwell  became  en- 
tangled with  difficulties ;  and  having 
recourse  to  dissimulation  and  art,  his 
success  rendered  him  selfish,  and  swal- 
lowed up  all  the  virtues  with  A\  hich  he 
beg^in  his  career.  There  is,  however, 
one  feature  in  the  character  of  this 
usurper,  which  must  be  a  palliation  to 
the  worst  of  his  faults,  even  to  his  hy- 
pocrisy, if  indeed  anything  can  palliate 
this  vice  ;  I  mean  his  unwillingness  to 
shed  blood.  Surrounded  as  he  was  by 
attempts  against  his  life  and  govern- 
ment, he  kept  the  royalists  in  check, 
without  destroying  them ;  and  though 
politically  a  vehement  persecutor  of  the 
church  of  England,  it  is  probable  that 
his  antipathy  arose  rather  from  the  ac- 
tive zeal  of  churchmen  in  the  cause  of 
their  banished  monarch,  than  from  any 
other  reason.  They  were  always  plot- 
ting against  him,  yet  he  sacrificed  but 
few  of  them ;  and  counterplotting  hy 
means  of  spies  for  the  safety  of  himself, 
he  contrived  to  save  them  also  b}'  the 
same  expedient.'  The  instances  which 
would  be  adduced  to  controvert  these 
positions,  would  be  the  decimation,  and 
the  declaration  forbidding  any  clergy- 
man to  teach  or  officiate  ;  but  surely, 
after  the  repeated  instances  which  the 
royalists  had  given  that  they  could  not 
be  trusted,  it  was  not  a  hard  measure 
to  make  those  who  had  borne  arms  on 
the  side  of  the  king  pay  one-tenth  of 
their  incomes,  to  secure  the  authority 
which  they  wished  to  destroy.  For  the 
other  measure  less  can  be  pleaded,  and 
indeed  nothing  but  necessity  can  at  all 
justify  it ;  but  it  was  never  acted  upon 
generally,  or  enforced  with  any  degree 
of  rigour. 

Cromwell  looked  upon  churchmen*^ 
as  his  mortal  enemies,  and  treated  them 
accordingly:  and  he  had  quite  sense 
enough  to  perceive,  that  if  he  suffered 

'  See  a  curious  account  of  his  good  fortune  in 
procuring  spies.  (Clarendon's  Lite,  ii.  14,  fol., 
25,  8vo.) 

2  Walker's  Suff.  C.  i.  194.    Clarendon,  iii.  624. 


them  to  officiate  publicly,  or  to  teach 
and  keep  school,  they  would  dissemi- 
nate their  loyal  principles.  The  cir- 
cumstances which  preceded  these  acts 
were  the  dissolution  of  the  parliament, 
which  had  shown  such  decided  dislike 
to  the  protector,  the  rising  of  Penrud- 
dock  in  the  west,  and  the  discovery  of 
other  plots  against  the  government. 
He  now,  therefore,  wanted  to  intimidate 
the  royalists  as  a  body,  and  to  show 
them  that  every  attempt  to  disturb  the 
tranquillity  of  his  government  would  be 
visited  on  their  own  heads. 

This  character  of  Cromwell  may  to 
some  persons  appear  to  be  too  favour- 
able ;  but  where  shall  we  find  a  usurper 
who  so  much  promoted  the  good  of  his 
countr}'  I  where  shall  we  discover  one 
whose  ambition  was  stained  with  so 
little  bloodshed  ? 

§  ()0(j.  The  church  of  England  during 
this  period  had  ceased  to  exist  as  a 
church;  many  of  its  individual  mem- 
bers still  continued  their  ministerial 
functions,  but  the  mass  of  benefices  were 
filled  with  men  who,  holding  presby- 
terian  opinions,  had  been  obtruded  on 
the  livings  by  the  election  and  appoint- 
ment of  the  inhabitants,  or  by  the  inte- 
rest of  those  who  co-operated  with  the 
existing  government.  The  assembly 
of  divines  at  Westminster'  had  endea- 
voured to  establish  by  law  the  jtis  divi- 
mim  of  the  presbytery,  but  in  this  they 
were  foiled ;  nor  does  this  form  of  church 
government*  appear  to  have  been  per- 
manently cstabii.^hed,  except  in  London 
and  Lancashire,  and  even  there  to  have 
been  subjected  to  the  civil  power. 
(H348.)  As  a  body,  the  presbyterians 
were  generally  favourable  to  a  limited 
monarchy,  and  before  the  king  was 
murdered,  they  presented  petitions  to 
Fairfax^  and  the  army,  urging  them  to 
prevent  this  fatal  act ;  but  having  thrown 
down  the  law,  which  had  been  made 
for  the  defence  of  the  whole  people, 
the  republicans  found  that  they  had 
forged  their  own  chains,  and  were  now 
unable  to  throw  them  off. 

The  original  idea  of  the  parliament^ 
seems  to  have  been  to  establish  a  pres- 
byterian  church  with  toleration,  and  to 
commute  tithes ;    but  the  opposition 


'  Walker's  Sufferings,  i.  32.         Ibid.  i.  39. 
5  Collier,  859.  ii.  ^  595,  *.  «  Ibid.  ii.  861. 


Chap.  XIV.]  CHURCH  OF 


ENGLAND 


235 


which  the  presbyterians  made  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  government  inclined 
the  supporters  of  it  to  more  Erastian 
measures ;  and  rendered  them  almost 
as  adverse  to  the  presbytery  as  to  the 
episcopacy  of  the  church  of  England. 
The  presbyterians  refused  to  pray  for 
the  government,  and  the  government  in 
their  turn  imposed  tlie  Engagement, 
(Oct.  11,  1(54!),)  which  fell  with  nearly 
equal  weight  on  all  who  were  friends 
to  monarchy.  Persons  holding  any 
situation  in  either  church  or  state  were 
obliged  to  subscribe  an  engagement,' 
that  "they  would  be  true  and  faithful 
to  the  commonwealth  as  it  is  now  esta- 
blished, without  king  or  House  of 
Lords  :"  and  many  of  those  who  in  the 
covenant  had  promised  to  defend  the 
king's  person,  were  now  ejected  for  re- 
fusing what  Walker^  calls  'the  inde- 
pendents' covenant."  The  presbyte- 
rians had  joined  in  throwing  down  the 
church,  partly,  according  to  their  fre- 
quent complaints,  because  the  clergy 
were  too  much  connected  with  civil 
concerns  ;  but  wherever  they  had  ob- 
tained any  influence,  it  was  evident  that 
their  object  was  to  take  away  temporal 
power  from  the  bishops,  which  they  had 
no  objection  to  see  retained  by  the  pres- 
bytery. Upon  this  plea  they  had  ex- 
cited the  Scotch  to  join  in  the  rebellion. 
They  had  accompanied  and  governed 
the  armies,  had  preached  and  prac- 
tised treason,  while  they  vilified  the  old 
establishment :  and  now  the  same  arts 
were  turned  against  themselves ;  for 
when  it  became  the  object  of  those  in 
authority  to  frame  a  new  government, 
as  well  as  to  throw  down  the  old  one, 
they  found  it  necessary  to  lessen  the  in- 
fluence of  the  presbyterian  preachers. 

§  097.  The  standard  of  religious  liber- 
ty was  raised  in  opposition  to  the  pres- 
bytery, a  liberty  and  toleration  which 
extended  to  every  form  of  worship  ex- 
cept those  of  the  Roman  Catholics  and 
the  church  of  England;  the  one,  be- 
cause they  called  it  idolatrous ;  the 
other,  because  they  dared  not  expose 
the  minds  of  the  people  to  the  operation 
of  such  an  engine  in  favour  of  the  royal 
family  as  this  must  have  proved,  had 
its  use  been  permitted. 


'  Baxter's  Life,  i  fi4.    Nelson's  Bull,  13. 

2  Surr.  i.  i4fi 


The  arrival  of  the  king  in  Scotland 
created  much  less  commotion  in  Eng- 
land than  might  have  been  expected; 
for  when  he  proceeded  towards  this 
country,  it  was  obviously  as  a  last  re- 
source, and  not  at  the  head  of  a  victo- 
rious army,  and  few  people  wish  to  join 
a  desperate  cause  :  but  there  were  some 
presbyterians  in  London  who  were  tried 
for  having  communicated  with  his 
friends,  and  the  government,  wishing 
to  intimidate  the  party,  suffered  Mr. 
Love,^  an  active  minister,  to  be  exe- 
cuted. (Aug.  22.  1(551.)  It  is  curious 
to  remark  the  eflx^ct  of  this  event ;  men 
who  were  not  shocked^  when  many  of 
the  prisoners  taken  at  Worcester  were 
sent  as  slaves  to  the  West  India  islands, 
deemed  the  commonwealth  destroyed 
when  Mr.  Love  was  beheaded  ;  so  little 
able  are  even  sensible  men  to  form  a 
correct  judgment  in  moments  of  excite- 
ment. The  presbyterians  may  from 
this  period  be  said  to  have  had  no  poli- 
tical existence  as  a  church  ;  they  were 
favoured  more  than  any  other  body, 
and  were  at  once  numerous  and  power- 
ful, but  they  had  no  final  power  of  ex- 
cluding from  the  sacrament,  or  of  pu- 
nishing ofTenders.  The  bill'  which  did 
away  with  all  penal  statutes  against  dis- 
senters, virtually  destroyed  church  dis- 
cipline over  the  laity,  and  the  presby- 
terians would  have  been  contented  with 
nothing  less  than  a  coercive  power  over 
their  lay  brethren."^  The  same  step 
took  place  in  Scotland''  by  the  mere 
authority  of  the  general ;  for  Monk  dis- 
solved the  presbytery  of  Aberdeen  by 
military  force,  when  they  were  about 
to  proceed  to  pass  sentence  on  the  laird 
of  Drum,  and  he  would  allow  of  the 
imposition  of  no  oaths  or  covenants  be- 
sides those  which  were  enjoined  at 
Westminster. 

§  60S.  In  Wales'*  a  method  of  pro- 
ceeding was  adopted  very  different  from 
what  took  place  in  England.  Many  of 
the  livings  were  sequestered  by  a  bill 
(Feb.  22,  1649)  for  the  propagation  of 


3  Neal,  iv.  39. 

"  Calamy'sAbr.  65,06.  Baxter's  Own  Life,  i.  67; 
5  Neal,  iv.  26. 

*  The  fifth  and  sixth  provincial  assembly  held 
in  Sion  College  in  May  and  November,  1649,  as- 
serted the  jus  divinum  of  the  presbytery,  and  their 
independence  of  the  civil  magistrate.  (Neal,  iv.  13) 

'  Collier,  866,  ii. 

«  Walker's  SufT.  i.  149,  &c. 


m 

the  gospel  in  Wales,  and  their  reve- 
nues placed  at  the  disposal  of  certain 
commissioners,  by  \vhom  itinerant  mi- 
nisters were  sent  over  the  face  of  the 
country  ;  men  generally  inadequate  to 
the  task,  and  probably  often  possessed 
of  livings'  as  well  as  the  stipend  of  IOC/, 
per  annum,  which  was  allotted  to  them 
for  their  missionary  labours.  There 
seems  to  have  been  a  good  deal  of  dis- 
honesty on  all  sides,  and  some  of  the 
commissioners  are  asserted  to  have 
amassed  considerable  property.-  The 
delegated  authority  thus  given  to  the 
itinerants  invested  them  with  no  minis- 
terial function  ;  and  as  some  of  them 
appear  to  have  been  laymen,  in  many 
cases  ignorant  mechanics,  they  must  be 
rather  deemed  licensed  teachers  and 
preachers  than  ministers.  A  petition^ 
was  ultimately  presented  to  the  parlia- 
ment against  them,  signed  by  15,G01i 
hands,  but  it  seems  to  have  produced 
little  good  ;  this  mismanagement,  how- 
ever, was  so  notorious,  that  an  investi- 
gation took  place  after  the  Restoration, 
of  which  the  result  is  unknown. 

§  ('09.  It  may  be  asked,  how  any 
church  establishment  could  exist  at  all, 
where  there  were  no  ecclesiastical  go- 
verning authorities,  and  where  the  rights 
of  presentation  to  livings  were  so  totally 
violated ;  but  the  pariianient  was  not 
inattentive  to  the  maintenance  of  the 
clergy,  for,  besides  the  continuance  of 
tithes,''  the  money  raised  by  the  sale  of 
the  bishops'  lands,  and  of  the  tenths  and 
first-fruits,  was  assigned  to  commission- 
ers to  provide  greater  incomes  for  the 
smaller  livings  ;  and  the  proposed  ob- 
ject of  this  ordinance  was,  that  no  living 
should  be  allowed  to  remain  of  less  an- 


'  Walker's  Stiff,  i.  159. 

2  Nenl,  iv.  104,  denies  the  mass  of  this  state- 
ment ;  hut  I  have  ventured  to  follow  Walker, 
whom  1  find  borne  out  in  part  of  ihi.^  statement  by 
Calamy,  in  his  preface  to  the  Abridgment,  xii 
The  het  is,  that  the  plan  was  framed  on  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  independents,  who  virtually  did  away 
with  all  ordination;  and  Neal,  whose  principles 
are  independent,  is  but  too  apt  to  defend  any  thing 
which  coincides  with  his  own  opinions.  The  con- 
tradictions in  the  portion  of  history,  on  which  we 
are  now  engaged,  strongly  remind  the  reader  of 
Baxter's  (Life,  p.  135)  observation,  "  The  pro- 
digious lies  which  have  been  published  in  this  age 
in  matters  of  fact,  with  unblushing  confidence, 
even  where  thousands  or  multitudes  of  eye  and 
car-witnesses  knew  all  to  be  talse.  doth  call  men 
to  taks  heed  what  history  they  believe." 

»  Walker's  Suff.  i.  167.  *  Neal,  iv.  13. 


[Chap.  XIV. 

nual  value  than  lOOZ.  The  assembly 
of  divines  at  Westminster  formed  at  first 
a  nucleus  of  church  government;  and 
Cromwell  subsequently  created  an  au- 
thority for  this  purpose  in  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Triers.  An  ordinance^  was 
passed,  (March  20,  U)o4,)  appointing  a 
committee  of  thirty-eight  persons,  nine 
of  whom  were  laymen,  whose  business 
it  was  to  examine  all  who  were  nomi- 
nated to  any  ecclesiastical  preferments: 
but  a  clause  was  inserted  expressly  pro- 
viding that  their  approbation  should 
not  be  construed  into  any  solemn  setting 
apart  of  the  candidate  for  the  ministry. 
They  were  vested  with  extraordinary 
powers,  far  beyond  what  had  ever  been 
granted  to  the  bishops  ;  and  as  they 
sat  in  London,  the  mere  fact  of  being 
forced  to  appear  before  them  must  have 
proved  a  vast  expense  and  trouble  to 
the  clergy,  had  not  this  evil  been  partly 
obviated"  by  their  frequently  granting 
commissions  in  order  that  individuals 
might  be  examined  in  the  country. 
Their  proceedings  were  often  most  ar- 
bitrary and  very  absurd.  There  are 
some  examinations  given  by  Walker,^ 
which  turn  entirely  on  abstruse  points 
of  divinity,  in  which  the  candidate  is 
obliged  to  bear  testimony  to  his  own 
qualifications  and  the  grace  of  God 
which  i^  in  him  ;  a  method  which  can 
hardly  fail  to  end  either  in  hj'pocrisy  or 
the  rejection  of  the  candidate.  Under 
such  a  system  of  examination,  they 
might  refuse  persons  nomintited  to  liv- 
ings on  account  of  their  political  opi- 
nions, without  any  danger  of  discovery ; 
and  this  is  the  excuse  which  Neal" 
makes  for  their  proceedings.  Their 
commission  originally  extended  to  those 
who  had  been  admitted  into  any  bene- 
fice during  the  last  year,  as  well  as  to 
any  future  presentations ;  but  when 
(Aug.  28th)  the  ordinance'-'  passed  for 
ejecting  scandalous  ministers,  they  be- 
came more  than  ever  a  political  engine, 
and  attacked  under  the  same  authority, 
and  as  if  guilty  of  the  same  ofience,  the 
notoriously  profligate,  the  friends  of  the 
Common  Prayer  Book,  and  the  enemies 
of  the  present  government,  who,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  rest  of  the  country,  were 

5  Walker,  i.  150,  170.    Neal,  iv.  93. 

6  Baxter's  Life,  72. 
'  Suff.  i.  174. 

8  Hist.  Puritans,  iv.  97.         '  Walker,  i.  178. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Chap.  XIV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


237 


confounded  in  the  same  obloquy.'  Se- 
vere, however,  and  unjust  as  the  con- 
duct of  the  Triers  was,  it  fell  far  short 
of  the  ultimate  declaration  of  the  pro- 
tector,'^ Avho  forbade  all  persons  to  em- 
ploy any  of  the  delinquent  {i.  r.  roya- 
list) clergy,  even  as  tutors  to  their  child- 
ren. The  extreme  severity  of  this 
measure  seems  to  have  prevented  its 
execution  for  any  leng-th  of  time  ;  but 
Cromwell  refused  to  rescind  it,  thoug-h 
solicited  by  Archbishop  Usher, ^  who 
was  earnest  in  his  personal  requests  to 
him.  The  protector  seemed  at  first 
willing  to  grant  that  they  should  not  be 
molested,  provided  they  meddled  not 
with  politics;  but  his  council  urged  him 
to  concede  no  liberty  to  men  who  were 
implacable  enemies  to  himself  and  his 
government." 

§  (>10.  The  pretext  by  which  he  had 
chiefly  gained  his  power  was  that  of 
universal  toleration,  and  in  all  proba- 
bility there  was  more  of  real  freedom 
in  religion  under  his  government,  than 
at  any  other  period  previous  to  the  revo- 
lution ;  but  the  exclusion  of  the  church 
of  England,  which  may  be  accounted 
for  on  political  principles,  was  not  the 
only  exception  to  the  toleration  which 
was  professed.  In  the  instrument  of 
government^  by  which  the  chief  author- 
ity was  delegated  to  Cromwell,  the  free 
exercise  of  their  religion  was  guarantied 
to  all  "  who  professed  faith  in  God  by 
Jesus  Christ,"  (Dec.  15fJ:},)  an  expres- 
sion which  the  first  parliament  assem- 
bled by  him  determined  to  contain  no 
less  than  "  the  fundamentals  of  reli- 


'  See  the  details  of  some  proceedings  of  this  sort 
held  at  Abingdon,  Berks,  upon  Pocock,  Hebrew 
Professor  at  Oxford  and  rector  of  Cliildrev. 
(  I'weirs  Life  of  Pocock,  p.  152  and  185.)  'J  he 
charges  are, — 

"  1.  I'hat  he  had  frequently  made  use  of  the 
idola  rou3  Common  Prayer  Book  as  he  performed 
divine  service. 

"2.  'I'hat  he  was  disafTecicd  to  the  present 
power,"  &.C.  &c.  And  when  he  had  disproved 
all  these  accusations,  he,  who  was  one  of  the  most 
learned  men  in  Europe,  would  have  been  turned 
out  for  ignorance  and  insufficiency,  if  his  friends 
from  Oxford  had  not  come  and  shamed  the  com- 
missioners into  justice. 

2  Walker,  i.  194. 

'  Parr's  Life  of  Usher,  75.  'Wordsworth's 
Eccl.  Biog.  V,  374. 

Gauden,  afterwards  bishop  of  Exeter,  wrote 
a  petitionary  remonstrance,  presented  to  Oliver 
Cromwell,  to  the  same  effect.  (Wood's  Ath. 
iii.  814.) 

'  Baxter's  Life,  197. 


.  gion."    (Sept.  3,  1G54.)    And  a  com- 

j  mittee  of  divines  was  formed  to  draw  up 
in  terminis  "  the  fundamentals  of  reli- 
gion." They  were  far  from  agreeing 
in  their  opinions,  and  some  were  anxious 
to  insert  many  propositions  which  suited 
their  own  ideas,  and  would  exclude  the 
Roman  Catholics  and  Sociniaiis.  Ba.x;- 
ter  wisely  reasoned  against  this  narrow- 
ing the  bounds  of  the  original  expres- 
sion :  but  the  labours  of  the  committee 
were  rendered  abortive  by  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  parliament.  (.Tan.  22, 10.55.) 
So  little  indeed  did  these  advocates  of 
freedom  understand  its  real  principles, 
that  John  Sotit'.iworth,"  a  Roman  Catlio- 
lic  priest,  was  executed  for  the  exercise 
of  his  sacerdotal  functions,  nor  were  the 
severe  laws  against  Roman  Catholics 
abrogated.  In  the  parliament  105')-7, 
a  new  oath  of  abjuration'  was  framed, 
which  not  only  denied  the  authoritj^  of 
the  pope,  but  rejected  the  doctrine  of 
transubstantiation,  and  other  tenets  of 
the  church  of  Rome,  and  a  refusal  to 
take  it  subjected  the  individual  to  severe 
penalties  and  losses.  There  was  at  one 
time  a  project  for  extending  liberty  of 
conscience  to  the  Roman  Catholics,^ 
and  consultations  were  held  among  the 
members  of  the  government  for  the  pur- 
pose of  granting  them  security  of  person 
and  of  the  remainder  of  their  property 
after  composition,  as  well  as  for  pro- 
viding a  safe  living  for  a  prelate  who 
might  exercise  his  functions ;  but  the 
loyalty  of  the  Roman  Catholics  was 
alarmed  at  the  idea  of  compounding 
with  the  usurper,  and  they  communi- 
cated the  circumstances  to  the  exiled 
court,  where  a  stop  was  put  to  the  whole. 
The  Jews,^  too,  petitioned  for  toleration, 
and  leave  to  carry  on  trade  in  England, 
and  the  protector  seems  to  have  been 
favourable  to  their  views  ;  but  a  council 
of  divines,  lawyers,  and  merchants, 
whom  he  consulted  on  the  point  of 
conscience,  on  the  legality  of  their  ad- 
mission, and  on  the  political  wisdom  of 
the  measure,  were  so  adverse  to  the 
step,  that  the  idea  of  it  was  relinquished  : 
but  it  appears'"  that  many  individuals  of 


6  Butler's  Rom.  Cath.  ii.  407. 
'  Neal,  iv.  144. 

8  Butler's  Rom.  Cath.  ii.  418  Thurloe's  St. 
Pap.  i.  740. 

9  Neal,  iv.  126. 

Collier's  Churcli  History,  ii.  869. 


238 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIV. 


this  religion  did  settle  in  London  upon 
sufll-rance,  and  that  they  had  a  burying- 
ground  of  their  own  in  1«')57. 

§011.  If  it  be  asked  how  the  paro- 
chial duties  were  performed  during  this 
period,  a  variety  of  answers  may  Ije 
expected,  corresponding  with  the  views 
of  those  whom  we  consult,  and  chan^in"- 
in  the  difTerent  parts  of  the  kingdom  to 
whicli  we  may  turn  our  eyes.  If  we 
may  believe  Baxter,  religion  never 
flourished  more  than  during  this  period  ; 
but  his  testimony  is  hardly  admissible 
as  conclusive  on  this  point,  and  even  his 
own  history  affords  instances  of  the 
contrary.  As  it  is  very  difficult  to  form 
a  general  opinion  on  the  subject,  it  may 
not  be  uninteresting  to  insert  such  de- 
tails as  may  furnish  us  with  some  slight 
data  on  which  to  ground  our  conclusions. 

(a.  D.  1611.)  The  town  of  Kidder- 
minster' was  about  to  petition  against 
their  vicar  as  a  scandalous  minister,  and 
he,  to  escape  this  obloquy,  consented  to 
give  sixty  [lounds  per  annum  to  a  lec- 
turer, who  should  be  appointed  by  the 
chief  inhabitants,  and  they  chose  Mr. 
Baxter.  During  the  civil  war,  the  dis- 
turbances of  the  town  obliged  the  new 
lecturer  to  fly  from  it,  and  he  joined  the 
army  for  some  time  in  the  capacity  of  a 
chaplain.  When  the  successes  of  the 
war  liad  thrown  the  power  into  the 
hands  of  the  parliament,  the  living  of 
Kidderminster  was  sequestered,  and  the 
temporalities  placed  at  the  disposal  of 
the  princij  al  inhabitants,  in  order  that 
they  might  provide  themselves  with 
preachers.  After  some  time,  they  could 
only  ]irevail  on  Baxter  to  continue  as 
their  lecturer,  with  a  salary  augmented 
to  one  hundred  pounds  ;  but  when  there 
was  a  danger  of  their  being  called  to 
account  for  the  disposal  of  the  money, 
they  secretly  conveyed  the  instrument 
of  sequestration  into  Mr.  Baxter's  house, 
and  he  continued  to  hold  it,  in  order  to 
screen  them  from  inquiry. 

§  012.  Being  thus  seated  in  his  living, 
Baxter''  called  on  such  of  the  inhabitants 
as  voluntarily  chose  to  do  so,  to  signify 
to  him  their  willingness  to  be  under  his 
ministry  and  discipline  ;  and  thus,  with- 
out rejecting  the  rest  of  the  parishion- 
ers, whom  he  admitted,  as  strangers, 
occasionally  only  to  the  eucharist,  and 

I  Ba.\ter's  Life,  19.        =  Ibid.  91,  157,  167. 


to  the  baptism  of  their  children,  he  did, 
as  it  were,  gather  a  church  in  his  own 
parish.    His  object  in  this  method  of 
proceeding  was,  to  mark  the  difference 
between  those  who  were,  and  those 
were  not  church  members  ;  for  he  found 
that  many  of  his  flock  could  only  thus  be 
kept  from  separation,  when  they  per- 
ceived an  outward  line  drawn  between 
themselves  and  their  less  godly  neigh- 
bours.   About  000  out  of  1000  adults 
conformed  to  his  discipline,  and  the  rest, 
without  being  excommunicated,  lived 
in  outward  unity  with  the  church  mem- 
bers, and  might  join  them  upon  the 
same  terms  whenever  they  were  dis- 
posed to  express  such  a  wish.  Over 
those  who  were  thus  immediately  sub- 
jected to  his  discipline,  Baxter  exercised 
a  spiritual  authority,  which,  according 
to  his  own  account  of  it,  proved  ver}' 
beneficial  to  their  higher  interests.  He 
rarely  excommunicated  any  one,  but 
frequently  admonished   and  reproved 
them.    In  order  to  carry  on  this  work 
with  greater  solemnity,  a  meeting  of  the 
neighbouring  clergy^  was  formed  on  the 
first  Wednesday  in  every   month,  to 
manage  the  discipline  of  the  parish  ;  and 
the  next  day  the  clergy  assembled  for 
their  own  discipline,  and  for  mutual 
edification  ;  and  numerous  lectures  were 
established  on  different  week-days  for 
the  promotion  of  religion.    These  as- 
sociations were  not  confined  to  any  par- 
ticular  party  in  the  church.  Their 
terms  of  agreement  were,  to  join  lor  the 
exercise  of  such  discipline  as  it  was 
agreed  on  by  presbyterians,  episcopa- 
lians, and  independents,  that  pastors 
ought  to  exercise  ;  nor  do  the  decisions 
of  these  meetings  seem  to  have  bound 
the  individual  minister  any  further  than 
as  they  expressed  the  opinion  of  the 
body.     The   success   which  attended 
them  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kidder- 
minster was  considerable,  and  many 
other  districts   and   counties  adopted 
something  of  the  same  sort ;  as  Cum- 
berland,* Wilts,  Dorset,  Hants.  Somer- 
set, Essex;  and  a  society  of  the  same 
description  Avas  formed  at  Dublin.  This 
association  of  Baxter's^  was  composed 
chiefly  of  men  who,  strictly  speaking, 
were  connected  with  no  party  ;  for  there 


3  Baxter's  Life,  84.  •«  Ibid.  162,  167,  169. 
5  Ibid.  145. 


Chap.  XIV,] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


239 


were  no  rigid  presbyterians  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, the  strict  independents  did 
not  co-operate,  though  they  did  not  dis- 
approve of  what  was  done,  and  few 
episcopalians  had  much  communication 
with  tiiem ;  it  was  formed  of  men  who, 
without  joining  any  party  exclusively, 
wished  to  do  their  duty  as  ministers  of 
CJirist. 

§  In  passing  a  judgment  on  such 
a  j)roceeding,  it  is  ahuost  impossible  for 
the  writer  to  divest  himself  of  his  own 
feelings  or  prejudices,  and  as  difficult  to 
form  any  accurate  opinion  from  the  prac- 
tical I'esult,  at  this  distance  of  time. 
Baxter'  seems  to  have  been  a  very  zeal- 
ous Christian  minister,  and  to  have 
sought  and  promoted  the  service  of  our 
great  Master;  but, during  his  whole  life, 
to  have  been  too  fond  of  governing,  and 
too  unwilling  to  be  directed.  In  his 
parish  he  did  that  which  I  believe  the 
pastor  is  directed  in  Holy  Scripture  not 
to  do  ;  he  tried  to  draw  an  outward  line 
between  the  godly  and  ungodly,  to  sepa- 
rate the  tares  from  the  wheat ;  it  is  a 
subject  on  which  the  judgment  of  God 
can  alone  be  sufficient  to  decide  rightly, 
and  whenever  it  is  attempted  by  man,  it 
will  be  apt  to  render  the  servant  of  God 
proud  of  his  own  spiritual  attainments, 
and  to  drive  away  the  careless  from  re- 
ligion. That  such  parish  discipline 
would  produce  some  good,'^  there  can  be 
no  doubt ;  but  it  may  well  be  questioned, 
whether  the  private  admonitions  of  a 
clergyman,  and  the  occasional  inter- 
ference of  the  civil  magistrate,  may  not 
on  the  whole  promote  the  cause  of  real 
religion  with  greater  advantage.  God 
knoweth.  At  all  events,  the  judicial 
character  thus  conferred  on  the  clergy 
must  be  likely  to  do  them  harm  in  their 
own  minds. 

The  beneficial  effects  of  the  meetings 
of  ministers  must  depend  solely  on  the 
way  in  which  they  are  carried  on. 
Whenever  they  are  assembled  by  au- 
thority, they  are  likely  on  the  whole  to 


'  It  should  bo  remembered  lhat  Baxter  was 
ppiscopally  ordained  in  the  church  of  England, 
and  was  always  friendly  to  episcopacy  as  an  order 
in  I  he  church. 

■-^  Baxior  (Life,  Ofi)  says  that,  as  far  as  be  saw, 
tliere  was  a  great  deal  more  religion,  and  a  prcjpor- 
lionate  truit  ol'  good  living  ;  but  he  is  a  witness  in 
his  own  cause,  and  might  not  have  had  any  oppor- 
tunity of  observing  the  good  tillicls  of  admonition 
carried  on  without  coercion. 


be  useful,  (though,  as  our  visitations  art} 
now  conducted,  they  cannot  be  said  to 
produce  much  good.)  But  whenever 
such  meetings  are  formed  of  a  part  only 
of  the  clergy  of  the  district  where  they 
are  held,  they  can  hardly  fail  to  foster 
divisions,  to  keep  up  differences  rather 
than  diminish  them ;  and  if  so,  it  may 
be  feared  that  they  will  do  more  i;arm 
than  gfood.  In  an  age,  however,  when 
there  was  no  appearance  of  ecclesiastical 
discipline  in  the  church,  any  attempt  at 
establishing  it  must  have  had  its  value  ; 
at  that  time,  from  the  number  of  ejected 
and  silenced  ministers,  it  was  necessary 
to  supply  the  deficiency  by  instructing 
the  new  workmen  who  were  thus  sud- 
denly sent  into  the  vineyard,  and  perhaps 
these  steps  might  then  have  proved  use- 
ful, though  the  plan,  at  another  period, 
would  have  been  open  to  objections. 

§  614.  If  Baxter'  was  wrong  in  draw- 
ing a  line  of  separation  between  the  dif- 
ferent members  of  a  society  of  Christians, 
the  independents  were  much  more  to 
blame  in  their  strictness,  with  regard  to 
admission  into  church  membership. 
They  required  not  only  a  profession  of 
belief  in  Christianity,  and  of  willingness 
to  submit  to  discipline,  but  generally 
demanded  some  sort  of  evidence  of  the 
influence  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  the  mind 
of  the  candidate  who  desired  to  be  re- 
ceived into  the  communion  of  their 
churches.  They  prevailed  in  Norfolk 
and  Suffolk,  more  than  in  the  rest  of 
England,  a  circumstance  which  Ncal* 
attributes  to  the  proximity  of  those  coun- 
ties to  Holland,  which  had  afforded  a 
refuge  to  many  of  the  banished  secta- 
ries, and  from  whence  tliey  returned, 
when  toleration  allowed  them  to  revisit 
their  native  land. 

As  the  independents  gradually  in- 
creased, they  became  anxious  to  have 
some  connection  among  themselves,  and 
wished  to  possess  a  common  band  of 
union,  without  destroying  the  indep(  itd- 
ence  of  each  particular  church,  which 
constitutes  their  peculiar  tenet.  Tliis 
object  was  accomplished  in  1(558,  when 
they  published  their  declaration  of  faith,* 
formed  after  a  conference  held  among 
themselves  at  the  Savoy,  and  which  was 
drawn  up  so  much  on  the  plan  of  the 


»  Life,  143.  ^  Hist.  Puritans,  iv.  112. 

*  Hist.  Puritans,  174. 


240 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIV. 


confession  of  faith  of  the  divines  at  West- 
minster, that  the  doctrinal  works  of  that 
assembly  have  g-encrally  been  adopted 
by  the  conffrecfational  churches.  Their 
chief  difference  consists  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  church,  wherein  they  are 
entirely  democratic.  The  church  of 
Eng-land  theoretically  places  the  power 
of  church  discipline  in  the  bishop,  as- 
sisted by  his  dean  and  chapter,  or  bj' 
certain  other  assessors.  The  presbyte- 
rians  place  this  authority  in  the  prcsbj-ter 
and  elders,  or  in  assemblies  of  these, 
making  each  presbyter  the  bishop  of  a 
small  diocese.  The  independent  seems 
to  esteem  ordination  a  mere  appointment, 
on  the  part  of  the  congregation,  of  one 
person  who  shall  officiate  in  public,  and 
leaves  the  authority  of  discijiline  in  the 
church  itself,  reg-ulatingf  even  excommu- 
nication  by  the  vote  of  the  majority. 

During  the  same  period  the  presbyte- 
rians'  carried  on  as  much  of  their  in- 
ternal government  among  themselves  as 
they  pleased,  or  indeed  could,  Avhen  di- 
vested of  any  coercive  power,  and  held 
their  meetings  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
cipline and  ordination.  In  1655  they 
published'^  some  directions  about  cate- 
chising, in  consequence  of  two  cate- 
chisms published  byBiddle,  a  Socinian. 
These  directions'  do  not  differ  much 
from  the  canon  on  the  subject,  and  seem 
to  have  been  required  on  account  of  the 
neglect  of  that  useful  method  of  instruc- 
tion, a  neglect  originating  in  the  preva- 
lence of  sermons,  and  the  fancied  supe- 
riority of  preaching. 

§  G15.  But  the  whole  of  this  account 
is  that  Avhich  the  puritans  give  of  them- 
selves. If  we  consult  Isaac  Walton, 
whose  testimony  may  be  presumed  to 
incline  to  the  opposite  party,  Ave  shall 
find  a  different  description.*  He  speaks 
with  regret^  of  the  former  honesty  and 
plain  dealing  of  the  people,  now  ex- 
changed for  cruelt}'  and  cunning.  Of 
the  .frequency  of  perjury  among  men, 
who  had  so  often  sworn  to  obey  every 
succeeding  government  as  it  was  estab- 


1  Hist.  Pariians,  iv.  74.  '  Neal,  iv.  121. 

3  Wordsworth's  Ecc.  Biog.  v.  351. 

4  Lord  Clarendon  (Own  Life.  ii.  39.  8vo. ;  21, 
fol.)  gives  a  pathetic  account  of  the  dissolution  oi 
domestic  ties  during  this  period.  Children  dis- 
obeyed and  neglected  their  parents,  and  the  con- 
nection between  master  and  servant  was  at  an  end. 

*  Life  of  Sanderson.  Wordsworth's  Ecc.  Biog. 
V.  483. 


lished.  He  will  tell  us"  that  the  com- 
mon people  were  made  so  giddy  and 
restless,  through  the  falsehoods,  and  mis- 
api  lication  of  Scripture,  of  those  who 
wished  to  prove  that  God  was  on  their 
side,  that  they  had  perverted  all  notions 
of  religion,  trusting  in  election,  which 
produced  no  fruits  of  grace.  That  in 
many  parishes,  where  the  stipend  was 
small,  there  was  no  one  to  ofliciate, 
while  the  strictness  of  some  incumbents 
cut  off  a  portion  of  their  flock  from  j  ar- 
taking  in  the  sacrament  of  the  eucharist. 

It  may  indeed  e.xcite  our  wonder  that 
any  friends  of  the  church  of  England 
should  have  been  able  to  continue  their 
services  under  the  multifarious  persecu- 
tions to  which  they  were  exposed  ;  and 
more  so,  that  any  fresh  members  should 
desire  to  enter  the  pale  of  her  ministry, 
under  such  disheartening  circumstances. 
Yet  the  lives  of  Sanderson  and  Bull 
furnish  us  with  instances  of  both  the 
one  and  the  other.  Sanderson  was 
fortunate  enough,  from  having  been 
exchanged  as  a  prisoner  for  Dr.  Clra-ke, 
and  from  his  own  judicious  conduct,  to 
be  allowed  to  retain  quiet  possession 
of  his  living  of  Boothby  Pagnel  ;  and 
Bull,  by  taking  a  small  cure  which  no 
one  cared  to  have,  was  suffered  to  offi- 
ciate without  interruption.  In  both 
these  instances,  the  chief  difficulty  con- 
sisted in  the  use  of  the  Common  Prayer, 
which  was  forbidden  with  a  strictness 
which  marks  its  value  ;  and  both  these 
worthy  sons  of  a  persecuted  church 
gave  way  so  far  as  to  comply  with  the 
existing  authorities,  while  in  their  mi- 
nistration they  preserved  the  spirit  of 
its  services.''    The  case  of  Bull"  is  per- 


6  Wordsworth's  Ecc.  Biog.  v.  512. 

'  There  is  an  interesting  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  Sanderson  conducted  himself  about  the 
Common  Prayer,  in  liis  "Judgment  concerning 
submission  to  Usurpers."  printed  among  some 
tracts  at  the  end  of  the  first  edition  of  Walion's 
Life,  12mo.,  which  is  partly  introduced  into  the 
life.  (Wordsworth's  Ercl.  Biog.  v.  49G )  He 
used  it  till  the  soldiers  came  and  tore  it  io  pieces; 
and  even  then,  in  all  ihe  occasional  services  w  hen 
ihey  were  not  in  church.  When  complained  of, 
he  determined  to  give  up  the  Common  Prayer, 
rather  than  desert  liis  post  :  he  gives  an  abstract 
of  the  prayers  which  he  used,  preserving  the  pe- 
titions while  he  varied  the  words.  Bui!  did  very 
much  the  same.  On  one  occasion,  (Life,  by  Nel- 
son, p.  34,)  he  baptized  the  cliild  of  a  dissenter, 
saying  the  service  l>y  heart  from  the  Common 
Prayer,  and  then  the  good  pcoiile  were  much 
pleased  with  every  thing  but  the  cius.3. 

8  Life,  by  Nelson. 


Chap.  XIV,] 


CHURCH  OF  England. 


241 


haps  more  worthy  of  notice.  lie  was 
placed  with  a  presbyterian  divine  to 
finish  his  education,  which  had  been 
interrupted  by  his  refusing  to  take  the 
engageiuent  at  Oxford.  The  perusal 
of  I-Iooker,  Ilamirioisd,  Taylor,  and 
Grotius,  whicli  were  lent  him  by  the 
son  of  his  tutor,  directed  him  to  seek 
for  episco[)al  ordination.  This  he  was 
fortunate  enough  to  obtain  by  means 
of  Dr.  Skinner,  the  ejected  bishop  of 
Oxford,  who  resided  in  his  former  dio- 
cese, and  secretly  conferred  the  same 
favour  on  many  others  also.  Bull  thus 
became  an  active  minister  of  the  church 
of  England,  at  a  time  when  few  could 
have  hoped  for  her  temporal  restora- 
tion. 

§  61(5.  The  majority  of  the  true 
members  of  the  church  of  England 
must  have  spent  their  time  in  seclusion, 
and  generally  under  considerable  pri- 
vations; for  their  activity  in  favour  of 
the  throne  had  been  too  marked  to  suf- 
fer the  usurping  power  to  tolerate  them  ; 
and  it  is  more  than  probable  that  their 
tranquil  endurance  of  these  persecu- 
tions created  a  strong  bias  towards  the 
church  and  king  during  the  whole  of 
the  usurpation.  Many  persons  who 
were  not  adverse  to  republican  princi- 
ples, could  not  but  feel  the  cruelty  of 
forbidding  men  to  use  by  themselves, 
or  in  families,  such  prayers  as  they 
preferred.  The  picture'  of  Fell,  Alles- 
tree,  and  Dolben,  meeting  in  private  to 
celebrate  those  services  which  a  govern- 
,  ment,  glorying  in  the  name  of  religious 
toleration,  dared  not  allow  them  to  per- 
form in  public,  was  not  then  confined 
to  the  canvass,  and  known  only  to  those 
who  are  familiar  with  the  portraits  of 
Oxford.  The  subject  of  it  must  have  been 
one  of  frequent  occurrence,  and  have 
spoken  volumes  in  praise  of  the  offices 
which  they  loved,  and  of  the  tyranny 
which  precluded  the  use  of  them.  No 
one  can  sec  a  good  man  suffering  for 
the  sake  of  that  which  he  believes  to 
be  the  truth,  without  feeling  a  respect 
and  admiration  for  him  ;  and  among 
the  human  means  whereby  the  doctrines 
of  Christianity  have  been  spread  and 
fostered,  none  has  produced  more  ef- 
fect than  the  example  of  persons  pa- 


'  A  well-known  picture  in  Christ  Church  Hall. 
See  also  Wood's  Athena:.  Fell,  John,  iv.  201, 
edit,  by  Bliss. 

31 


tiently  submitting  to  hardships  for  con- 
science' sake. 

The  exceptions  to  these  observations, 
concerning  the  tyranny  used  towardb 
the  clergy  of  the  church  of  England, 
are  perhaps  more  numerous  during  the 
reign  of  Cromwell  than  might  have 
been  expected  from  the  tenor  of  the 
laws,  or  the  proceedings  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  and  it  is  likely  that  the  protector 
winked  at  the  indulgence  which  many 
among  the  governing  party  must  will- 
ingly have  granted  to  their  friends,  or 
those  whom  they  respected  among  the 
royalists.  Seth  Ward  procured  the 
chantership  of  Exeter  for  Brownrigge,* 
the  silenced  bishop  of  that  see,  and  G. 
Hall,  afterwards  bishop  of  Chester,  was 
employed  as  a  preacher  in  London  dur- 
ing Cromwell's  reign ;  and  doubtless 
many  other  instances  of  the  same  sort 
might  be  found.  Bates,  who  was  phy- 
sician to  the  protector,  says,  that  the 
use  of  the  Common  Prayer''  was  even 
allowed  in  houses  and  private  conven- 
ticles. 

Many  of  the  royalist  clergy,  during 
this  season  of  distress,  found  retreats  in 
the  houses  of  their  friends,  and  carried 
on  those  studies  which  prepared  their 
minds  for  future  exertions,  and  solaced 
them  during  their  involuntary  inactivi- 
ty.* Oriental  literature,  which  had 
been  fostered  under  the  munificent 
hand  of  Laud,  produced  its  fruit  when 
that  prelate  had  ceased  to  preside  over 
its  cultivation.  The  superiority  of  Po- 
cock'  in  this  department  continued  him 
in  his  two  professorships  of  Hebrew 
and  Arabic  at  Oxford,  though  deprived 
of  his  canonry  of  Christ  Church  ;  and 
the  polyglot  Bible  of  Walton,"  together 
with  Castell's  Lexicon,  would,  if  every 
other  proof  were  wanting,  satisfy  us  of 
the  eminence  to  which  our  countrymen 
attained  at  this  period.  Nor  should  it 
be  forgotten  that  Cromwell  had  the 
merit  of  patronising  this  latter  work. 

§  017.  In  the  account  of  this  period, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  say  something 
of  the  fanatics  who  were  now  nume- 
rous, and  who  had  rendered  themselves 


2  Wood's  Athcnae,  by  Bliss,  iv.  248  ;  iii.  812. 
'  Neal,  iv.  92. 

*  See  the  lives  of  Hammond,  Sanderson,  Po- 
cock,  Walton,  Spratt's  History  of  the  Royal  So- 
ciety, Frewen,  Sheldon,  Wood's  Athenae. 

5  Twell's  Pocock,  136.      «  Todd's  Walton. 

X 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XIV. 


conspicuoTis  during  the  previous  dis- 
tractions of  the  country.  We  may  in- 
deed derive  some  information  as  to  the 
founders  and  the  origin  of  some  of 
these  sects  ;  but  the  history  of  fanati- 
cism is  so  much  the  same  in  all  coun- 
tries and  times,  that  it  is  difficult  to 
mark  any  real  peculiarities  with  regard 
to  the  several  forms  under  which  it 
shows  itself.  Religious  fanaticism  ge- 
nerally arises  from  some  real  neglect, 
or  misconduct,  in  those  who  ought  to 
be  the  guardians  and  teachers  of  reli- 
gion. The  age  which  preceded  the 
times  which  we  are  considering,  abound- 
ed with  too  great  an  attention  to  cere- 
monies ;  it  is  not  necessary  to  the  argu- 
ment to  trace  out  the  origin  of  the 
fault ;  according  to  our  individual  sen- 
timents, we  may  conclude  that  the  pu- 
ritans neglected  the  form  of  religion 
100  much,  or  that  the  high  church  party 
insisted  on  them  too  strongly  ;  but  cer- 
tainly forms  were  regarded  universally 
in  too  important  a  light.  The  conse- 
quence of  which  was,  that  the  relaxa- 
tion of  government  which  the  rebellion 
necessarily  produced,  allowed  every 
fanatic  to  exhibit  his  own  peculiarities  ; 
and  ill-judging  persons,  who  had  before 
observed  that  too  much  attention  was 
paid  to  forms,  hastily  rejected  every  ap- 
pearance of  order,  and  disseminated 
the  dictates  of  their  own  feelings  as 
the  motions  of  the  Spirit  of  God.' 

§  (518.  (a.  d.  161!).)  George  Fox-  was 
a  sincere  Christian  and  harmless  sort 
of  person,  who,  having  long  indulged 
in  mystic  and  solitary  reveries,  com- 
menced the  task  of  instructing  the 
world  by  means  of  a  divine  light  pecu- 
liarly imparted  to  himself,  which  led 
him  to  despise  the  ordinary  benefits  of 
education,  an  advantage  which,  from 
the  lowness  of  his  birth,  he  did  not 
possess.  The  license  of  the  times  Ena- 
bled him  to  spread  his  opinions,  and 
procured  him  followers,  whose  absurd 
irregularities  of  conduct  would,  at  ano- 
ther period,  have  brought  inevitable  con- 
tempt on  any  denomination  of  Chris- 
tians, and  exposed  the  (Quakers'  to  just. 


'  See  the  Story  of  the  Soldier  and  the  Five 
I.ighls  at  Wahoii.    (Collier's  Hist.  ii.  8G1.) 

2  Neat's  Purilaiis.  iv.  2!1,  &c. 

'  This  name  was  given  them  l)y  Gervas  Bennet, 
a  justice  of  the  peace  at  Derby,  because  their 
speaking  was  usually  attended  with  convulsive 


though  often  too  severe  punishments. 
In  the  history  of  these  times,  it  is  pecu- 
liarly difficult  to  distinguish  between 
the  misconduct  of  individuals  belong- 
ing to  a  sect,  and  the  tenets  of  the  sect 
itself;  and  in  speaking  of  quakerism, 
we  must  use  more  especial  caution,  for 
the  sect  sceiris  to  have  had  no  land- 
marks, which  inight  point  out  the  limits 
necessary  for  judging  fairly  about  it. 
Every  enthusiast,  who  pretended  to  an 
internal  revelation,  held   their  distin- 
guishing tenet ;  and  every  man  who, 
in  his  enthusiasm,  rejects  revelation  and 
reason,  must  appeal  to  a  supernatural 
communication.    The  quakers  Avere,  at 
this  time  of  toleration,  in  one  sense, 
persecuted  ;    for  all  men  who  throw 
down  the  boundaries  of  civil  and  reli- 
gious society  must  be  restrained  by 
those  who  wish  to  maintain  them,  and 
such  restraints  are,  by  partial  j)eople 
and  the  sufferers,  denominated  perse- 
cution ;  but  to  speak  of  things  bj'  their 
right  names.  Fox,  and  some  of  his  fol- 
lowers,* as  well  as  certain  anabaptists, 
attempted  to  interrupt  the  authorized 
services   of  the  churches,  and  were 
often  hardly  dealt  with,  but  were  ne- 
cessarily punished.    They  virtually  set 
at   naught   the  civil   magistrate,  and 
when  those  in  authority  used  severity 
towards  them,  they  were  called  suffer- 
ers in  the  cause  of  Christ :   in  many 
cases,  the  severity  was  unjustifiable, 
but  toleration  was  even  then  really  un- 
known, and  moderation  is  the  offspring 
of  quiet  times;  and  when  the  times 
became  more  quiet,  the  quakers  became 
more  reasonable.    Many  of  their  suf- 
ferings were  owingf  to  themselves  alone  ; 
they  refused  to  pay  tithes  and  to  take 
oaths  ;  and  it  must  be  a  toleration  hardly 
desirable  which  will  allow  men  to  de- 
fraud any  one  of  his  legal  rights,  or  be 
contented  with  subjects  who  will  not 
comply  with  the  established  laws  of  the 
land.    The    punishments  were  often 
cruel ;  but  the  sufferers  generally  de- 
served punishment,  for  they  began  by 
injuring  their  brethren. 

If  the  doctrine  of  an  inward  light  be 
so  modified  as  to  mi^an  no  more  than 
the  necessity  of  divine  aid,  it  becomes  a 

shakings  of  (he  body.    (Neal,  iv.  33.)    One  wo 
mat:  came  into  the  church  quite  naked.  (Ibid, 
iv.  139.) 
4  Baxter's  Life,  ii.  180. 


Chap.  XIV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


243 


tenet  of  catholic  Christianity  ;  but  when- 
ever it  is  allowed  to  be  paramount  to 
the  Scriptures,  and  to  set  aside  the 
express  commands  of  Holy  Writ,  as  in 
the  instance  of  the  sacraments,  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  say  how  it  can  be  esteemed 
compatible  with  Christianity;  yet  this 
is  a  matter  of  opinion,  and  cannot  justi- 
fy cruelty  or  persecution.  We  must 
not  confound  in  our  ideas  the  present 
quiet  and  peaceable  persons  who  are 
called  quakers  with  the  fanatics  of  this 
period ;  the  term,  like  that  of  methodist, 
has  comprehended  a  vast  variety  of 
men  who  have  entertained  an  equal 
diversity  of  opinions. 

§  (Hit.  This  same  observation  will 
apply  to  the  anabaptists,  a  name  which 
may  comprehend  any  denomination  of 
Christians  who  are  averse  to  infant 
baptism,  and  who  will  therefore  deem 
a  subsequent  admission  by  baptism 
necessary,  in  cases  where  persons  have 
been  originally  presented  at  the  font  as 
infants.  We  must  therefore  rank  un- 
der the  same  appellation  the  fanatics 
of  Munster,'  the  Memnonites  of  Hol- 
land, and  the  anabaptists  of  England, 
who  were,  some  of  them,  quiet  Chris- 
tians, while  others  held  those  pernicious 
doctrines  which  must  tend  to  render 
the  name  of  Christianity  contemptible; 
pretending  to  be  guided  by  an  inward 
light,  they  despised  the  ordinary  advan- 
tages of  knowledge  and  learning,  and 
were  frequently  most  abusive  in  up- 
braiding such  ministers  as  exerted 
themselves  in  their  professional  call- 
ings. 

The  antinomians,  too,  disturbed  the 
church  during  the  usurpation,  inveigh- 
ing against  the  necessity  of  obedience 
to  the  written  law  of  God,  and  ultimately 
destroying  the  distinction  between  good 
and  evil. 

The  family  of  love'^  made  all  religion 

'  Mosheim's  Eccl  Hist.  iv.  103,  423. 

^  This  ppi't  owes  lis  origin  to  Henry  Nicolas,  a 
mercer  of  Delph,  who  hroache;!  his  errors  about 
1540.  Tliey  were  lirou!;ht  to  England,  proljaMy, 
by  one  Vilells.  aliout  1:374,  They  consijied  in 
the  rejection  of  infant  baptism;  of  the  divinity  of 
Chrisi  ;  of  the  depravity  of  Iniman  nature.  The 
Famihsis  seem  to  liave  entertained  Utile  ol)ieclion 
to  the  church  of  Roine,  or  any  denoitiinaiion  of 
Christians,  provided  ihcy  held  the  doctrine  of 
"  love,"  which  was  to  perfect  human  nature,  and 
to  establish  God's  heavenly  kingdom  on  earth. 
Their  opinions  differed  little  Irom  those  of  the 
free-willers  in  Queen  Mary's  time.  See  tlie 
index  to  Strype. 


to  consist  in  an  inward  love  to  Christ, 
and  were  guilty  of  so  many  abomina- 
tions that  Baxter'  calls  them  infidels ; 
but  these  were  not  a  new  sect. 

The  fifth-monarchy  men  expected  the 
coming  of  King  Jesus,  during  whose 
reign  they  should  themselves  be  made 
I  kings  and  priests;  they'  were  men  who 
I  were  sincere  in  their  hatred  of  the 
tyranny  which  they  had  experienced; 
who  looked  forward  to  bring  reforma- 
tion to  perfection,  but  overlooked  the 
means  by  which  these  ends  might  be 
promoted.  They  made  good  soldiers 
under  the  command  of  Cromwell,  but 
threw  down  the  fabric  which  they  had 
erected  as  soon  as  the  guidance  of  his 
superior  genius  was  withdrawn. 

In  speaking  of  such  men  we  are  per- 
haps wrong  in  using  the  term  sect  at 
all ;  these  opinions  were  held  by  many 
persons  at  this  time,  but  constitute  of 
necessity  no  line  of  separation :  they 
ever  have  been  held,  and  ever  will  be 
so,  while  mankind  suffer  themselves  to 
be  directed  blindly,  and  influenced  by 
beings  as  subject  to  errors  as  them- 
selves ;  fanatical  teache.rs  will  always 
find  fanatical  followers;  but  the  license 
which  tolerated  them,  and  which  was 
the  dawn  of  that  liberty  of  conscience 
which  this  country  now  enjoys,  was 
then  productive  of  much  confusion. 
Men  had  not  learned  to  differ  in  opinion 
without  disputing  on  their  differences, 
nor  hiul  toleration  taught  them  that  to 
disturb  and  vilify  those  who  disagree 
with  us  in  doctrine  must  alwftys  be  a 
real  off-nce  against  Christian  charity. 
Undoubtedly  at  this  time  the  interrup- 
tions to  the  public  service  were  not 
unfrequent;  and  the  extension  of  vital 
Christianity  seems  to  have  been  greatly 
prevented  by  the  contentions  among 
those  who  differed  in  their  religious 
opinions. 

§620.  While  speaking  of  the  morality 
of  this  period,  we  must  not  forget  that 
no  government  ever  put  forth  severer 
statutes'  against  immorality,  or  tried 
more  strenuously  to  promote  Christiani- 
ty as  far  as  the  words  of  an  ordinance 
cotild  promote  this  object.  The  same 
hill  which  did  away  the  penal  statutes 
for  not  attending  the  parish  church, 
enjoined  that  every  person  should  fre- 

>  Life,  i.  91.  "  Neal,  iv.  26. 


«44 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


(Chap.  XW. 


quent  some  place  of  relioious  worship 
or  preaching ;  and  notwithstanding  all 
the  previous  ordinances  about  the  ob- 
servance of  the  Sabbath,  they  forbade 
the  neglect  of  the  Lord's-day,  and  of 
any  other  days  set  apart  for  humiliation 
or  thanksgiving,  under  heavy  penalties, 
which  extended  also  to  magistrates  or 
constables  who  failed  in  exerting  them- 
selves to  prevent  such  irregularities. 
Adultery  and  incest  were  made  punish- 
able with  death  ;  the  same  punishment 
was  attached  to  those  who  were  twice 
convicted  of  keepinga  house  of  ill-fame; 
and  every  breach  of  morality  of  this 
description  was  exposed  to  great  se- 
verity. Swearing  was  subjected  -to  a 
fine,  and  the  entertaining  blasphemous 
and  execrable  opinions  was  punishable 
by  imprisonment,  banishment,  and 
death.  The  laws  too  against  actors' 
were  put  in  force,  and  persons  attend- 
ing plays  were  liable  to  a  fine  of  five 
shillings,  so  that  none  appear  to  have 
been  acted  for  the  space  of  twenty 
years. 

§  621.  (Dec.  1656.)  The  ordinance 
against  heterodox  opinions  was  far 
from  being  allowed  to  remain  inactive  ; 
for  James  Naylor,'  a  fanatic  more 
worthy  perhaps  of  a  madhouse  than 
of  the  honour  of  being  converted  into  a 
confessor,  was  severely  punished  by  a 
vote  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
subjected  to  much  the  same  cruelties 
as  the  Star  Chamber  might  have  in- 
flicted ;  he  was  whipped,  put  in  the 
pillory,  and  imprisoned.  Fry,  too,  a 
member,^  was  expelled  from  the  House 
for  professing  Socinian  opinions,  and 
Biddle  tried  for  his  life  upon  the  same 
plea.  This  error,  like  many  others, 
spread  prodigiously,  and  we  have  the 
testimony  of  the  assembly  of  divines  at ' 
Westminster  themselves,*  who,  when 
consulted  as  to  the  punishment  to  be 
inflicted  upon  blasphemy,  desired  that 
it  might  be  severe,  since  it  was  growing 
fast.  The  externals  of  religion  were 
undoubtedly  observed  with  greater 
strictness,  but  it  seems  impossible  to 
conceive  but  that  the  violence  of  the 
civil  war  must  have  tended  to  destroy 
real  religion ;  and  however  some  excep- 


«  Neal.  iii.  402 ;  iv.  246.      2  Ibid.  iv.  139,  &c. 
»  Wood's  Ath.  iii.  705,  599. 
♦  Lighifoot's  Gen.  Rem.  49. 


tions  may  induce  us  to  alter  the  balance 
in  our  minds — for  the  opinion  of  Bax- 
ter must  have  its  weight — it  can  hardly 
be  supposed  that,  upon  the  whole,  the 
religious  and  moral  princi])les  of  the 
kingdom  could  have  been  advanced,  or 
could  have  failed  to  be  grievously  cor- 
rupted by  the  political  state  of  the 
cou  ntrv. 

§  622.  (a.  d.  1653.)  One  of  the  laws 
of  the  Barcbone  parliament^  made  mar- 
riage merely  a  civil  contract,  much  in 
the  same  manner  as  is  now  the  case  in 
!  Scotland,  excepting  that  more  notoriety 
was  given  to  the  performance  of  the 
ceremony.  The  parties  were  forced  to 
have  their  banns  published  three  times 
at  church  or  in  the  market-place,  and 
they  were  to  profess  their  mutual  desire 
of  being  married,  in  the  presence  of  a 
magistrate,  in  order  to  render  the  union 
legal.  This  act  was  ratified  in  1656, 
but  the  parties  were  then  permitted  to 
adopt  the  accustomed  rites  of  religion, 
if  they  preferred  them. 

In  a  countr}'  where  a  universal  tole- 
ration of  religious  opinions  is  allowed 
under  the  same  government,  there  is 
more  wisdom  in  this  ordinance  than  all 
men  will  be  willing  to  admit.  Marriage" 
is  an  institution  not  only  anterior  to  the 
preaching  of  Christianity,  but  independ- 
ent of  it.  Most  nations  have  connected 
it,  more  or  less,  with  religious  ceremo- 
nies, and  no  Christian  can  hope  for 
happiness  in  this  state  of  life,  unless  it 
be  entered  into  in  the  fear  of  God,  and 
with  the  divine  blessing  ;  but  a  govern- 
ment which  extends  its  protecting  hand 
over  all  religions,  and  contains  among 
its  subjects  persons  of  all  persuasions, 
may  well  say,  "  The  contract  shall  be 
civil,  and  the  religious  part  of  it  left  to 
the  choice  and  opinions  of  the  parties 
contracting."  By  following  a  contrary 
system,  we  have  among  ourselves  the 
absurdity,  that  the  ecclesiastical  courts 
have  the  sole  judgment  with  regard  to 
marriages,  while  in  cases  in  which  the 
Scriptures  obvious)}' admit  of  a  divorce, 
these  courts  have  no  power  to  furnish 
that  redress  for  the  infidelity  of  his  wife 


5  Neal,  iv.  67.  ^ 

6  See  Judge  Hale's  judgment  about  the  mar- 
riage of  Quakers :  he  would  not  allow  it  to  be  set 
aside,  though  performed  without  the  legal  forms. 
(Life  by  Burnet.  Wordsworth's  Ecclesiastical 
Biography,  vi.  72.) 


CXhap.  XIV.]  CHURCH  OF 

which  our  Saviour  expressly  grants  to 
the  husband;  and  the  injured  party 
must  have  recourse  to  a  civil  authority 
of  so  expensive  a  nature  that  unless  he 
be  rich  it  is  useless  for  him  to  think  of  it. 

§  (523.  Among  the  difficulties  to  which 
,the  church  of  England  was  exposed  at 
this  period,  there  appeared  to  be  great 
danger  that  tlie  succession  of  bishops' 
would  be  interrupted,  and  the  following 
circumstance  directed  the  attention  of 
the  exiled  court  to  this  point.  The 
church  of  Rome  had  renewed  the  story 
of  the  Nag's  Head^  ordination,  and  ap- 
pealed to  the  declaration  of  Morton, 
bishop  of  Durham,  who  was  said  to 
have  asserted  it  in  parliament.  Mor- 
ton, who  was  still  alive,  though  very 
old,  published  an  authenticated  denial 
of  his  having  done  so,  which  excited 
the  remaining  bishops  to  prevent  any 
repetition  of  the  same  evil.'  Many 
methods  of  avoiding  it  were  proposed, 
but  there  remained  much  difficulty  as 
to  the  consecration,  the  mere  act  of 
which  would  have  been  dangerous  to 
the  bishops  engaged  in  it ;  and  the  par- 
ties were  not  agreed  as  to  the  steps  by 
which  it  should  take  place.  The  court 
was  unwilling  to  resign  the  real  power 
of  nomination,  and  there  were  no  chap- 
ters remaining  to  whom  a  cons^i  (Pclire 
could  be  sent,  and  to  consecrate  without 
such  an  election  was  displeasing  to 


'  Neal,  iv.  208.  2  Pee  §  409. 

*  Allestree  was  much  employed  in  this  negoiia- 
tion  between  the  bishops  and  the  court.  (Wood's 
Ath.)  So  was  Barwick.  Branihill  was  consuhed 
on  the  subject. 


ENGLAND.  245 

many  of  the  elder  bishops.  Lord  Cla- 
rendon wished  to  feign  a  total  lapse  to 
the  crown,  but  this  implied  a  real  power 
of  election  ia  the  chapter,  which  the 
court  did  not  wish  to  establish.  And 
the  idea  of  consecrating  them  as  bishops 
of  sees  in  Ireland,  where  the  king  nomi- 
nates without  the  form  of  an  election, 
dissatisfied  the  English  prelates.  The 
event  was,  that  the  restoration  prevent- 
ed the  execution  and  necessity  of  these 
1  contrivances. 

I  §  624.  The  restoration  was  probably 
I  brought  about  by  a  variety  of  combin- 
I  ing  causes.  Since  the  death  of  Oliver 
Cromwell  there  had  been  no  perma- 
nent government,  and  the  people,  weary 
!  of  anarchy,  were  ready  to  receive  with 
I  joy  any  power  which  bore  the  appear- 
ance of  a  settled  authority.  They  were 
now  undeceived  in  their  hopes  of  tast- 
ing the  sweets  of  real  liberty  under  a 
republic,  and  had  experienced  the  ty- 
ranny of  a  military  usurper.  The 
presbyterians,  generally  favourable  to 
monarchy,  were  now  smarting  through 
the  license  which  the  independents  had 
brought  in,  and  disposed  to  run  any 
hazards  rather  than  continue  under  the 
rule  of  men  who  had  done  violence  to 
all  their  principles.  They  were  per- 
haps at  this  moment  prejudiced  more 
strongly  against  the  independents  than 
against  the  church  of  England  ;  and 
Monk,  joining  the  presbyterians,  and 
taking  advantage  of  the  tide  which  he 
could  hardly  have  resisted,  had  the 
merit  of  deceiving  everybody,  and  per- 
forming an  act  of  honesty. 


x3 


946 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XT. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

CHARLES  II.      SAVOY  CONFERENCE,  1660. 

650.  RosioraJion.  G51.  Presbyterians.  652.  Charles,  civil  to  them.  653.  Convention  parliament, 
654.  Difficulties  in  the  Restoration  ;  army.  655.  Royalists,  old  and  new.  656.  Church,  state  of. 
657.  Episcopacy  disliked.  658.  Parlies  in  the  church;  objects  of  the  episcopalian.  659.  Of  the 
nonconlbrniist  party.  660.  Declaration  from  Breda.  661.  Peiirion  of  the  presbylerians.  662. 
Answer  of  ihe  bishops.  663.  King's  declaration  promised.  664.  Discussion  at  Worcester  House. 
665.  King's  declaralion.  666.  Favourable  to  the  nonconformists.  667.  Commission  for  the  Savoy 
conference.  668.  '1  he  demands  of  ihe  bishops;  Ba.xier's  form  of  prayer.  669.  Observations  on 
it.  670.  'I'he  peiiiion  for  peace.  671.  Objections  lo  the  Common  Prayer ;  ceremonies,  discipline. 
672.  Answer  of  the  bishops.  673.  Reply  to  it ;  disputation  appointed;  sinful  points  in  the  Com- 
mon Prayer.  674.  Disputations;  close  of  the  conference.  675.  Baxter's  conduct.  676.  Conces- 
sions which  might  have  been  made.  677.  Discipline  over  the  church.  678.  Over  the  laity.  679. 
The  nonconformists'  petition  lo  the  king. 


§  650.  (May  29,  1660.)  The  restora- 
tion of  Charles  II.  took  place  with  such 
rapidity,  and  from  such  a  variety  of 
causes,  that  as  no  one  individual  can 
he  said  to  have  guided  the  event,  so 
every  one  seemed  at  the  moment  sur- 
prised at  it.  The  presbyterian  party 
had  undoubtedly  a  very  large  share  in 
promoting  the  return  of  the  king,  and 
while  the  republicans  neglected  to  de- 
mand any  defences  or  safeguards  for 
the  civil  freedom  of  the  state,  their 
friends  in  the  church  were  equally 
wanting  in  foresight  with  regard  to  ec- 
clesiastical matters.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  such  an  attempt  would  have 
succeeded,  but  it  may  appear  extraor- 
dinary that  they  did  not  make  it,  unless 
we  consider  that  they  had  seen  their 
prospects  of  reform,  both  in  church  and 
state,  prove  delusive  ;  and  that  they 
fancied  themselves  too  strong  in  the 
nation  to  allow  of  their  being  trampled 
on  by  the  mere  introduction  of  a  court; 
little  aware  that  the  majority  of  the 
people  were  not  friendly  to  the  strict- 
ness which  they  had  endeavoured  to 
introduce  into  the  administration  of 
both,  and  that  a  large  portion  of  every 
society  will,  from  possessing  no  princi- 
ples of  their  own,  generally  side  with 
the  governing  party. 

§651.  But  before  we  enter  into  any 
details  of  the  history,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  guard  against  mistakes  with  re- 
spect to  the  persons  whom  we  designate 
by  the  name  presbyterians,  or  rather 
to  state  the  reason  why  this  term  will 
be  inconvenient  during  the  period  which 
we  are  now  examining.  By  the  term 
presbyterian  we  generally  understand 


I  an  anti-episcopalian,  one  who  is  hostile 
,  to  the  order  of  bishops  as  an  ecclesi- 
astical order  ;  now  the  mass  of  those 
men,  whose  subsequent  ejection  forms 
the  great  feature  in  the  early  part  of 
this  reign,  were  not  anti-episcopalians. 
They  had  no  objection'  generally  to 
having  a  bishop,  but  they  wished  so  to 
tie  his  hands,  that  his  chief  authority 
might  consist  in  the  council  of  presby- 
ters with  whom  they  surrounded  him, 
and  who  were  to  be  elected  by  the 
clergy  themselves.  They  wished  for 
the  establishment  of  such  a  form  of 
ecclesiastical  government  as  would,  in 
the  state,  satisfy  a  republican  ;  one 
who  might  be  contented  to  have  a  king, 
provided  he  were  to  be  nothing  beyond 
the  chief  magistrate  of  the  republic. 
Of  course,  therefore,  the  republican 
and  presbyterian  party  Avere  closely 
connected  by  principles ;  and  having 
fotind  themselves  borne  down  by  the 
independents  and  army,  they  gladly 
had  recourse  to  a  legitimate  govern- 
ment, under  which  they  imagined  that 
they  should  be  too  strong  to  incur  the 
danger  of  persecution. 

§  652.  Charles,  who  was  fully  aware 
of  the  strength  of  this  part}-,  and  how 
much  he  owed  his  return  to  their  co- 
operation, treated  their  divines  with 
marked  respect;  he  admitted  them  to 
friendly  intercourse  in  Holland,  and  on 
his  arrival  in  this  country  appointed 
several  of  them  to  be  his  chaplains,* 
and  some  of  them  preached  before  him. 
On  his  first  landing  he  spent  a  Sunday 
at  Canterbury,  and  the  service  at  the 

'  Ba.xter's  Life,  ii.  278,  ^  113. 
2  Collier,  ii.  870. 


Chap.  XV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


247 


cathedral  was  carried  on  in  his  presence 
with  all  the  decent  ornaments  which 
belong-  to  our  church,  and  which  had 
now  been  laid  aside  for  nearly  twenty 
years.  Many  of  the  clergy  had  re- 
quested the  king  to  dispense  with  these 
ceremonies,  lest  they  should  offend  the 
people:  but  he  told  them  very  plainly, 
that  while  he  allowed  others  to  follow 
their  own  opinions,  he  saw  no  reason 
why  the  same  liberty  should  not  be  ex- 
tended to  himself;  and  this  course  of 
proceeding  was  properly  observed  at 
White  Hall.  It  was  the  policy  of 
Charles  to  be  on  good  terms  with  this 
party,  nor  is  there  any  reason  why 
we  should  doubt  the  sincerity  of  those 
kind  expressions  which  he  used  towards 
ihem  :  but  it  was  almost  impossible  that 
any  sincere  coalition  should  continue 
between  elements  so  discordant  as  a 
puritanic  clergy  and  a  dissolute  court ; 
but  both  probably  were  injured  by  the 
utter  separation  from  each  other  which 
afterwards  took  place. 

§  053.  The  parliament  or  convention, 
which  had  recalled  the  king,  contained 
a  great  many  individuals  belonging  to 
the  party  of  which  we  are  speaking,  who 
were  friendly  to  a  monarchy,  and  not 
hostile  to  the  episcopacy  ;  but  who  had 
no  wish  to  see  either  the  one  or  the 
other  raised  so  high  as  had  formerly 
been  the  case.  They  confirmed'  the 
clergy  in  their  benefices,  provided  they 
had  been  ordained  before  Dec.  25,  1659, 
and  had  been  admitted,  since  1642,  into 
their  livings  upon  a  legal  vacancy  ;  and 
tried  to  create  as  little  alteration  as  pos- 
sible, provided  the  incumbent  had  not 
favoured  the  king's  death,  nor  shown 
himself  adverse  to  infant  baptism.  They 
confirmed  tlie  leases  made  by  colleges 
and  hospitals,  and  legalized  all  mar- 
riages which  had  from  time  to  time  been 
solemnized  according  to  existing  ordi- 
nances. In  all  these  acts  they  made  no 
distinction  between  orders  which  had  or 
had  not  been  episcopally  conferred,  and 
seemed  anxious  to  tranquillize  the  nation 
after  the  disturbances  under  which  it  had 
been  suffering.  They  passed,  too,  a  bill 
of  indemnity  for  all  but  the  regicides, 
and  appointed  the  observance  of  the  30th 
of  January  and  the  29th  of  May. 

All  acts,  however,  of  the  present  as- 


■  Statutes  at  large. 


scmbly  laboured  unaer  one  unavoidable 
difficulty,  that  their  legality  might  sub- 
sequently be  called  in  question,  unless 
confirmed  by  a  parliament  summoned  by 
the  authority  of  the  king  :  again,  all  such 
men  as  had  in  their  own  persons  served 
the  royal  cause,  or  whose  fathers  had 
done  so,  were,  by  the  writ  of  summons, 
excluded  from  being  elected  to  sit  in 
this  convention  parliament,  a  particular 
which  had,  in  numerous  cases,  been 
neglected,  so  that  many  of  those  who 
most  favoured  the  royal  prerogative  be- 
longed to  it,  though  they  formed  not  the 
majority.  Upon  these  several  consider- 
ations, it  was  deemed  preferable  that 
the  convention  should  be  continued  no 
longer  than  was  absolutely  necessary, 
and  it  was  dissolved  therefore  before  the 
2yth  of  December. 

§  654.  The  return  of  Charles  II.  had 
appeared  so  to  coincide  with  the  general 
wish  of  the  people,  that  all  ojjposition 
seemed  to  vanish  before  the  universal 
desire  for  the  re-establishraent  of  legiti- 
mate authority  ;  but  the  real  difficulties 
wliich  attended  this  event  were  con- 
siderable, and  if  not  enough  to  endanger 
the  safety  of  the  government,  were  quite 
sufficient  to  render  the  situation  of  the 
king  far  from  enviable. 

The  army  formed  a  body  too  powerful 
to  be  consistent  with  any  secure  govern- 
ment, and  was  composed  of  many  men 
who,  though  wise  enough  not  to  oppose 
outwardly  the  progress  of  events,  were 
little  satisfied  with  them.  There  must 
always  be  a  great  unpleasantness  in  dis- 
banding so  large  a  force  ;  soldiers  who 
could  be  pleased  at  their  own  dismissal 
must  be  very  unlike  any  other  human 
beings ;  since,  having  had  the  destiny 
of  the  nation  apparently  in  their  hands, 
they  are  compelled  to  dissolve  the  union 
which  has  rendered  them  po^verful,  and 
to  descend  in  private  life  to  a  station  ne- 
cessarily far  below  what  they  have  pre- 
viously held.  But  in  this  case  probably 
many  of  the  officers  might  with  justice 
suspect,  that  they  had  been  made  the 
tools  of  the  exaltation  of  Monk,  and  of 
the  consequent  degradation  of  them- 
selves. When  they  met  the  king  on 
Blackheath,'-*  they  were  perhaps  one  of 
the  finest  bodies  of  men  who  had  ever 
been  assembled  on  British  ground  ;  they 

'Skinner's  Life  of  Monk,  342;  Burnet's  Own 
Time,  i.  274. 


248 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XV. 


were  now  necessarily  to  be  disbanded, 
and  there  was  little  or  no  money  to  pay 
them. 

§  6.)."5.  The  friends  of  the  crown  were 
far  from  bein?  united.  The  older  roy- 
alists had  suffered  so  much  from  their 
repeated  discomfitures,  that  thej'  were 
unwillinfj  to  run  unnecessary  risks ;  and 
the  late  attempts,  on  the  rising  of  Sir 
George  Booth,'  had  brought  forward 
many  men  who  had  before  -no  preten- 
sions to  royal  favour^;  so  that  the  royal- 
ists themselves  formed  a  heterogeneous 
mass,  the  older  ones  despising  those 
who  had  but  lately  embarked  in  the 
cause,  and  who  in  their  opinion  had 
contributed  nothing  to  the  Restoration  ; 
M'hile  those  whose  late  activity  had  ex- 
posed them  to  sufferings,  to  which  they 
had  been  unaccustomed,  magnified  the 
utility  of  their  own  exertions,  and  dis- 
dained the  caution  of  the  older  friends 
of  the  monarchy.  These  differences 
were  the  more  insufferable  to  the  king, 
because  from  the  very  first  he  found 
himself  assailed  with  solicitations  for 
preferment  which  he  had  no  ability  to 
grant,  and  which  his  own  personal  fa- 
cility prevented  him  from  refusing  \vith 
ease.  Abundant  applications  were  made 
during  the  first  days  of  his  return  to 
England,  and  such  persons  were  most 
importunate  in  their  demands  as  had 
merited  advancement  the  least. 

§  65').  But  the  greatest  difficulty  con- 
sisted in  the  state  of  the  church.  The 
bishops  had  been  driven  from  their 
places  nearly  twenty  years  before,  and 
had  generall}'  retired  into  the  obscurity 
of  private  life.  The  generation  who  had 
grown  up  in  the  church  were  at  once 
active  and  influential,  and  had  found 
themselves  not  only  unfettered  by  supe- 
riors, but  had  many  of  them  been  ad- 
mitted into  much  indirect  power,  and 
had  always  been  taught  to  regard  the 
deposed  hierarchy  as  tyrannical  and 
antichristian.  They  had  universally 
possessed  a  good  deal  of  authority  in 
their  own  parishes,  and  looked  forward 
in  the  re-establishment  of  bishops  to 
being  deprived  entirely  of  these  advan- 
tages. It  was  impossible,  therefore,  that 
they  should  regard  the  restoration  of 
episcopacy,  together  with  the  monarchy, 
with  any  friendly  eye.   Out  of  the  bench 


'  Clarendon,  Own  Life,  fol.  20,  8vo.  37. 


of  bishops  nine  only  survived  the  Resto- 
ration; most  of  these  were  translated  to 
better  bishoprics,  and  made  room  for  the 
appointment  of  new  ones  ;  thirteen  were 
consecrated  during  the  autumn  and  win- 
ter, and  four  in  the  January  following; 
the  latter  sees  had  been  left  open,  in 
hopes  that  such  leading  members  of  the 
nonconformist  party  as  Avere  not  adverse 
to  episcopacy  would  acce]3t  them.  All 
beneficed  clergymen  who  had  been  de- 
prived during  the  usurpation,  became 
again  possessed  of  their  benefices  at  the 
Restoration,  and  all  property,  ecclesias- 
tical or  civil,  Avhich  had  been  illegally 
sold,  reverted  to  its  right  owners  ;  a  state 
of  things  which,  though  perhaps  neces- 
sary, Avas  very  unlikeh'  to  excite  a  fa- 
vourable feeling  towards  those  who  were 
thus  restored.  There  was  a  large  and 
forced  transfer  of  property ;  a  circum- 
stance which  cannot  tail  to  create  dis- 
satisfaction. The  incomer  always  sup- 
poses that  he  has  been  injured,  and  the 
person  ejected  feels  that  he  is  deprived 
of  what  he  had  deemed  his  OAvn.  AD 
ejected  heads  and  felloAvs  of  colleges 
were  restored  by  an  order  of  the  lords, ^ 
(June  4th ;)  and  after  tAventj'  years  of 
confusion,  many  individuals  AA-ere  in- 
jured at  the  Restoration,  Avho  had  shared 
in  none  of  the  guilt  of  the  usurpation. 

§  657.  But  as  far  as  we  may  be  al- 
loAved  to  form  an  opinion  on  such  a  sub- 
ject, the  restoration  of  the  episcopal 
authority  aa'es  that  which  most  offended 
the  generality  of  the  church.  The  point 
at  issue  Avas  in  reality  that  of  parish  dis- 
cipline. In  the  church  of  England  the 
spiritual  power  is  lodged^  in  the  hands 
of  the  bishop  ;  the  clergA  inan  of  a  parish 
may  admonish,  and,  if  he  cannot  reform, 
may  suspend  from  the  communion  till 
he  can  have  recourse  to  the  bishop's 
court ;  but  he  has  no  poAver  of  his  OAvn 
to  inflict  any  spiritual  punishment.  He 
cannot  compel  any  of  his  flock  to  come 
before  him  in  a  judicial  manner.  This 
sort  of  jurisdiction  had  been  generally 
exercised  during  the  usurpation,  and  the 
minister  held  no  communion  Avith  those 
Avho  despised  his  authority ;  he  might 
in  fact  excommunicate  any  one  Avho 
neglected  his  summons,  though  such  a 
sentence  bore  Avith  it  none  of  those  of- 
fensive disabilities  Avhich  attend  on  ex- 


2  Neal's  Puritans,  iv.  240. 

3  See  ^  591,  and  595,'. 


Chap.  XV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


2i9 


communication  as  inflicted  by  a  bishOp's 
court ;  but  then  such  a  power  gave  a 
fearful  influence  to  the  parish  priest. 
The  nonconformist  party  were  anxious 
to  continue  this  species  of  discipline  ; 
and  he  must  know  very  little  of  human 
nature  who  fancies  that  any  man,  espe- 
cially a  young  one,  would  readily  relin- 
quish an  authority  of  this  sort.*  The 
battle  was  indeed  never  fought  on  exactly 
this  ground,  but  an  examination  of  the 
points  at  issue  in  the  debates  about  the 
liturgy,^  will  easily  convince  us  that 
this  was  the  real  object  of  attack  and 
defence. 

§  6.58.  The  tactics  of  the  two  parties 
were  as  follows  :  the  episcopalians  feared 
that  bishops  would  be  converted  into 
presidents  of  a  college  of  presbyters, 
and  therefore  their  object  was  to  deny 
all  authority  to  the  presbyter,  and  to 
lessen  his  influence,  by  convincing  the 
world  that  there  had  been  much  ot"  evil, 
and  no  good,  in  the  late  innovations 
introduced  into  the  government  of  the 
church  ;  and  this  object  would  be  pro- 
moted by  showing  that  no  alterations  of 
any  kind  were  necessary.  The  rising 
generation  Mould  be  sure  to  side  gra- 
dually with  the  governing  party,  and  it 
might  on  this  ground  be  deemed  unwise 
to  remedy  even  real  evils,  since  such  a 
step  might  induce  the  mass  of  the  peo- 
ple to  doubt  of  the  soundness  of  the 
whole,  whim  the  advocates  of  the  old 
constitution  acknowledged  that  some 
things  might  admit  of  improvement. 
This  line  of  policy  was  so  obvious,  that 
the  eyes  of  the  majority  of  the  episcopal 
party  must  have  been  open  to  it,  and 
their  proceedings  seem  to  have  been 
founded  upon  some  such  principle. 

§  G59.  The  object  of  the  other  party 
was  to  show  that  change  was  necessary  ; 
that  the  power  possessed  by  the  bishops 

'  See  Selden's  Table-Talk,  Excommunication, 
^4.  "  They  excommunicate  ior  three  or  tour 
things  ;  matters  concerning  adultery,  tithes,  wills, 
&c.,  which  is  the  civil  punishment  the  state  allows 
for  such  faults.  If  a  bishop  excommunicate  a  man 
for  what  he  ought  not,  the  judge  has  power  to 
absolve,  and  punish  the  bishop.  If  they  had  that 
jurisdiction  trom  God,  why  does  not  the  church 
excommunicate  for  murder,  for  theft  ?  If  the 
civil  power  might  take  away  all  but  three  things, 
why  may  they  not  take  them  away  too?  If  this 
excommunication  were  taken  away,  the  presbyters 
would  be  quiet;  it  is  that  they  have  a  mind  to,  it 
is  that  they  would  fain  be  at,"  &,c.  See  also 
another  observation  of  his,  ^  675, 

«  Baxter's  Life,  it.  233. 

32 


had  prevented  the  exercise  of  whole- 
some discipline,  and  that  the  govern- 
ment of  the  church  of  England  still 
required  further  reformation.  If  it  could 
be  shown  that  the  established  church 
was  not  formed  on  the  best  model,  the 
conclusion  seemed  natural,  that  some 
modification  of  episcopacy  ought  to  be 
substituted  in  the  place  of  the  present 
church  government.  At  the  same  time 
it  was  of  tlie  greatest  consequence  that 
the  party  should  appear  to  be  united — 
that  they  should  hold  together — that  if 
they  were  to  fall,  they  might  be  over- 
whelmed as  a  body.  They  probably 
thought  themselves  stronger  than  they 
really  were,  and  they  knew  that  if  di- 
vided they  must  become  insignificant. 
The  dilemma  from  which  Baxter  and 
his  friends  had  to  extricate  themselves 
was  this  :  if  they  asked  too  much,  many 
indivitluals  of  their  own  party  would 
say,  that  they  were  not  prepared  to 
separate  from  the  church  of  England, 
because  she  refused  to  grant  more  than 
what  they  themselves  deemed  abso- 
lutely necessary.  If  they  asked  too 
little,  their  opponents  would  have  to 
object  against  them,  that  men  who  pro- 
fessed to  be  governed  by  Christian  prin- 
ciples were  ready  to  destroy  the  peace 
and  unity  of  the  church  for  such  trifles 
as  these. 

§  ()(iO.  In  order  to  get  a  clear  view  of 
the  Savoy  conference,  the  arena  on 
which  this  contest  was  carried  on,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  take  a  short  view 
of  the  events  which  preceded  it ;  for  it 
is  not  impossible  that  the  issue  of  the 
conference  was  nearly  decided,  before 
the  members  who  composed  it  had 
actually  assembled. 

(April  14,  KHiO.)  The  king,  in  his 
declaration  from  Breda,  had  used  the 
following  expressions  with  regard  to 
toleration "  We  do  declare  a  liberty 
to  tender  consciences  ;  and  that  no  man 
shall  be  disquieted,  or  called  in  question, 
for  difl^erences  of  opinion  in  matters  of 
religion,  which  do  not  disturb  the  peace 
of  the  kingdom  ;  and  that  we  shall  be 
ready  to  consent  to  such  an  act  of  par- 
liament as,  upon  mature  deliberation, 
shall  be  offered  to  us,  for  the  full  grant- 
ing that  indulgence."  The  nonconform- 
ists, when  they  beheld  this  disposition 


'  Clarendon's  History,  iii.  747. 


'250 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XV. 


in  the  king,  and  the  temper  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  were  naturally  led  to  ex- 
pect concessions  from  the  governing' 
party,  and  induced  to  express  tlieir 
wishes  as  to  the  points  which  they 
desired  to  he  changed,  by  presenting  a 
petition  to  the  king. 

They  state  that  they  agree 
with  the  church  of  England'  in  doctrinal 
truths,  and  the  substantial  parts  of  wor- 
ship :  and  that  they  differ  only  about 
the  ancient  form  of  church  government, 
the  Liturgy,  and  ceremonies.  They 
request,  1.  That  encouragement  maybe 
given  to  private  religious  exercises. 
2.  That  each  congregation  may  have 
a  resident  and  efficient  pastor,  and  that 
scandalous  ministers  may  be  ejected. 

That  personal  j^'ofession  of  faith 
may  be  required  of  all  communicants, 
and  that  no  one  be  confirmed  Avithout 
the  approbation  of  his  pastor.  4.  That 
the  Lord's  day  may  be  kept  holy,  with- 
out unnecessary  divertiscments.  They 
state  that  they  have  no  objection  to  a 
balanced  episcopacy,  but  complain,  1,  of 
the  extent  of  dioceses,  which  rendered 
a  personal  superintendence  impossible  : 

2,  of  bishops  deputing  their  authority  to 
officials  who  were  sometimes  laymen  ; 

3,  of  their  occasionally  assuming  the 
sole  power  of  ordination,  and  exercising 
arbitrary  power  in  articles  of  visitation, 
&c.  In  order  to  obviate  these  evils, 
>they  request,  that  Archbishop  Usher's 
reduction  of  episcopacy  maybe  adopted  ; 
that  bishops  suffragan,  or  chorepiscopi, 
may  be  chosen  by  the  presbyters ;  that 
the  associations'-  may  not  be  so  large  as 
to  make  the  discipline  impossible  ;  that 
no  subscrijitions  or  oaths  of  obedience 
be  required  ;  that  bishops  be  not  allowed 
to  act,  except  according  to  canons  to  be 
agreed  upon  and  sanctioned  by  act  of 
parliament. 

They  do  not  object  to  a  Liturgy,  per 
sp,  provided  the  minister  be  not  so  con- 
fined to  it  as  to  be  prevented  from  exer- 
cising the  gift  of  prayer ;  they  request 
that  the  Common  Prayer,  being  justly 
objectionable,  may  either  be  revised, 
and  that  certain  scriptural  forms,  to  be 
used  according  to  the  discretion  of  the 
minister,  may  be  added  to  it,  or  that  a 
new  one  be  composed. 

'  Baxter's  Life,  ii.  233.    History  of  Nonconfor- 
miiy,  1. 
2  See  %  612. 


With  regard  to  ceremonies,  they  re- 
quest that  the  observance  of  holydays, 
kneeling  at  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  use 
of  the  surplice  and  of  the  cross  at  bap- 
tism, as  well  as  bowing  at  the  name  of 
Jesus,  may  not  be  imposed  on  any  who 
scruple  them  :  that  such  ceremonies  as 
have  no  foundation  in  law,  as  erecting 
altars,  bowing  to  them,  &c.,  may  be 
discontinued. 

i  §  6(;2.  (July  8,  1660.)  To  this  peti- 
;  tion  the  bishops  made  a  formal  reply, 
arguing  that  none  of  these  alterations 
were  necessary,  and  not  declaring  what 
concessions  they  were  prepared  to  make : 
they  state — 

That  the  laws^  have  already  provided 
for  the  four  first  requests,  as  far  as  is 
consistent  with  the  good  of  the  church; 
that  the  bishops  desire  that  these  par- 
ticulars may  be  effectually  remedied, 
but  are  unwilling  that  private  conven- 
ticles and  other  abuses  should  be  intro- 
duced under  colour  of  them  ;  that  the 
laws  with  respect  to  the  Sabbath  are 
already  more  strict  than  in  any  other 
reformed  church. 

That  the  diocesan  form  of  govern- 
ment has  always  existed  in  the  church  ; 
that  the  personal  cure  of  souls  is  the 
office  of  the  presbyter,  and  not  that  of 
the  bishop  ;  and  that  when  the  diocese 
is  large,  the  law  has  provided  for  the 
appointment  of  suffragans  ;*  that  there 
is  no  objection  to  delegating  authority; 
and  that  though  bishops  have  always 
exercised  ecclesiastical  power,  yet  that 
they  have  done  so  with  the  assistance 
and  advice  of  presbyters,  as  of  their 
deans  and  chapters,  who  were  probably 
appointed  for  this  very  purpose ;  and 
that  the  law  will  remedy  illegal  acts  of 
bishops  as  well  as  those  of  others.  That 
with  regard  to  Archbishop  Usher's  re- 


3  Baxter's  Life:  242. 
2(j°  Henry  VHI.  ch.  14.  An  act  for  nomina- 
tion and  consecration  of  suffragans  within  this 
realm.  There  are  twenty-six  places  mentioned, 
for  wliich  bishops  siiffragjan  may  he  appointed. 
The  archbishop  or  bishop  is  to  present  two  per- 
sons to  the  king,  of  whom  he  is  to  nominate  one 
to  be  suffragan.  The  authority  of  such  suffragan 
shall  be  limited  by  their  commissions,  which  they 
shall  not  exceed,  on  pain  of  ■prcmunnc.  'I'hese 
commissions  are  to  be  given  by  (he  bishop  pre- 
senting. This  act  was  repealed  1,  2  Philip  and 
Mary,  ch.  8,  and  revived  1°  Eliz.  ch.  1.  Bishops 
suffragans  are  spoken  of  in  the  thirty-fifth  canon 
of  1604.  It  would  be  very  desirable  that  in  popu- 
lous dioceses  they  should  be  appointed  now  ;  there 
seems  no  legal  reason  why  they  may  not  be. 


Chap.  XV.j 


CHT  P.CH  OF  ENGLAND. 


251 


duction,  it  may  be  a  great  question, 
whether  it  were  not  rather  composed 
with  reference  to  existing  animosities, 
than  as  his  own  final  and  deliberate 
choice  ;  that  the  el(?ction  ol"  sufiragans 
is  already  vested  in  the  crown ;  that 
they  understand  not  the  term  associa- 
tions ;^  and  that  the  use  of  oaths  and 
promises  of  obedience  is  expedient. 

That  the  Liturgy  appears  suited  to 
its  object,  and  tolerably  free  from  ob- 
jections ;  that  custom  allows  of  the  use 
of  extempore  prayer  before  sermon ; 
that  they  are  ready  to  alter  any  thing 
which  shall  be  shown  to  be  justly  offen- 
sive, and  object  not  to  a  reformation  of 
the  Liturgy  according  to  "his  majesty's 
wish. 

That  the  ceremonies  are  in  them- 
selves not  objectionable  ;  and  that  to 
change  any  of  the  laws  about  them 
would  be  as  likely  to  offend  many  sober 
persons  as  it  would  be  to  gain  over 
those  who  contend  for  such  matters. 

Baxter'^  himself  drew  up  an  answer 
to  this  reply,  but  no  use  seems  to  have 
been  made  of  it. 

§  G(j3.  Some  of  the  nonconformists 
now  contended,  that  it  was  useless  to 
proceed  with  any  discussions,  when  it 
was  evident  that  no  good  could  possibly 
result ;  but  Baxter  urged  them  to  go 
on,  while  there  was  even  the  most  dis- 
tant hope  of  promoting  peace,  and  they 
were  confirmed  in  this  view  of  the  sub- 
ject by  a  promise  from'  the  king,  that 
he  would  act  the  part  of  moderator  be- 
tween the  contending  factions,  and  sig- 
nify his  ideas  of  what  concessions  could 
be  made,  by  putting  forth  a  declaration 
which  should  be  submitted  to  the  in- 
spection of  both  parlies,  before  it  was 
published  to  the  world.  When  the 
draft  of  this  declaration  was  put  into 
the  hands  of  the  nonconformists,  many 
animadversions  were  passed  upon  it, 
and  a  second  paper  was  drawn  up  for 
the  purpose  of  being  presented  to  the 
king,  but  contained  so  much  which  M^as 
more  likely  to  cause  divisions  than  to 
promote  peace,  that  it  never  passed  be- 
yond the  hands  of  the  chancellor.  It 
v/as  the  work  of  Baxter,  and  though 
pruned  of  some  of  its  most  objection- 
able passages  by  the  interference  of 
Calamy  and  Reynolds,  yet  its  sup- 


'  See  ^  612.  2  Baxter's  Life,  248. 


pression  was  judicious.  One  of  the 
arguments^  in  favour  of  a  moderate 
episcopacy  is,  that  its  adoption  would 
save  those  who  had  taken  the  covenant 
from  the  sin  of  perjury,  since  they  had 
there  sworn  to  root  out  prelacy  only, 
and  not  episcopacy.  The  chief  de- 
mands are,  for  a  power  of  control  over 
the  bishops,  and  a  jurisdiction  over  theii 
flocks,  to  be  granted  to  the  presbyters; 
that  the  Common  Prayer  should  not 
only  be  reformed,  but  even  very  mode- 
rately imposed ;  and  that  the  ceremonies 
should  be  left  indifferent.  Complaints 
are  also  made,  that  no  minister  can  be 
instituted  without  renouncing  his  pres- 
byterian  orders,  and  being  re-ordained, 
subscribing  the  oath  of  canonical  obedi- 
ence, and  reading  the  disputed  part  of 
the  XXth  article. 

§  664.  The  nonconformists'*  were  now 
desired  to  state  what  alterations  in  the 
declaration  they  deemed  absolutely  ne- 
cessary ;  but  since  most  of  them  were 
inserted  in  the  document  itself,  as  it 
was  subsequently  published,  less  notice 
of  them  seems  to  be  required.*  (Oct. 
23.)  Three  days  before  the  publication 
of  the  declaration''  there  was  a  meeting 
at  Worcester  House,  the  residence  of 
Lord  Clarendon,  where,  while  many 
of  the  questions  were  discussed  in  a 
conversational  manner.  Lord  Clarendon 
drew  out  a  petition  for  toleration,  which 
had  been  presented  by  the  anabaptists 
and  independents,  and  asked  the  advice 
of  the  divines  who  were  present  con- 
cerning it,  wishing  probably  to  cast  on 
the  presbyterians  the  odium  of  a  refusal, 
if  they  who  demanded  such  concessions 
in  favour  of  themselves  were  unwilling 
to  allow  of  toleration  to  others.  Both 
parties  were  silent  for  a  time,  till  Bax- 
ter, fearing  lest,  through  their  silence, 
the  petition  should  be  granted,  and  that 
the  indulgence  thus  obtained  would  be 
extended  to  the  papists,  spoke  against 
it ;  so  little  were  the  principles  of  tole- 
ration understood :  indeed,  a  state  of 
things  differing  entirely  from  that  of 
the  present  day,  almost  prevents  us 
from  estimating  fairly  the  scruples  of 

3  Baxter's  Life,  267;  Hist,  of  Nonconformity, 
10.  &.C. 

*  Baxter's  Life,  275. 

*  'I'liey  may  easily  be  traced  by  comparing  Col- 
lier's Eccl.  Hist.  p.  874 ;  and  Baxter's  Own  Life, 
275,  259. 

"  Baxter's  Life,  277. 


3S2 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XV. 


the  nonconformists  themselves.  When 
we  regard  them  as  factious  in  their 
opposition  to  the  ceremonies  of  the 
church,  as  in  truth  we  must  do,  we 
forget  that  they  had  no  liberty  of  join- 
ing- a  dissenting:  cong-regation. 

§  (j()5.  (Oct.  25.)  In  this  declaration 
the  king'  professes  that  he  purposes  to 
promote  godliness,  to  encourage  public 
and  private  exercises  of  religion,  to 
prevent  the  abuse  of  the  Lord's  day, 
and  to  cast  out  scandalous  ministers. 
That  he  will  endeavour  to  appoint  good 
bishops,  who  shall  be  preachers,  and 
that,  where  the  dioceses  are  large,  they 
shall  be  assisted  by  suffragans.  That 
no  bishop  shall  ordain  or  exercise  anj- 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  w-ithout  the 
assistance  of  presbyters.  No  chancel- 
lor or  official  shall,  as  such,  perform 
any  spiritual  act  of  authority  ;  nor  an 
archdeacon  do  so,  without  the  aid  of 
six  presbyters,  three  chosen  by  the 
presbyters  of  the  archdeaconry,  and 
three  nominated  by  the  bishop. 

That  cathedral  preferments  shall  be 
filled  by  good  men ;  that  a  number  of 
presbyters  elected  by  the  presbyters  of 
the  diocese,  and  equal  in  number  to  those 
members  of  the  chapter  who  shall  be  pre- 
sent, shall  assist  the  bishop  in  all  eccle- 
siastical functions,  ordinations,  &c. ;  nor 
shall  any  suffragan  bishop  ordain  with- 
out the  presence  of  a  sufficient  number 
of  presbyters  elected  by  their  brethren. 

That  confirmation  shall  be  carefully 
performed  with  the  consent  of  the 
minister  of  the  parish ;  none  shall  be 
admitted  to  the  Lord's  table  without  a 
profession  of  faith  and  obedience,  or 
who  has  been  guilty  of  scandalous 
offences. 

That  rural  deans,  to  be  appointed  as 
heretofore  by  the  bishop,  shall  hold 
monthly  meetings,  with  three  or  four 
ministers  of  their  deanery,  for  disci- 
pline, and  present  to  the  bishop  such 
as  they  cannot  influence  by  persuasion. 
The  rural  dean  shall  superintend  the 
education  of  the  children  in  the  dean- 
ery, seeing  that  the  respective  minis- 
ters do  their  duty  in  preparing  them 
for  confirmation. 

That  no  bishop  shall  exercise  any 
arbitrary  power,  nor  impose  any  thing 
but  according  to  law. 


'  Collier's  Eccl.  Hiat.  ii.  874. 


I     That  a  commission  shall  be  appoint- 
^  ed  to  review  the  Liturgy  and  to  make 
additional  forms,  which  shall  consist 
of  an  equal  number  from  both  sides. 

In  the  mean  time  the  king  prays  all 
ministers  to  adopt  as  much  conformity 
as  they  can,  promising  that  none  shall 
be  punished  for  the  want  of  it;  allow- 
ing them  to  use  or  neglect  the  cross  in 
baptism,  while  parents  who  differ  in 
this  particular  from  their  ow"n  minister, 
1  may  procure  another  who  agrees  with 
I  them,  to  christen  their  children  :  that 
j  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jesus  shall  be 
,  left  free,  and  the  use  of  the  surplice  be 
considered  optional,  except  in  cathe- 
drals and  colleges.    That  the  oaths  of 
allegiance  and  supremacy  shall  suffice, 
instead  of  that  of  canonical  obedience 
and  subscription  ;  and  that  persons  in- 
stituted or  taking  degrees  shall  sub- 
scribe to  those  only  of  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles  which  are  doctrinal. 

§  666.  This  declaration  contains  such 
ample  concessions  to  the  wishes  of  the 
nonconformists,  that  one  is  led  to  doubt 
the  sincerit}'^  of  those  who  drew  it 
up  ;  for  whatever  might  have  been  the 
wishes  of  the  king,  if  indeed  he  regard- 
ed the  matter  at  all,  it  was  obvious  that 
no  parliament  was  likely  to  pass  into 
an  act  measures  which  would  probably 
displease  the  majority  of  the  episcopal 
divines  and  their  adherents,  and  so  ma- 
terially change  the  constitution  of  the 
church.  The  only  immediate  effect  of 
this  declaration  was  partially  to  delay 
for  a  season  severities  against  the  non- 
conformists ;  for  the  influence  of  the 
court  prevented  the  execution  of  the 
act  of  uniformity  of  Queen  Elizabeth : 
but  when  endeavours  were  made, ^  (Nov. 
6th,)  on  the  motion  of  Sir  Matthew  Hale, 
'  to  pass  it  into  a  bill,  it  was  thrown  out, 
I  and  the  convention  was  soon  after  dis- 
1  solved.  (Dec.  29th.)  Both  Houses,  as 
well  as  a  large  body  of  the  London 
clergy,  presented  addresses^  of  thanks 
to  his  majesty  for  his  gracious  conces- 
sions ;  and  Baxter,  who  had  previously 
despaired  of  finding  any  thing  yielded, 
:  which  might  enable  him  to  remain  in 
I  his  ministry,  was  so  pleased,  that  he 
made  up  his  own  mind  to  exert  all  his 
influence  in  promoting  uniformity.  It 

j    2  Neal's  Puritans,  iv.  268,  note  t.  Burnet's 
I  Own  Time,  i.  305,  s. 
I    *  Baxter's  Life,  284. 


CiiAP.  XV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


was  about,  this  time  that  the  offer  of 
bishoprics'  was  made  to  Calamy,  Bax- 
ter, and  Reynolds,  who  alone  of  the 
three  accepted  the  preferment.^  Cala- 
my had  been  an  antiepiscopalian,  and 
it  was  naturally  conceived  by  his 
friends,  that  his  accepting  such  a  situa- 
tion would  be  a  disgrace  to  his  former 
professions,  and  to  the  cause  of  the 
presbytery ;  but  Reynolds  and  Baxter 
had  always  been  friends  to  moderate 
episcopacy,  and  if  the  declaration  of 
the  king  could  be  passed  into  a  law, 
there  seemed  no  reason  why  they 
should  decline  being  placed  on  the 
bench  ;  and  Baxter,  in  his  letter  to 
Lord  Clarendon,^  says,  that  his  chief 
reason  for  refusing  the  promotion,  was 
the  hope  that  he  should  more  effectually 
advance  the  cause  of  peace,  by  retain- 
ing a  station  where  his  arguments  in 
favour  of  episcopacy  could  be  liable  to 
none  of  those  suspicions  to  which  they 
must  be  exposed,  were  he  himself  ex- 
alted into  the  office  for  which  he  be- 
came the  advocate. 

§067.  (a.  D.  10(51.)  In  compliance 
with  the  last  clause  in  the  declaration 
of  the  king,  a  commission  consisting  of 
twelve  bishops  and  twelve  noncon- 
formist divines  was  appointed,  (March 
25th,)  to  whom  nine  of  each  party  were 
joined,  in  order  to  supply  the  places 
of  those  who  might  be  prevented  from 
attending.    They"   are   instructed  to 


'  Baxter's  Life,  281. 

'  Other  prelcrments  were  at  the  same  tirric  of- 
fered 10  several  ol  the  same  party.    Echard,  781. 

3  Baxter's  Life,  2R2. 

4  'I'he  whole  hisiory  of  this  conference  is  con- 
tained in  Baxter's  own  Life,  303 — 369,  and  the 
History  of  Nonconformity.  I  am  not  aware  of 
any  original  account  of  it  from  the  parly  of  the 
bishops.  There  are  some  observations  about  it 
in  Burnet's  Own  Time.  Tlie  commissioners 
were — 

A.  Frewen,  abp.  of  York. 

G.  Sheldon,  bp.  of  London. 
J.  Cosins,  bp.  of  Durham. 
J.  Warner,  bp.  of  Rochester. 

H.  King.  bp.  of  Chichester. 
H.  Ilinchman,  bp.  of  Saruin. 
G.  Morley,  bp.  of  Worcester. 
R.  Sanderson,  bp.  of  Lincoln. 

B.  Lany,  bp.  of  Peterborough. 
B.  Walton,  bp.  of  Chester. 
R.  Sterne,  bp.  of  Carlisle. 
J.  Gauden,  bp.  of  Exeter. 
Ed.  Reynolds,  bp.  of  Norwich. 
A.  Tuckney,  D.  D. 
J.  Conant,  D.  D. 
W.  Spurstow,  D.  D. 
J.  Wallis,  D.  D. 
Th.  Manlon,  D.  D. 


"review  the  Common  Prayer,' and  to 
make  such  alterations  therein  as  shall 
be  thought  most  necessary  ;  and  some 
additional  forms  in  the  Scripture  phrase 
as  near  as  might  be  suited  to  the  na- 
ture of  the  several  parts  of  worship," — 
"comparing  the  same  with  the  most 
ancient  liturgies  which  have  been  used 
in  the  church,  in  the  primitive  and 
purest  times."  "  To  take  into  serious 
consideration  the  several  directions, 
rules,  and  forms  of  prayer,  and  things 
in  the  said  book  of  Common  Prayer 
contained,  and  to  advise  and  consult 
upon  and  about  the  same,  and  the  se- 
veral objections  and  exceptions  which 
shall  now  be  raised  against  the  same  ; 
and  if  occasion  be,  to  make  such  rea- 
sonable and  necessary  alterations,  cor- 
rections, and  amendments  therein,  as 
shall  be  agreed  upon  to  be  needful  and 
expedient  for  the  giving  satisfaction 
unto  tender  consciences,  and  the  re- 
storing and  continuance  of  peace  and 
unity  in  the  churches  under  our  pro- 
tection and  government.  But  avoiding, 
as  much  as  may  be,  all  unnecessary 
alterations  of  the  forms  and  Liturgy 
wherewith  the  people  are  already  ac- 
quainted, and  have  so  long  received  in 
the  church  of  England." 

Their  place  of  assembling  was  ap- 
pointed to  be  the  lodgings  of  the  bishop 
of  London  in  the  Savoy,  and  the  com- 
mission was  to  continue  in  force  for  four 
calendar  months,  till  the  25th  of  July. 

§668.  Their  first  meeting  did  not  tako 


Edm.  Calamy,  B.  D. 
R.  Baxter,  Clerk. 
A.  Jackson. 
Th.  Case. 
Sam.  Clarke. 
M.  Newcomen. 
The  Supernumeraries  were — 
J.  Earle,  dean  of  Westminster. 
P.  Heylin,  D.  D. 
J.  Racket,  D.  D. 
J.  Barwick,  D.  D. 
P.  Gunning,  D.  D. 
J.  Pierson,  D.  D. 
Th.  Pierce,  D  D. 

A.  Sparrow,  D.  D. 
H  Thorndike,  D.  D. 
'I'h.  Horton,  D.  D. 
Th.  Jacomb,  D.  D. 
W.  Bates. 

J.  Rawlinson. 
W.  Cooper. 
J.  Lightfoot,  D.  D. 
J.  Collins. 

B.  Woodbridge. 
R.  Drake. 

6  Baxter's  Life,  304. 

Y 


251 


HISTORY  OF  TiHE 


[Chap.  XV. 


place  till  April  15th,  and  then  Sheldon, 
bishop  of  London,  informed  his  oppo- 
nents, that  as  the  bishops  had  no  wish 
for  any  alteration,  the  first  step  must  be 
a  statt;ment  in  writing,  on  the  part  of 
the  nonconformists,  of  all  which  they 
desired  might  be  altered  or  inserted. 
This  proposal  was  contrary  to  their 
wibhes  and  expectations,  since  they 
ho|)ed  by  mutual  communication  to  dis- 
cover how  far  concessions  might  be 
practicable  ;  but  was  peremptorily  in- 
sisted on  by  the  bishop,  who  declared 
that  nothing  could  be  done  till  all  the 
exceptions,  alterations,  and  additions 
were  brought  in  at  once.  This  step 
was  likely  to  produce  differences  of 
opinion  among  the  nonconformists  them- 
selves, and  to  frighten  the  bishops  into 
rejecting  every  proposal,  when  they 
beheld  the  extent  of  what  was  required 
to  bu  changed  :  and  it  may  be  pre- 
sumed' to  have  been  adopted  by  the 
bishops  for  this  very  purpose,  as  it  is 
hardly  consistent  with  the  instructions 
of  the  commission.  Nor  must  it  be  for- 
gotten, that  three  weeks  had  been  lost 
between  the  date  of  the  cojnmission  and 
ihv  first  meeting  ;  a  delay  which  could 
hardly  have  been  accidental.  The  office 
of  drawing  up  the  additional  forms  was 
assigned  to  Baxter,  who  had  been  most 
anxious  on  this  point,  and  the  statement 
of  the  objections  to  the  Common  Prayer 
was  intrusted  to  a  committee  ;  but  Bax- 
ter was  i^o  much  more  rapid  in  his  pro- 
ceedings, that  he  not  only  composed  a 
form  of  prayer  of  very  considerable 
length,  but  brought  in  a  table  of  objec- 
tions almost  as  large  as  that  of  the  com- 
mittee. 

§  (569.  It  will  not  be  easy  to  assign 
any  good  excuse  or  reason  why  Baxter 
should  frame  a  form  of  prayer  entirely 
new.  when  the  commission  only  ex- 
tended to  some  additional  forms;  he 
could  hardly  be  foolish  enough  to  sup- 
pose that  the  bishops  would  adopt  it, 
while  the  mere  act  of  offering  it  could 
not  fail  to  irritate  them.  He  himself 
says,"  that  he  wished  to  leave  a  standing 
witness  to  posterity  that  he  and  his 
friends  were  not  adverse  to  a  settled 
form;  and  as  the  composition  was  his 
own,  he  was  probably  induced  to  think 


'  Burnet's  Own  Time.i.  309. 
2  Life,  306. 


more  highly  of  the  work  than  it  de- 
served.-' The  method  which  he  pur- 
sued in  its  composition,  was  to  follow 
the  general  plan  of  the  Lord's  Prayer 
and  the  Ten  Commandments  ;  nor  can 
it  be  denied  that  it  is  an  extraordinary 
production,  considering  the  time  he  was 
occupied  about  it,  which  did  not  exceed 
a  fortnight.  It  abounds  in  a  copious 
and  flowing  style,  full  of  Scripture  me- 
taphors ;  but  to  those  who  love  the  close 
and  simple  forms  of  the  services  of  our 
church,  and  their  correspondence  with 
the  brief  and  distinct  petitions  which  we 
meet  with  in  Scripture,  it  will  appear 
to  be  by  no  means  free  from  the  worst 
of  faults,  that  of  preserving  the  phraseo- 
logy of  the  Bible,  and  applying  it  in  an 
indefinite  and  perplexed  manner,  which 
to  an  educated  man  of  a  poetical  turn 
may  prove  edifying,  but  must  be  ge- 
nerally unintelligible  to  the  mass  of  any 
congregation.'' 

§  (570.  Upon  consideration,  it  was 
thought  more  prudent  to  send  in  the 
objections  to  the  Common  Prayer,  be- 
fore this  document  was  offered,  and 
they  were  delivered  on  the  fourth  of 
May :  and  this  liturgy,-^  when  it  had 
been  subjected  to  the  examination  of 
the  committee,  and  undergone  some 
trifling  alterations,  was  presented  to  the 
bishops,  and  accompanied  with  an  ad- 
dress which  bore  the  title  of  a  petition 
for  peace,  a  denomination  which  it  ill 

^  He  says,  (Life.  335,)  when  speaking  of  an  ob- 
jcclion  raised  nsjainsl  giaiinng  ihe  niinisler  leave 

10  pray  "in  ilieso  words."  "or  to  this  sense," 
which  is  always  ihc  case  in  iliis  form,  that  if  ihis 
clause,  "  or  lo  lliis  sense,"  had  been  dashed  out, 

11  had  been  beyond  exception.  And  again  :  "  They 
(i.  e.  the  nonconiorniists)  ofi'er  also  such  forms  as 
more  unquestionable  (ilian  the  Common  Prayer,) 
as  to  iheir  congruity  to  ilie  word  oi  tJod,  and  lo 
the  natur  e  of  the  several  parts  of  worship."  (Hist. 
Nonconfovmiiy.  201.)  It  is  priii'.ed  in  the  History 
of  Nonconformity,  52,  &c. 

Among  many  other  objectionable  points  it  may 
j  be  remarked,  that  the  conie.'-sion  runs  into  parli- 
I  culars  which  could  hardly  ever  apply  to  the  nia- 
'jority  of  those  present.    The  following  metaphors 
are  introdu'-ed ;  "  Justice  may  run  down  as  water. 
'  and  righteousness  as  a  mighty  stream."    "  Oh, 
j  habitaiion  of  justice  and  mountain  of  holiness!'" 
In  the  directions  about  the  sermons,  it  is  ordered, 
that  the  preacher  shall  speak  "from  faith  and 
holy  experience  in  himselt,"  "  with  convincing 
evidence  and  persuading  importunity;"  objects 
wliich,  however  desirable,  arc  hardly  attainable 
by  means  of  a  rubric.    He  calls  a  godlaiher,  not  a 
:  sponsor,  but  a  proparent.    Surely  a  man  must  be 
j  very  ignorant  of  human  nature,  or  very  perverse, 
I  who  attempts  lo  reconcile  high-churchmen  bj" 
]  these  means. 
1    5  Life,  334. 


Chap.  XV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


355 


deserved.  It  was  drawn  up  by  Baxter, 
and  read  aloud  to  the  bishops,  who,  ac- 
cording to  his  own  observation  about  it, 
would  never  have  yielded  to  this  pro- 
posal, liad  they  all  known  how  long  and 
how  ungrateful  its  contents  were.  It  is 
drawn  up  in  a  strong  and  nervous  style' 
of  oratory,  which,  while  it  advises  mo- 
deration, seems  rather  to  threaten  those 
who  neglect  it  than  to  pray  for  it.  His 
argument  is,  that  liis  brethren  dare  not 
conform  about  things  which  they  esteem 
far  from  indifferent,  for  fear  of  God's 
wrath.  He  talks  of  their  tenderness 
for  the  honour  of  Christ,  speaks  of  the 
unmerciful  impositions  of  the  bishops, 
even  if  that  for  which  they  stood  were 
.of  God,  and  urges  them,  instead  of 
pressing  conformity  because  it  was  law, 
to  join  with  the  nonconformists  in  pe- 
titioning the  king  and  parliament  that 
it  might  be  no  longer  law.  He  reminds 
them  of  the  number  of  ministers  who 
must  suffer,  of  people  who  must  grieve 
even  for  their  souls,  because  their 
teachers  could  not  submit  to  the  burden 
of  re-ordination,  subscription,  and  the 
ceremonies  ;  and  appeals  to  their  readi- 
ness to  suffer  in  their  worldly  interests, 
as  a  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  their  pro- 
fessions. These  arguments  would  be 
irresistible,  if  there  were  no  such  feeling 
as  that  of  prejudice  in  the  world  ;  but 
surely  the  nonconformists  might  fairly 
have  questioned  whether  their  own  zeal 
for  changing  what  was  established  in 
the  church  were  quite  free  from  evil 
motives.  Men's  passions  often  carry 
them  against  their  interests.  The  di- 
lemma to  which  they  would  reduce  the 
bishops  would  turn  with  equal  force 
against  themselves  ;  for  if  they  would 
but  comply  with  the  orders  of  the  church, 
which  had  been  no  new  imposition,  they 
might  avoid  all  these  evils;  and  the 
bishops  might  say  with  equal  truth,  that 
they  dared  not  innovate.  The  great 
evil,  however,  of  the  address  was,  that 
he  who  wrote  the  petition  for  peace  did 
not  try  to  conciliate. 

§  ()71.  The  objections  raised  against 
the  Common  Prayer^  are  so  numerous, 
and  many  of  themof  so  little  importance, 
that  it  would  but  weary  the  reader  to 
state  them  at  length,  while  it  is  difficult 

'  Hist,  of  Nonoonformitv.  27. 
2  Baxter's  Life,  316.    Hist,  of  Nonconformity, 
152 


to  classify  or  abridge  them  without 
omitting  something  which  may  be 
thought  important.  They  premise  that 
it  is  desirable  that  no  matter  of  mere 
opinion  be  left  in  a  general  formulary, 
for  fear  of  causing  divisions  ;  and  re- 
quest that,  as  the  Prayer  Book  was 
originally  framed  with  a  view  of  com- 
prehending the  Roman  Catholics,  it 
may  now  be  altered  so  as  to  satisfy 
those  who  differ  only  with  regard  to 
ceremonies.  On  this  point  they  re- 
quested that  the  use  of  the  surplice,  of 
the  cross  in  baptism,  of  kneeling  at  the 
sacrament,  of  the  ring  in  marriage,  as 
well  as  all  subscriptions  about  them, 
might  be  left  indifferent ;  and  that  the 
rubric  concerning  the  dresses  might  be 
omitted  ;  that  the  observance  of  saints' 
days  might  be  optional ;  and  that  such 
expressions  as  implied  any  propriety 
of  fasting  in  Lent  might  be  erased. 

Under  the  second  head  we  must  ar- 
range such  points  as  bear  indirectly  on 
discipline  ;  and  here,  with  regard  to  the 
Lord's  supper,  they  wished  that  the 
comruiinicants  should  be  required  to 
give  longer  previous  notice  of  their 
intention  of  receiving ;  and  that  none 
should  be  admitted  to  the  table,  who 
did  not  make  a  public  profession  of 
faith  and  obedience  ;  and  that,  in  order 
to  give  time  for  this,  the  exhortations 
should  be  read  on  the  Sunday  before, 
and  not  at  the  time  of  celebration.' 
That  the  rubric,  instead  of  enjoining 
every  one  to  receive  three  times  in  the 
year,  should  direct  that  the  celebration 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  should  take  place 
at  least  so  often  ;  that  the  rubric  about 
transubslantiation  should  be  restored; 
and  that,  in  the  visitation  of  the  sick, 
the  curate  should  be  left  at  liberty  to 
adniinister  or  refuse  the  Lord's  Supper, 
according  to  his  discretion. 

In  baptism,  they  requested  not  only 
that  a  longer  previous  notice  should  be 
required,  but  that  no  minister  should  be 
forced  to  baptize  the  children  of  atheists, 
infidels,  heretics,  or  unbaptized  persons, 
nor  of  those  who  were  excommuni- 
cated, fornicators,  or  otherwise  noto- 
rious and  scandalous  sinners.  That 
godfathers  should  not  be  required,  but 

3  N.  B. — The  admnnilion  which  is  now  read 
on  the  Sunday  hefiire.  wa?,  lill  ihe  hint  review, 
read  in  the  service  itself:  this  point  was  changed 
in  consequence  of  the  objections  now  raised. 


256 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  XV. 


that  parents,  or  proparents,  should 
make  the  answers  in  their  own  names. 

That  such  expressions  in  the  services 
as  seemed  to  imply  that  all  the  congre- 
gation  are  regenerated  or  converted 
should  be  changed,  as  well  as  the  rubric 
which  asserts  the  undoubted  salvation 
of  all  baptized  children  dying  before 
the  commission  of  sin.'  That  in  Con- 
firma'ion  the  children  should  not  be 
admitted  without  the  consent  of  the 
minister;  that  the  expressions  in  the 
Burial  of  the  Dead,  and  the  Churching 
of  Women,  which  cannot  properly  be 
used  of  every  individual,  should  be 
altered  to  more  general  terms. 

In  remodelling  the  Prayer  Book,  as 
a  form  of  public  devotions,  they  re- 
quested that,  in  order  to  give  a  unity  to 
the  whole,  the  frequent  breaks  and  in- 
terruptions might  be  omitted.  That 
the  Litany,  for  instance,  instead  of  be- 
ing composed  of  many  separate  peti- 
tions, might  be  consolidated  into  one 
long  prayer,  and  that  the  same  plan 
might  be  adopted  with  regard  to  other 
collects  and  prayers,  and  in  reading  the 
commandments  ;  by  doing  which  many 
repetitions,  which  occur  in  the  services, 
might  be  avoided,  particularly  the  fre- 
quent use  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the 
Gloria  Patri,  &c.  It  was  desired  that 
greater  liberty  of  altering  the  prayers, 
and  of  introducing  even  his  own,  might 
be  conceded  to  the  officiating  minister  ; 
and,  besides  numerous  verbal  emenda- 
tions, that  the  new  translation  of  the 
Bible  might  be  adopted  in  the  texts 
quoted  in  the  Prayer  Book,  and  that 
none  of  the  Apocrypha  might  be  read 
as  lessons. 

§  672.  After  some  time,  the  bishops 
sent  in  an  answer^  to  the  nonconform- 


'  It  is  curious  that  this  rubric  was  originally 
placed  as  a  part  of  the  service  for  Confirmation, 
to  prevent  people  from  esteeming  baptism  incom- 
plete without  that  rite.  "  That  no  man  shall 
think  that  any  detriment  shall  come  to  the  child- 
ren by  deferring  their  confirmation."  This  ob- 
ject is  not  now  answered,  while  the  expression, 
"certain  by  God's  word,"  might  as  well  as  not 
be  applied  to  a  proposition  which,  however  true, 
must  be  proved  by  reasoning  on  the  analogy  of 
God's  dispensations,  and  not  from  any  one  or 
more  texts  of  Scripture,  adduced  directly  in  its 
confirmation.  Baxter's  (Life,  428)  observation  on 
it  is,  "  It  is  strange  that  when  infant  baptism  it- 
self is  commonly  said  by  these  men  to  be  a  tradi- 
tion, and  not  commanded  or  found  in  Scripture, 
that  yet  they  find  it  certain  by  the  word  of  God, 
that  baptized  infants  are  saved." 

2  I  jfm  not  aware  that  this  answer  of  the  bishops 


I  ists,  in  which  they  observe  that  the 
most  effectual  method  of  showing  gra- 
titude to  the  king  would  be  to  comply 
with  his  wishes  in  conforming  to  the 
Liturgy,  a  step  which  at  the  same  time 
would  be  most  likely  to  promote  the 
peace  of  the  church.  That  humility 
on  the  part  of  the  governed  would  in- 
duce them  to  respect  their  rulers,  by 
obeying  what  was  ordered  ;  while  to 
pretend  to  scruples,  without  proving 
the  points  at  issue  to  be  unlawful,  was 
virtually  to  destroy  all  law  ;  and  that 
if  scruples  were  to  be  consulted,  those 
of  the  conformists  ought  not  to  be  dis- 
regarded, who  would  justly  be  offended 
at  unnecessary  alterations.  That  the 
Prayer  Book  had  been  drawn  up  with 
great  care,  and  nothing  introduced  into 
it  which  might  not  be  proved  to  he 
taken  from  the  word  of  God,  or  the 
practice  of  the  primitive  church  ;  that 
if  any  thing  of  this  sort  could  be  pointed 
out,  the  bishops  themselves  wished  to 
see  it  changed  ;  but  that  it  could  not 
be  necessary  to  make  innovations  for 
the  sake  of  satisfying  those  who  were 
themselves  the  cause  that  the  services 
were  disliked.  That  there  m.ust  be 
some  general  rule  with  regard  to  cere- 
monies, in  which,  except  under  peculiar 
circumstances,  the  majority  of  any  so- 
ciety must  be  bound  to  obey  the  judg- 
ment and  decisions  of  their  superiors, 
since  offence  unnecessarily  taken  by  a 
weak  brother  could  be  no  reason  for 
abrogating  the  general  law  of  God, 
which  established  the  duty  of  subordi- 
nation ;  that  the  ceremonies  alluded  to 
were  in  themselves  ancient  and  unob- 
jectionable, and  that  the  observance  of 
Lent,  and  the  saints'  days,  had  been  a 
universal  practice  in  the  church,  and 
ought  not  now  to  be  rejected. 

In  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  bishops 
seem  to  have  been  ready  to  grant  so 
much  as  would  allow  the  curate  more 
time  for  admonition,  and  to  have  quietly 
passed  over  the  rest.  They  abate  no- 
thing of  the  rubric  concerning  receiv- 
ing three  times  in  the  year,  and  urge 
the  ministers  to  try  to  prevent  the  un- 
fitness of  the  communicants  by  their 


is  anywhere  printed  at  length.  I  believe  the 
whole  of  it  is  quoted  by  Baxter,  as  he  answers  if : 
(Hist.  Nonconformity,  187,  dec.:)  from  whence  I 
have  taken  it.  A  copious  abslract  is  given  by 
ColUer,  ii.  871). 


Chap.  XV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


257 


own  exertions.  They  add,  that  in  bap- 
tism too  much  power  ought  not  to  be 
left  in  the  hands  of  the  curate,  lest  he 
might  use  it  uncharitably  towards  the 
children,  whose  right  to  baptism  does 
not  depend  merely  on  their  parents : 
that  the  use  of  godfathers'  is  ancient, 
and  need  not  be  laid  aside. 

That  the  use  of  the  term  regenera- 
tion'-  is  according  to  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
and  since  the  child  can  do  nothing  to 
hinder  the  efficacy  of  the  sacrament,  it 
is  charitably  to  be  presumed  that  the 
baptism  is  efTectual.  That  in  speaking 
of  others  who  are  not  notorious  offend- 
ers, (for  these  indeed  are  already  ex- 
cluded,) charily  denominates  them  such 
as  they  ought  to  be.  That,  in  confirma- 
tion, the  consent  of  the  minister  is  very 
proper,  but  still  ought  not  to  tie  down 
the  hands  of  the  bishop,  in  case  he 
sees  fit  to  administer  the  rite  without  it. 

That  the  responses,  which  are  ob- 
jected to  as  interruptions,  are  very 
useful  in  keeping  up  the  attention  and 
exciting  the  devotion  of  the  congrega- 
tion, and  consistent  with  the  practice 
of  the  early  Christian  and  Jewish 
churches.  That  the  connection  of  the 
prayers  seems  to  be  good,  and  that 
there  is  no  reason  why  the  different 
attributes  of  God  should  not  be  brought 
in  before  particular  petitions,  each  end- 
ing with  an  address  through  the  merits 
and  mediation  of  Christ.  That  the 
Gloria  Patri,  as  a  short  confession  of 
the  Trinity,  cannot  be  a  burden  to  any 
Liturgy,  and  that  the  Lord's  Prayer 
occurs  nowhere  above  twice  in  the 
same  service.  That  the  concession  of 
greater  liberty  to  the  officiating  minister 
would  destroy  the  very  object  of  a  set 


'  It  may  be  observed  that  the  nonconformists 
are  probably  nearer  to  the  custom  of  the  primi- 
tive church,  in  their  requests,  than  the  present 
rubric.    See  Bingham's  Ant.  Inde.'i,  Spon.sors. 

2  It  is  unfortunate  that  sufficient  attention  has 
not  been  paid  to  the  different  senses  of  tiiis  word. 
If  individuals  assign  to  it  a  secondarv  meaning,  in 
which  it  was  not  intended  to  be  used  in  the  bap- 
tismal service,  their  objections  to  this  service  are 
due  to  themselves.  Probably  no  sincere  member 
of  the  church  of  England  ever  thought  that  all 
baptized  persons  were  living  under  the  influence 
of  the  Spirit  of  God,  or  that  the  mind  of  any  one 
could  be  effectually  turned  to  God,  except  through 
the  operation  of  the  Holy  Ghost ;  and  when  this 
is  laid  down,  there  is  no  great  theoretical  differ- 
ence between  those  who  disagree  on  this  point. 
The  collect  for  Christmas  day  is  the  best  com- 
ment on  our  baptiamal  service  as  to  this  particular. 
33 


form  of  prayer.  That  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  exclude  the  r'.'ading  of  the 
Apocrypha,  since  the  sufficiency  of 
Scripture  does  not  supersede  the  neces- 
sity of  other  instructions,  as  of  ser- 
mons, &c. 

This  answer  is  terminated  by  a  list  of 
concessions,  which,  after  all,  are  not  con- 
siderable, and  will  be  noticed  in  the  His- 
tory of  the  Common  Prayer;^  but  it 
may  be  remarked,  that  three  of  these 
promised  alterations  were  never  intro- 
duced ;  viz.,  the  insertion  of  the  whole 
of  the  preface  to  the  Ten  Command- 
ments in  the  communion  service,  "  I  am 
the  Lord  thy  God  who  brought  thee  out 
of  the  land  of  Egypt,"  &c. ;  in  the  mar- 
riage service,  the  change  of  the  word, 
"  with  my  body  I  thee  worship,"  into 
"I  thee  honour;"  and  in  the  burial  ser- 
vice, the  omission  of  the  epithets  "sure 
and  certain"  hope  ;  the  two  last  of  which 
seem  to  be  desirable,  nor  am  I  acquainted 
with  any  reason  why  they  were  not  ef- 
fected. 

§  673.  To  this  answer  of  the  bishops, 
the  other  party  sent  in  a  long  reply,* 
containing  the  chief  arguments  which 
may  be  adduced  on  the  several  topics, 
but  drawn  up  in  so  violent  a  tone,  that 
it  could  only  tend  to  widen  a  breach 
which  was  already  too  large. ^  When 
this  paper  was  presented"  to  the  bishops, 

3  ^  749,  6.  I  Hist,  of  Nonconf.  183,  &c. 

=  The  preface  was  written  by  Calamy,  and 
states  the  points  in  which  the  bishops  had  not 
made  any  concessions.  (Baxter's  Life,  335.)  The 
answer  itself  was  composed  by  Baxier,  but  is  too 
long,  and  enters  too  much  into  detail  to  admit  of 
any  abridgment  which  shall  convey  an  adequate 
idea  of  its  contents.  It  lakes  up  one  hundred  and 
(briy-tvvo  closely  printed  8vo.  pages:  he  calls  it  a 
plain  answer — it  is,  alas,  far  too  plain  to  do  any 
good.  He  says  (Hist.  Nonconf  198)  in  it,  "Love 
and  tenderness  are  not  used  to  express  themselves 
by  hurting  and  destroying  men  for  nothing :"  "  we 
force  not  all  to  use  spectacles  or  crutches,  (Ibid. 
"233.)  because  some  are  purblind  or  lame."  He 
calls  the  Common  Prayer  "a  do.se  of  opium, 
(Ibid.  213,)  which  is  likely  to  cure  the  disease  of 
divisions  by  extinguishing  life,  and  uniting  all  in  a 
dead  religion."  He  says,  "  Take  all  the  world 
for  saints,  (Ibid.  316,)  and  use  them  accordingly, 
and  blot  out  the  doctrine  of  reproof,  excommuni- 
cation, and  damnation  from  your  Bible."  It  is 
impossible  that  he  could  have  even  hoped  for  good 
from  such  expressions.  He  adds,  "  You  are  all 
(Ibid.  323)  unacquainted  with  the  subject  of  which 
you  speak."  "  The  world  (Ibid.  321)  will  see  that 
indeed  we  differ  in  greater  things  than  ceremonies 
and  forms  of  prayer."  "  All  tends  to  take  away 
the  difference  (Ibid.  325)  between  the  precious  and 
vile,  between  those  that  fear  God,  and  that  fear 
him  not." 

«  Ba.\ter's  Life,  335. 

y2 


258 

Baxter  observed,  that  they  seemed  of- 
fended at  its  length  ;  and  as  he  suspected 
that  no  one,  except  those  who  were  com- 
missioned to  answer  the  papers,  ever 
read  them,  he  strong-ly  urged  that  the 
few  remaining  days  might  be  employed 
in  friendly  disputations.  When  this 
point  was  conceded,  he  tried  to  induce 
his  opponents  to  state  their  objections  to 
his  own  form  of  Liturgy,  but  could  not 
obtain  his  request ;  for  the  bishops  main- 
tained their  vantage  ground,  and  desired 
that  they  might  see  the  necessity  of  any 
alteration  clearly  established,  before  they 
proceeded  to  discussions  as  to  the  nature 
of  them.  This  disputation  was  com- 
mitted to  Drs.  Pierson,  Gunning,  and 
Sparrow,  against  Bates,  Jacomb,  and 
Baxter ;  but  the  proceedings  were  car- 
ried on  with  so  much  confusion,  that  no 
good  result  could  be  expected  from  it. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  debate  Bishop 
Cosins  brought  forward  a  proposal  as 
coming  from  some  considerable  person, 
by  which  an  end  might  be  put  to  the 
dispute,  if  the  nonconformists  would 
state  what  they  considered  to  be  "  sinful" 
in  the  Common  Prayer,  and  what  they 
deemed  "  expedient  to  be  altered."  To 
this  proposal  Baxter  presently  sent  in  an 
answer,  wherein  he  mentioned  eight 
particulars  as  sinful.* 

1.  That  no  minister  might  be  admitted 
•o  baptize  without  using  the  cross. 

2.  Or  to  exercise  any  office,  if  he  dare 
not  wear  a  surplice. 

3.  That  none  be  admitted  to  the  com- 
munion, that  dare  not  kneel. 

4.  That  ministers  are  forced  to  pro- 
nounce all  baptized  infants  regenerate. 

5.  To  administer  the  Lord's  Supper 
to  unfit  persons,  and  they  forced  to  re- 
ceive it. 

6.  To  absolve  the  unfit  in  absolute 
terms. 

7.  To  give  thanks  for  all  whom  they 
bury,  "  as  brethren  whom  God  has  de- 
livered and  taken  to  himself." 

8.  That  none  may  preach  without  sub- 
scribing a  declaration,  that  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  and  Articles  containeth 
in  it  nothing  contrary  to  the  word  of 
God. 

There  were,  indeed,  two  more,  whic"h 
he  omitted  at  the  request  of  his  col- 
leagues :  the  imposition  of  the  Liturgy, 


<  Baxter's  Life,  34 1,  &c. 


[Chap.  XT. 

and  the  subscription  of  canonical  obe- 
dience. 

§  ()74.  This  step  naturally  oflTended 
the  bishops,  who  justly  reasoned,  that  if 
the  thing  imposed  were  not  in  itself 
contrary  to  the  word  of  God,  the  impo- 
sition of  it  could  hardly  be  sinful,  how- 
ever inexpedient  an  individual  might 
esteem  it.  The  disputation  was  subse- 
quently carried  on  in  a  syllogistic  form, 
and  the  only  point  clearly  demonstrated 
seems  to  be,  the  absurdity  of  expecting 
to  settle  difll'rences  of  opinion  by  such 
a  metnod.  Baxter  appears  to  have  been 
far  too  metaphysical  in  his  distinctions; 
and  though  the  fault,  in  a  great  measure, 
lies  in  the  attempt  itself,-'  yet  his  perti- 
nacious denial  of  what  to  most  men  must 
appear  to  be  true,  will  induce  us,  per- 
haps, to  believe  that  he  mistrusted  his 
own  conviction  of  the  sinfulness  of  the 
impositions. 

Through  these  numerous  delays, 
which  were  perhaps  created  on  purpose 
by  the  episcopal  party,  and  certainly 
much  augmented  by  the  temper  \vitb 
which  Baxter  carried  on  his  part  of  the 
dispute,  the  time  which  was  assigned 
for  the  conference  had  expired,  and  all 
that  was  effected  was,  that  the  bishops 
had  consented  to  some  unimportant  al- 
terations ;  the  nonconformists  had  shown 
what  they  wished  for,  in  the  modification 
of  the  church  ;  and  both  parties  had  be- 
come exasperated  against  each  other. 

§  675.  After  the  termination  of  the 
conference,  the  nonconformist  divines' 
waited  on  the  lord  chancellor,  who  ad- 
vised them  to  draw  up  an  address  to  his 
majesty,  containing  an  account  of  all 
that  had  taken  place,  and  requested  that 
he  might  himself  first  see  it.  He  seems 
to  have  been  most  offended  with  Baxter, 
and  to  have  thought  that  if  he  had  urged 
his  proposals  Avith  temper,  and  a  spirit 
of  conciliation,  all  might  have  been  well.* 
And,  indeed,  Baxter  appears  throughout 
the  whole  transaction  to  have  given  up 
the  hope,  and  with  it,  perhaps,  almost 
the  wish,  of  reconciling  the  two  parties. 
He  earnestly  desired  peace,  but  it  was 
only  on  his  own  terms,  and  he  would 


2  Walton's  Life  of  Sanderson ;  Wordsworth's 
Ecc.  Biog.  V.  529,  &c. 

3  Baxter's  Life,  364. 

Lord  Clarendon  observed  that  if  Baxter  had 
been  as  fat  as  Dr.  Manton,  all  might  have  gone  on 
well.    Baxter's  Lift,  364. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Chap.  XV.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


concede  nothing  to  his  opponents.  With 
this  feelinij,  it  soon  became  his  object  to 
render  the  dispute,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world,  as  favourable  as  possible  to  his 
own  party,  and  to  leave  a  clear  testi- 
mony to  posterity,'  that  the  bishops  had 
rejected  that  which,  in  his  opinion,  was 
essential  to  Christianity.  He  readily 
put  himself  forward  in  the  contest,  with 
the  view  of  screening  his  brethren  from 
the  animosity  of  the  bishops,  and  es- 
teemed it  a  cause  for  which  he  could 
comfortably  suffer,  being  no  less  dis- 
posed to  become  a  willing  martyr  in  the 
cause  of  charity  than  he  would  have 
been  in  that  of  faith,  had  he  been  called 
to  the  trial.  One  cannot  but  admire  the 
heroic  temper  of  such  a  man,  but  we 
must  be  very  cautious  not  to  mis'take  all 
these  feelings  for  pure  Christianity.  In 
this  case,  they  were  doubtless  mixed  up 
with  much  which  was  Christian  ;  but 
Baxter  never  once  thought  of  sacrificing 
in  the  cause  of  Christ  that  which  a  good 
man  values  most  highly  of  any  thing  in 
this  world,  the  good  opinion  of  his  own 
party,  and  the  admiration  of  his  friends 
had  he  yielded  all  that  in  his  conscience 
he  could  yield,  the  more  violent  mem- 
bers of  his  party  would  perhaps  have 
counted  him  a  traitor  to  their  cause,  but 
the  peace  of  the  church  of  England 
would  probably  have  been  promoted, 
and  the  service  of  real  religion  have 
been  advanced. 

§  ()7o.  When  we  view  the  whole  ques- 
tion, at  this  distance  of  time,  it  is  impos- 
sible not  to  wish^  that  several  concessions 


■  •  Baxter's  Life,  306. 

^(Seldcn's  'I'alile  Talk.  "Changing  Sides," 
^4.)  "When  the  pope  offered  Luther  any  pre- 
ferment in  tiic  church  which  he  ohose  to  have, 
Luther  answered,  il  ho  liad  olFered  half  as  much 
at  lirsl  lie  would  have  accepted  it ;  hut  now  he 
had  gone  so  flir  he  could  not  come  hack.  In  truth, 
he  had  m  ule  himself  a  grca'er  thing  than  they 
couid  make  him  :  the  German  princes  courted 
him  ;  he  was  to  hecome  the  author  ofa  .sect,  ever 
after  to  be  called  Lutherans.  So  have  our 
preachers  done  that  are  against  the  bishops;  they 
nave  made  themselves  greaier  with  the  people 
than  ihcy  {'an  be  I7iade  the  oilier  way." 

'  If  the  whole  services  had  been  shortened  ;  the 
morning  service  so  arranged,  by  a  new  rubric,  per- 
liaps,  that  there  might  have  been  more  unity  in 
the  various  parts  of  which  it  was  eoinpi>scd,  and 
repeiiiions  had  been  thus  avoided,  particularly  with 
regard  to  the  Lord's  Prayer; — if  there  had  been  a 
disiinet  invocation  for  the  aid  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
to  as.sist  our  prayers,  an  extension,  perhaps,  of  i  he 
latter  part  of  the  Ab.solution,  in  the  eomm"n''f>- 
ment  of  the  duly  of  the  day; — had  the  method  of 
distributing  the  elements  in  the  Lord's  Supper 


had  been  made,  on  points  which,  whiie 
they  affect  not  the  doctrine,  or  discipline, 
of  the  church,  have  been,  and  are,  offen- 
sive to  many  who  conscientiouslj'  adhere 
to  what  is  ordered  ;  and  Avhich,  had  they 
been  granted  at  the  period  of  which 
we  are  speaking,  might  probably  have 
tended  to  conciliation.  But  the  failure 
in  the  success  of  this  conference  must 
be  attributed  chiefly  to  Baxter.  He  wa3 
anxious  to  give  the  priest  a  negative 
power  over  his  bishop ;  that  there  should 
be  a  certain  number  of  elected  presby- 
ters, without  whom  the  bishop  should' 
not  be  allowed  to  perform  certain  offices. 
The  declaration  had  conceded  the  point, 
and  Baxter  wished  to  introduce  some- 
thing of  this  nature  into  the  rubric  ;  and 
he  was  not  contented  that  the  power  of 
the  priest  over  the  people  should  be  con- 
fined to  persuasive  government  alone  ; 
and  when  he  began  to  argue  on  the 
point  with  the  bishops,  he  became  warm, 
and  used  expressions  which  would  have 
been  more  wisely  avoided. 

§  077.  The  question  about  discipline 
is  one  of  opinion  ;  one  in  which  men 
may  arrive  at  very  different  conclusions 
without  adopting  very  discordant  prin- 
ciples. Discipline  is,  probably  best 
preserved  by  vesting  the  supreme  au- 
thority in  the  hands  of  the  immediate 
governors,  subject  only  to  an  appeal  to 
a  higher  tribunal  and  to  the  control  of 
public  opinion.  Discipline  is  different 
from  government.  The  object  of  dis- 
cipline is  to  make  the  body  subjected 
to  it  as  effective  as  possible;  of  govern- 
ment, to  render  the  members  governed 
as  free  and  happy  as  can  be  contrived. 
But  almost  every  body  of  men  partakes 
of  two  characters,  and  must  be  subjected' 
to  discipline  as  well  as  government.  A 
country  which  does  not  submit  to  both, 
will  soon  rind  itself  overpowered  by 
some  neighbouring  state  which '  has 
been  trained  to  combine  its  forces  and 


been  altered,  in  case  of  a  large  number  of  com- 
munieanis,  a  custom  which  many  clergymen 
have,  from  necessity,  been  forced  to  introduce; — 
had  the  godfathers  in  bap'ism  answered  in  their 
own  names,  or  had  a  rubric  been  inserted,  explain- 
ing the  iiaiure  of  the  promises  which  Ihoy  make; 
— had  Ihe  words,  "  wiih  my  body  I  thee  worship," 
"  in  sure  and  certain  hope  ;"  and,  "  il  is  certain 
from  (rod's  word,"  in  ilie  several  services,  been 
changed; — had  the  reading  the  Apocrypha  been 
disconiitmed,  and  I  he  tallies  of  lessons  new  Iramed ; 
ihe  Prayer  Book  would  probably  have  been 
equally  edifying,  and  less  liable  to  objections. 


S60 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XV. 


*  to  be  directed  m  its  operations  by  dis- 
cipline. And  no  one  in  England  can 
help  feeling  that  discipline  should  never 
be  separated  from  the  principles  of 
government ;  that  every  member  of 
even  the  army  or  navy,  when  subjected 
to  a  court  martial,  is  still  an  English- 
man, to  whom  the  laws  of  mere  disci- 
pline cannot  be  applied  strictly  without 
injustice. 

From  the  connection  between  church 
and  state  which  exists  in  this  country, 
the  discipline  of  the  church  of  England 
is  of  a  most  complicated  nature,  and 
can  hardly  be  regarded  as  either  disci- 
pline or  government,  but  must  be 
viewed  as  a  mixture  of  both.  The  dif- 
ferences between  those  who  advocate 
or  oppose  reformation  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  our  church,  chiefly  arise  from 
this  circumstance,  that  the  one  regard 
the  matter  as  a  question  of  discipline, 
the  other  as  purely  of  government. 
The  early  state  of  the  Christian  church 
required  discipline  rather  than  govern- 
ment;  and  the  difficulties  with  which 
they  were  surrounded  rendered  the 
preservation  of  discipline  among  Chris- 
tians of  a  given  society  comparatively 
-  easy.  Baxter's  idea  of  a  parish  was, 
that  the  members  of  it  should  be  under 
the  control  of  some  minister,  to  whom 
they  voluntarily  submitted,  and  perhaps 
some  of  the  opposite  party  might  have 
looked  upon  the  church  establishment  as 
simply  a  branch  of  the  body  politic  ; 
but  surely  it  is  to  regard  the  church  of 
England  very  superficially  to  confine 
our  notions  to  either  of  these  views. ^ 

§  678.  It  is  highly  desirable  that  the 
external  circumstances  of  a  clergyman 
should,  as  much  as  possible,  enable 
him  "constantly  to  speak  the  truth,  and 


'  If  the  right  of  presentation  to  a  hving  belong 
to  an  individual,  and  the  discipline  exercised  by  a 
bishop  wrongfully  deprive  the  clerk  presented  to  it 
of  his  freehold,  the  patron  receives  an  injury  for 
which  he  ought  to  have  a  remedy  from  the  civil 
court.  And  yet,  surely  the  bishop  ought  to  be 
guarded  in  the  e.xercise  of  his  discipline,  or  he  may 
be  prevented  from  doing  his  duty  conscientiously. 
The  adjustment  of  this  is  the  real  difficulty  with 
regard  to  discipline  over  the  clergy.  The  discipline 
over  the  laity  is  a  totally  different  question. 


1  boldly  to  rebuke  vice,"  without  his 
I  suffering  for  the  truth's  sake  ;  and  it 
cannot  be  imagined  that  any  inter- 
1  ference  of  the  bishop's  authority  at  all 
1  tends  to  prevent  this  freedom  of  action 
j  on  the  part  of  the  inferior  members  of 
the  church ;  and  it  may  fairly  be  ques- 
tioned whether  the  use  of  a  judicial 
power  vested  in  the  parish  priest  would 
advance  the  cause  of  vital  Christianity. 
As  far  as  the  hortative  influence  of  pri- 
vate admonition,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  it  was  then,  and  is  now,  open  to  a 
conscientious  minister  of  God's  word  to 
speak  the  most  unpleasant  truths  to 
any  erring  members  of  his  flock;  yet 
certainly  no  wise  government  will  in- 
vest a  spirittial  person  with  such  atithor- 
ity  as  will  be  likely  to  induce  him  to 
tyrannize  over  his  brethren.  The 
minister  of  the  gospel  possesses  an 
authority  which  is  not  derived  from 
man,  and  for  the  use  of  which  he  is  not 
accountable  to  the  civil  magistrate ; 
but  whenever  he  outsteps  the  limits  of 
spiritual  admonition,  he  will  probably 
injure  the  cause  of  religion.  If  any 
civil  disabilities  be  attached  to  ecclesi- 
astical censures,  of  the  wisdom  of  which 
there  is  much  doubt,  surely  it  is  more 
reasonable  to  confine  the  power  of  in- 
flicting these  censures  on  the  people,  to 
as  few  persons  as  possible,  and,  as  far 
as  can  be,  to  remove  it  from  the  pastor. 

§  679.  When  the  conference-  was 
over,  the  nonconformists  drew  up  a 
petition  to  the  king,  containing  a  brief 
statement  of  what  had  been  done,  and 
an  exposition  of  their  principles.  In 
this  they  declared,  that  if  the  civil 
magistrate  commanded  that  which  they 
believed  to  be  wrong  in  its  own  nature 
and  offensive  to  God,  it  became  their 
duty  to  examine  into  the  question  care- 
fully, and,  if  unconvinced,  to  suffer 
patiently  such  penalties  as  were  affixed 
to  disobedience.  This  document,  too, 
was  drawn  up  by  Baxter,  but  two  of  the 
most  vehement  passages  had  been  pre- 
viously erased  by  the  lord  chancellor 
and  the  earl  of  Manchester. 


2  Baxter's  Life,  366.   Hist,  of  Nonconf.  333. 


Chap.  XVI.l 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


361 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


CHARLES  II. 


FROM  THE  SAVOy  CONFERENCE  TO  THE  END  OF  THE  REIGN, 
1G61— 1685. 


701.  Convocation ;  the  last  subsidy  granted  by  ihe  clergy.  702.  Act  of  uniformity.  703.  Difficulties 
connected  with  church  property  at  a  resloraiion;  (^)  on  church  property.  704.  Observations  on 
the  act  of  uniformity.  705.  Treatment  of  the  nonconformist?.  106,  707.  Injustice  of  it.  703. 
Causes  of  passing  this  act.  709.  Charles  friendly  to  toleration.  710.  Ejection  of  the  nonconform- 
bls;  re-ordiiiaiion.  711.  Ejected  clergy  ;  Acts  of  Parliamenl.  712.  Corporation  and  test ;  select 
vestry  act.  713.  C'onvenlicle  act.  714.  Five-mile  act.  715.  Attempts  at  a  comprehension.  716. 
Effects  of  the  ill-treatment  of  the  nonconformists.  717.  'I'ho  nonconformists  not  to  be  e.xcused. 
718.  Letters  of  the  foreign  divines ;  evils  on  both  sides.  719.  Latitudinarians.  720.  Laws  against 
the  Roman  Catholics.  721.  Plots;  Oaies's.  7  22.  Dangcrtield'.«.  723.  Danger  of  the  introduction 
of  popery.  724.  The  commons  and  nonconformists  averse  to  toleration.  725.  E.xclusion  of  the 
Roman  Catholics  from  power.  726.  Policy  of  the  reign.  727.  Plague.  728.  Fire  of  London. 
729.  O.xford  decree.  730.  Lord  Clarendon;  his  policy,  character,  and  fate.  731.  Persecution. 
732.  Character  of  Charles.    733.  Immorality  arising  from  this  reign. 


§  701.  In  reviewing  the  history  of  the 
failure  of  the  Savoy  conference,  we 
must  certainly  attribute  it  more  to  the 
nature  of  the  discussion  itself  than  to 
any  fault  in  the  individuals  who  carried 
it  on.  When  men,  entertaining  opi- 
nions at  total  variance  with  each  other, 
meet  for  the  purpose  of  discussing 
them,  unless  they  are  possessed  of  ex- 
traordinary forbearance,  the  distance 
between  them  is  likely  to  be  increased 
rather  than  diminished.  The  only 
method,  under  such  circumstances, 
from  which  any  favourable  result  could 
rationally  be  expecte^,  would  be,  if  the 
more  moderate  persons  belonging  to 
the  ruling  party  were  selected,  who 
had  by  private  communication  gained 
an  insight  into  the  points  in  which 
alteration  was  chiefly  demanded,  and 
were  directed  by  their  commission,  and 
themselves  dis]iosed  to  concede  every 
thing  Avhich  might  be  given  up  with 
safety  to  the  constitution  of  the  church. 
Such  concessions  might  then  become 
acts  of  grace,  while  angry  irritation 
would  be  avoided :  and  if  unanimity 
could  hardly  be  hoped  for  even  from 
ihis  means,  yet  the  proceeding  would 
appear  likely  to  unite  the  more  mode- 
rate members  of  both  parties,  (the  only 
persons  whose  good  opinion  is  re'ally 
worth  cultivating,)  and  leave  the  whole 
blame  of  the  failure  on  those  who,  after 
all,  were  determined  to  continue  di- 
visions. Such,  however,  was  not  the 
policy  now  adopted. 

The  convocation  was  assembled'  on 

'  Synodus  Anglicana,  CO,  Appendix. 


May  8th,  1661,  and  its  chief  acts  con- 
sist in  a  review  and  alteration  of  the 
Common  Prayer  Book,  of  which  an  ac- 
count is  subsequently  given, and  in  an 
attempt  to  remodel  the  canons.  A  com- 
mission under  the  great  seal  was  read 
in  the  Upper  House  on  June  19th,  in 
order  to  give  them  authority  to  proceed 
on  this  work,  and  many  consultations 
were  held  on  the  subject,  but  after  all, 
nothing  was  ever  done.  The  bishops 
appear  to  have  framed  articles  of  visi- 
tation for  their  own  use  in  their  dioceses, 
which  were  intended  to  be  adopted  in 
common  in  both  provinces.  The  same 
convocation  continued  to  sit  till  Sept. 
1666,  and  as  its  proceedings  were  not 
very  important  in  any  other  respect 
than  in  the  alteration  of  the  Common 
Prayer,  it  may  be  as  well  at  once  to  state 
generally  what  was  done  in  it.  A  form 
of  prayer  for  the  consecration  of 
churches^  was  examined,  but  laid  aside, 
though  the  drawing  it  up  had  been  com- 
mitted to  Cosins,  and  afterwards  re- 
ferred to  a  committee  of  four  bishops.* 
A  Greek  and  Latin  grammar'  was 
also  ordered  to  be  prepared  by  Barwick, 
prolocutor  to  the  Lower  House,  who 
was  directed  to  consult  any  one  except 
schoolmasters,  the  persons  most  fit  to 
judge  of  it.  A  subsidy  of  four  shillings 
on  the  pound,"  to  be  raised  in  four  years, 
was  granted  ;  remarkable,  as  this  was 
the  last  occasion  on  which  the  clergy 
were  taxed  in  this  manner.  The  ori- 
ginal object  of  the  English  convocation 

2  See  ^  749,  3  Synod.  Ang.  107,  118. 

*  Bee  ^750.  s  gynod.  Ang.  114. 

6  Ibid.  118. 


263 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVI 


seems  to  have  been  as  much  civil  as  [ 
ecclesiastical.  They  granted  money  to 
the  crown,  which  was  levied  by  eccle- 
siastical authority  solely,  till  the  reign 
of  Henry  VIII. ;  from  which  period, 
each  several  contribution  was  confirmed 
by  an  act  of  parliament ;  the  sum  paid 
depended  on  a  poundage  upon  the  value 
of  each  preferment,  but  the  values  could 
hardly  have  been  those  in  the  king's 
book,  since  this  very  convocation  formed 
a  committee  for  reviewing  the  book  of 
subsidies.  The  bishops  were  the  col- 
lectors.' During  the  usurpation  the 
clergy^  had  been  taxed  with  the  laity,  a 
method  which  was  probably  found  so 
much  more  convenient,  that  it  was  sub- 
sequently adopted.  The  change  was 
effected  by  a  private  arrangement  be- 
tween Sheldon  and  Lord  Chancellor 
Clarendon,  without  any  specific  act  of 
parliament.  In  the  act  (1G°  17°  Car. 
II.  1)  which  granted  a  royal  aid  of 
2,477,.50O/.,  §  80,  it  is  enacted,  that  the 
spiritual  revenues  which  become  charge- 
able under  it  shall  be  freed  from  the 
two  last  years  of  the  late  subsidy.  (160.5.) 
From  this  time  the  clergy^  have  paia 
■*he  same  taxes  with  the  rest  of  their 
/ellow-subjects,  and  voted  for  members 
of  j^arliament ;  an  alteration,  which, 
whether  for  evil  or  for  good,  has  ex- 
tinguished the  political  existence  of  the 
convocation. 

§  702.  (a.  d.  1662.)  The  event,  how- 
ever, which  calls  for  the  greatest  atten- 
tion during  this  period,  was  the  passing 
the  act  of  uniformity.  In  order  to  form 
a  correct  idea  of  the  operation  of  this 
act,  it  will  be  necessary  to  observe  how 
the  law  stood  before  and  after  the  passing 
it,  without  reference  to  the  changes 
which  it  introduced  into  the  Prayer 
Book  itself.  At  the  Restoration,  the 
act  of  uniformity  of  Elizabeth  came 
again  into  force  ;  but  the  original  ob- 
ject  of  this  act  may  be  said  to  have  been 
essentially  different  from  that  which 
was  now  framed.  The  act  of  Elizabeth 
attempted  to  punish,  and  finally  to  ex- 
clude from  the  church,  all  ministers  who 
were  not  ready  to  conform  with  the 
whole  of  the  rubrics  and  services.  It 
enacted  therefore  that  a  conviction  of 
refusing  to  use  the  Common  Prayer,  or 

'  Strvpe's  Annals,  v.  483. 
2  Collier.  Eccl.  Hist.  ii.  893. 
»  Burnet's  Own  Time  i.  340. 


of  speaking  or  preaching  against  it, 
should,  in  the  case  of  a  beneficed  m&n, 
for  the  first  offence  be  followed  by  the 
loss  of  a  year's  income  and  six  months' 
imprisonment;  for  the  second,  by  de- 
privation and  one  year's  imprisonment ; 
for  the  third,  by  deprivation  and  impri- 
sonment for  life.  If  the  offending  cler- 
gyman were  not  beneficed,  he  was  at 
first  imprisoned  for  a  year,  and  secondly 
for  life.  The  act  of  Charles  II.  en- 
deavoured to  exclude  totally  from  the 
church  all  who  were  not  friendly  to  the 
whole  constitution  of  it.  It  enacted, 
therefore,  that  every  beneficed  clergy- 
man should  be  ejected  ipso  facto,  unless, 
before  the  24th  of  August,  1662,  he 
used  the  church  service,  and  declared 
his  assent  and  consent  to  every  thing 
contained  therein.  The  process  of 
ejectment  under  the  law  of  Elizabeth 
would  have  been  perfectly  certain,  if 
the  parties  prosecuting  were  determined 
to  carry  on  the  suit ;  nor  could  any  con- 
siderable difficulty  have  attended  the 
conviction  ;  and  indeed  many  bills  were 
found  against  the  nonconforming  cler- 
gy* before  the  new  act  came  into  ope- 
ration ;  but  a  longer  portion  of  time 
would  have  been  occupied  in  the  several 
steps,  and  the  asperity  of  the  prosecutor, 
as  well  as  the  obstinacy  of  the  prose- 
cuted party,  might  probably  have  given 
way  during  the  'process  ;  a  circuni- 
stance  which  would  have  ill  accorded 
with  the  wishes  of  those  who  now  ruled 
the  church.  The  new  law  further  en 
acted  that  every  person  holding  eccle- 
siastical or  academical  preferment,  or 
teaching  publicly  or  privately,  should, 
before  the  same  day,  subscribe  a  decla- 
ration, "  That  it  is  unlawful  to  take 
arms  against  the  king,  on  any  pretence 
whatsoever;"  "that  he  will  conform  to 
the  Liturgy  ;"  and  "  that  no  obligation 
from  the  covenant  lies  upon  himself,  or 
any  other  person ;"  which  last  clause 
was  not  to  continue  in  force  bej'ond 
1682.  This  subscription  was  enforced 
under  pain  of  deprivation,  and  of  fine 
and  imprisonment  in  the  case  of  unen- 
dowed schoolmasters  and  tutors.  This 
bill,  which  was  drawn  up  by  Keeling,* 
afterwards  chief  justice,  was  framed 
with  such  strictness,  that  the  tendency 


*  Neal's  Puritans,  iv.  310. 

*  Burnet's  Own  Time,  i.  316. 


Chap.  XVL] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


963 


of  it  was  to  exclude  as  many  of  the 
former  clergy  as  possible ;  and  the 
question,  therefore,  which  really  comes 
under  discussion,  is  with  regard  to  the 
policy  of  ejecting  so  many  individuals 
at  once,  and  the  justice'  of  doing  so  on 
this  occasion. 

§  703.  It  may  safely  he  conceded, 
that  no  national  church  can  continue  to 
exist,  unless  the  officiating  members  of 
the  establishment  be  friendly  to  the  de- 
tails of  its  services.  Whoever  is  hostile 
to  them  cannot  be  allowed  to  take  part 
in  the  ministry.  The  proceedings  there- 
fore which  regarded  those  who  were 
about  subsequently  to  enter  into  the 
church,  could  not  from  the  nature  of  the 
question  be  unjust ;  though  the  required 
subscriptions  may  possibly  be  deemed 
impolitic,  since  whatever  circumstance 
deprives  a  society  of  the  assistance  of 
any  individual  member  of  the  body  po- 
litic, is,  so  far  as  it  extends,  an  evil. 

On  the  occasion  of  a  restoration,  every 
sound  friend  of  social  order  will  en- 
deavour to  create  as  little  alteration  as 
possible.  Nothing  can  restore  to  their 
former  condition  the  families  which  have 
suffered  in  the  struggle  ;  and  though 
the  illegal  transfer  of  property  can  never 
be  undone,  yet  a  species  of  composition 
may  be  effected,  which  may  be  ac- 
quiesced in  by  both  parties,  though 
neither  are  perfectly  satisfied  with  it. 
With  these  views,  the  acts  of  such  ec- 
clesiastical bodies  as  had  continued  to 
exist,  though  the  members  had  often 
been  unjustly  ejected  and  displaced, 
were  ratified ;  and  thus  leases  made  by 
colleges  and  hospitals,  &.C.,  were  es- 
tablished. The  property  of  tithes  had 
never  been  separated  from  the  livings  ; 
and  with  respect  to  the  lands  held  under 
bishops  or  chapters,  though  the  rever- 
sions had  been  sold  in  perpetuity,  yet 
these  sales  had  probably  been  made  at 
such  rates  as  to  leave  the  purchasers 
no  great  losers,  after  an  occupation  of 
nearly  twenty  years,  especially  as  the 
very  prices  might  have  convinced  them 
that  the  title  was  never  very  sound. 

'  The  justice  of  the  question  can  only  refer  to 
those  who  were  already  in  the  church.  Every 
government  must  have  ihe  right  to  say  that  it  will 
be  served  under  such  and  such  conditions,  how- 
ever unwise  it  may  be  to  impose  such  conditions. 
The  act  at  present  only  says,  If  you  go  into 
the  church,  you  must  conform  to  the  rules  of  the 
church. 


Add  to  which,  that  they  who  were  able 
to  make  such  purchases  during  th';  re- 
bellion, were  little  likelj'  to  be  objects 
of  pity  at  the  Restoration.  The  leases 
therefore  of  these  lands  having,  during 
the  usurpation,  generally  fallen  in,  the 
churchmen  who  obtained  the  prefer- 
ments to  which  they  belonged,  had  an 
opportunity  of  reletting  them  to  their 
own  advantage  ;  and  the  distractions  of 
the  times  prevented  the  government 
from  taking  such  advantage  of  these 
circumstances  as  might  have  substan- 
tially benefited  the  church,  instead  of  en- 
riching these  individual  members  of  it.'' 

2  It  is  difficult  to  convey  an  adequate  idea  of 
what  is  here  meant,  to  those  who  are  not  well 
aware  of  the  tenure  of  ecclesiastical  property. 
During  the  prevalence  ol  monastic  establishments, 
the  revenues  of  many  livings  were  appropriate  d  to 
the  support  of  some  moni  stery,  and  the  members 
of  this  body  superintended  the  spiritual  care  of  the 
parish.  I'hese  cures  were  by  degrees  generally 
converted  into  vicarages,  or  perpetual  curacies, 
held  by  one  of  the  members  of  the  convent,  and 
the  income  assigned  to  them  by  the  society  was 
proportionally  slender,  consisting  of  small  tithes, 
or  of  a  money  payinent.  There  are  even  now 
some  livings  held  on  this  species  of  tenure.  When, 
at  the  Reformation,  these  pieces  of  pn  ferment 
either  fell  into  lay  hands,  or  were  transferred  to 
other  ecclesiastical  bodies,  the  sum  previously  paid 
by  the  society  became  inadequate  to  the  decent 
support  of  a  clergyman,  who  possessed  no  other 
source  of  maintenance  ;  and  the  tithes,  instead  of 
providing  lor  the  payment  of  the  ministry  of  the 
place,  enriched  a  churchman  who  had  no  con- 
nection with  it,  or  were  granted  to  lay  impropria- 
tors. A  considerable  portion  of  the  property  of 
some  bishoprics,  chapters,  and  colleges,  depends 
on  great  tithes,  which  they  hold  as  impropriators, 
possessing  frequently  at  the  same  time  ihe  right 
of  presentation  to  the  living,  which  is  a  vicarage, 
or  perpetual  curacy.  In  other  cases,  the  patrons 
of  the  livings  are  owners  of  the  land,  tithe  free. 
These  lands,  or  tithes,  when  possessed  by  eccle- 
siastical bodies  corporate,  are  usually  let  out  on 
lives,  or  on  leases  of  twenty-one  years,  renewable 
every  seven,  and  the  income  of  the  body  corporate 
depends  on  such  renewals:  but  as  these  leases  had 
now  generally  run  out,  the  legislature  might  fairly 
have  obliged  the  newly-appointed  ecclesiastical 
impropriator  to  augment  the  living  belonging  to 
the  property  from  which  he  was  about  to  receive 
so  large  a  fine.  (Burnet,  Own  Time,  i.  320,  cal- 
culates the  sum  total  of  these  fines  at  a  million 
and  a  half.)  The  king,  indeed,  made  some  at- 
tempt to  effect  this  ;  for  in  IGfiO  he  wrote  a  letter 
to  bishops,  deans,  and  chapters,  signifying  his 
pleasure  that  small  vicarages  might  be  augmented 
10  80/.  per  annum,  or  to  the  half  of  the  value  of 
the  rectory,  wherever  the  whole  value  of  it  did  not 
exceed  the  double  of  that  sum  ;  and  it  was  sub- 
sequently enacted,  (29"  Car.  II.  c.  8,)  that  aug- 
mentations made  by  ecclesiastical  bodies,  since 
the  dale  of  the  king's  letter,  should  be  binding 
upon  their  successors,  provided  they  did  not  ex- 
ceed the  value  of  one-half  of  the  impropriation. 
Nothing,  however,  was  effected  with  regard  to  lay 
impropriations;  and  indeed  little  can  herein  be 
expected,  till  the  subject  is  taken  up  with  liberal- 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVI. 


§  701.  But  the  question  of  the  incum- 
bency is  different ;  before  we  can  decide 
on  this,  it  must  be  asked,  whether  it 
would  have  been  safe  to  retain  the  mass 
of  nonconformists  within  the  pale  of  the 
church  ;  whether,  if  it  were  necessary 
to  eject  a  larg-e  portion,  it  would  not 
have  been  wiser  to  do  so  as  each  was 
convicted  of  some  act  of  nonconformity  ; 
and,  thirdly,  whether  the  very  steps  taken 
by  the  church  did  not  tend  to  create  the 
opposition  which  it  seemed  to  endeavour 
to  correct.  It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to 
answer  these  questions  clearly  and  dis- 
tinctly ;  yel  some  observations  may  tend 
to  throw  light  on  the  subject,  and  enable 
the  reader  to  form  his  own  opinion  for 
himself. 

Churchmen  during  the  usurpation  had 
possessed  so  much  power  in  the  domestic 
concerns  of  each  parish,  that  many  indi- 
vidual laymen,  not  only  those  who  enter- 
tained enlarged  views  of  Christianity, 
but  the  more  numerous  classes  of  the 
profligate  and  the  careless,  had  long 
borne  no  friendly  feelings  towards  that 
species  of  ecclesiastical  policy  which  in- 
vested the  ministry  with  this  authority. 
And  though  the  general  tone  of  society 
had  prevented  any  one  from  expressing 
these  feelings  openly,  the  prevalent  ex- 
istence of  them  could  not  fail  to  produce 
a  strong  effect  at  the  Restoration.  The 
presbyterians  had  hated  the  government 
of  Cromwell  for  establishing  toleration 
and  the  independents,  and  so  contributed 
more  readily  to  the  recall  of  the  king. 
The  general  body  of  the  nation  rejoiced 
in  shaking  off"  the  chains  with  which 
their  spiritual  pastors  had  bound  them  ; 
and  when  the  church  party  began  to  per- 


ity  by  the  church:  and  notwithstanding  the  mu- 
nificence of  certain  individuals  at  this  period,  so 
little  was  done,  that  Bancroft  (Life  by  l)'0_vly,  i. 
187.)  renewed  the  application  in  IGSO,  by  writing 
to  the  several  bishops  and  deans,  urging  them  to 
comply  with  the  directions  of  the  king's  letter, 
now  sanctioned  and  rendered  effectual  by  the  act 
of  parliament.  This  step  was  the  more  reason- 
able, as  some  of  the  worst  instances  of  livings  in- 
adequately provided  for,  are  to  be  found  among 
those  which  are  held  under  ecclesiastical  bodies. 
The  extreme  poverty  which  has  been  entailed  on 
many  of  our  livings,  and  which  might  now  have 
been  remedied,  is  one  the  greatest  evils  which 
afflicts  our  church  property  ;  and  the  subject  is 
well  worthy  the  serious  attention  of  those  who 
watch  over  the  concerns  of  our  establishment. 

Since  the  former  part  ot  this  note  was  originally 
primed,  an  Act  has  been  brought  in  by  Archbishop 
Howley  to  enable  ecclesiastical  impropriators  to 
augment  poor  livings. 


I  ceive  their  own  comparative  strength, 
and  the  favour  with  which  the  people 
gladly  recurred  to  their  parental  govern- 
ment, they  took  too  great  an  advantage 
of  these  circumstances. 

§  705.  Had  a  contrary  line  of  policy 
been  pursued  ;  had  some  further  altera- 
tions been  made  in  the  Common  Prayer 
Book  ;  had  the  old  law  been  allowed  to 
stand  with  regard  to  conformity- ;  and, 
particularly,  had  a  wish  existed  and  been 
expressed  by  the  upper  orders  among 
the  clergy,  that  union  might  be  culti- 
vated in  the  church  as  much  as  possible ; 
many  of  the  more  moderate  noncon- 
formists would  probably  have  joined  the 
establishment.  But  the  very  declaration* 
contained  in  the  act  was  obviously  intro- 
duced to  prevent  the  possibility  of  such 
an  event.  To  say  nothing  of  the  former 
clauses,  who  could  assert  that  no  obliga- 
tion lay  on  any  one  from  having  taken  the 
covenant  ?  An  individual  maj'  rightly 
deem  himself  not  bound  to  the  observ- 
ance of  an  oath  in  itself  illegal ;  but 
who  shall  pretend  that  a  presbyterian, 
who  had  voluntarily  taken  the  oath,  and 
who  believed  in  the  superiority  of  his 
own  form  of  church  government,  might 
not  be  really  bound  by  it,  so  far  as  to 
use  his  influence,  or  to  exert  any  other 
legal  power  of  which  he  was  possessed, 
to  produce  an  alteration  in  the  church  ? 
The  point  was  one  of  much  too  great 
delicacy  to  be  wisely  introduced  into  a 
solemn  declaration ;  but  if  the  saying 
attributed  to  Sheldon  be  true,  we  need 
not  trouble  ourselves  with  such  minutiae, 
or  question  as  to  the  object  which  they 
who  managed  the  affairs  in  the  church 
had  in  view.^  "  When  Lord  Manchester 
told  the  king,  while  the  act  of  uniformity 
was  under  debate,  that  he  was  afraid  the 
terms  of  it  were  so  rigid  that  many  of 
the  ministers  would  not  comply  with  it; 
Sheldon  replied,  'I  am  afraid  they  will.' 
Nay,  'tis  credibly  reported  he  should  say, 
'  Now  we  know  their  minds,  we'll  make 
them  knaves  if  they  conform.'  "  Doubt- 
less Sheldon  might  deem  this  line  of 
policy,  of  ejecting  all  the  nonconformists, 
to  be  the  wisest  for  the  church ;  but  the 
events  which  have  since  occurred  must 
convince  every  man  who  can  judge  of 
such  questions,  that  intolerance  is  but 


'  See  §  702. 

-  Calamy's  Baxter,  170,  *. 


Chap.  XVL]  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  265 


another  name  for  selfishness,  and  will 
generally  defeat  its  own  ends. 

§  700.  Of  the  justice  of  these  pro- 
ceedings it  is  perhaps  more  difficult  to 
form  an  opinion  which  will  be  generally 
approved.  The  church  was  then  filled 
with  men  who,  having  been  ordained 
without  the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  a 
bishop,  and  admitted  by  a  usurping  go- 
vernment, could,  in  one  sense,  have  no 
legal  claim  to  their  benefices  ;  especially 
where  they  were  intruding  into  the 
places  of  those  who  had  been  illegally 
dispossessed,  and  were  still  alive.  Here, 
therefore,  the  just  restoration  of  the  one 
necessarily  ejected  the  other;  but  where 
the  persons  in  possession  of  the  prefer- 
ment had  acted  with  the  best  intentions, 
and  only  obeyed  that  which  was,  de facto, 
the  government,  could  it  be  just  to  eject 
them  suddenly,  without  even  giving  them 
time  to  re-examine  and  change  their 
opinions  ?  At  all  events,  could  it  be 
just  to  cast  them  out  of  all  means  of 
supporting  themselves,  and  not  assign 
them  any  portion  of  their  benefices  for 
their  support  ?  The  usurping  govern- 
ment, when  triumphant,  had  allowed 
one-fifth'  of  the  revenues  to  those  whom 
it  ejected  for  their  loyalty ;  for  in  most 
cases  this  was  the  real  crime.  The  le- 
gitimate government  turned  out  many 
loyal,  though  nonconforming  clergymen, 
and  made  not  the  slightest  provision  for 
them. 

It  might  be  necessary,  and  therefore 
just,  to  eject  those  who  were  essentially 
adverse  to  an  establishment,  into  which 
they  had  gained  admittance  from  cir- 
cumstances ;  but  the  manner  in  which  it 
was  done  must  be  designated  as  cruel. 
The  difficulties  were  so  great,  that  the 
wisest  might  doubt  as  to  what  line  of 
proceeding  it  was  best  to  pursue  ;  and 
while  we  blame  what  was  done,  it  must 
be  remembered,  that  our  reasonings  are 
founded  upon  much  subsequent  expe- 
rience ;  yet,  had  the  governing  party 
acted  with  Christian  charity  towards 


'  As  the  truth  of  the  facts,  as  well  as  the  accu- 
racy of  the  reasoning,  has  been  here  called  in 
question,  the  reader  is  referred  to  ^  598,  where 
the  difRcuUy  of  oblaining  the  fifths,  allowed  by 
the  government,  is  fully  admitted.  And  the  re- 
viewer is  requested  to  turn  to  Walker,  p.  103, 
with  regard  to  his  own  assertion,  "  that  fifihs  were 
never  paid."  I  own,  I  wish  I  could  change  my 
opinion,  as  to  the  conduct  of  those  who  governed 
the  church  in  the  reign  of  Charles. 

34 


their  brethren,  had  they  merely  done 
unto  others  according  to  the  golden  rule 
of  our  Saviour,  much  evil  might  have 
been  obviated  at  the  time,  and  that  spir.l 
of  dissent  from  the  church  have  been 
prevented,  which  even  yet  clings  to 
trifles  too  ridiculous  to  merit  the  atten- 
tion of  a  moment. 

§  707.  Had  no  new  act  of  uniformity 
been  pa.?sed,  and  the  operation  of  that 
of  the  first  of  Elizabeth  been  delayed 
for  a  time  ;  had  a  portion  of  their  pre- 
ferments been  allowed  to  such  of  the 
nonconformist  clergy  as  chose,  in  the 
mean  season,  to  retire  from  their  bene- 
fices ;  the  party  who  scrupled  to  conform 
would  have  been  broken  at  least,  and 
probably  some  of  the  most  active  and 
zealous  of  them  might  have  contributed 
to  support  the  establishment ;  but  this 
was  not  the  wish  of  the  ruling  party. 
And  even  if  the  policy  adopted  by  them 
was  sound,  it  must  be  confessed  that  it 
was  carried  on  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
render  the  abstract  justice  of  it  question- 
able. Policy  and  justice  are  so  linked 
by  indissoluble  ties,  that  one  is  never 
violated  without  infringing  the  other. 
In  this  case  there  were  circumstances 
scarcely  to  be  called  accidental  which 
added  materially  to  the  hardship.  Many 
clergymen^  never  saw  the  new  Book  of 
Common  Prayer  till  St.  Bartholomew's 
day ;  and  of  the  rest,  few  were  so  fa- 
miliar with  the  work  itself,  that  they 
could  at  once  estimate  the  nature  of  the 
alterations.  In  this  respect  the  strict- 
ness of  the  act  became  a  burden  even 
to  those  who  did  conform  ;  indeed,  some 
persons  were  ejected  Avho  subsequently 
conformed,  and  among  the  rest,  Kidder,^ 
afterwards  bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells.* 
St.  Bartholomew's  day  itself,  August 
21th,  was  chosen,^  that  the  ejected  clergy 
might  lose  the  tithes  for  the  year,  a  se- 
verity which  can  admit  of  no  excuse. 

§  708.  The  causes  which  contributed 
to  induce  the  ruling  party  to  treat  their 
opponents  with  so  much  harshness, 
were  various.  They  had  themselves 
been  exposed  to  insult,  to  deprivation, 
and  banishment,  and  misfortunes  had  not 

2  Burnet's  Own  Time,  i.  318. 
"  Birch's  Tillotson,  77. 

4  An  act  passed  1663,  for  the  relief  of  such  per- 
sons as  by  sickness  or  other  impediments  were 
disabled  from  complying  with  the  directions  of  the 
act.    (Neal's  Puritans,  iv.  356.) 

«  Burnet's  Own  Time,  i.  317. 

z 


266 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVI. 


taught  them  lO  forgive.  They  deemed 
that  the  security  of  the  church  depended 
on  their  being  able  to  trample  her  op- 
ponents under  foot.  Political  preju- 
dices' wore  combined  Avith  their  feelings 
as  churchmen  ;  for  the  nonconformists 
were  many  of  them  favourable  to  a 
republican  form  of  government.  And 
the  uncertainty,  as  to  its  continuance, 
which  hung  over  the  power  possessed 
by  them,^  excited  a  wish  to  take  the 
utmost  advantage  of  the  superiority  now 
afforded  them.  The  principles  and 
benefits  of  toleration  were  little  under- 
stood, and  men  saw  not  that  the  real 
interests  of  themselves  and  their  oppo- 
nents were  the  same.  The  friends  of 
the  papacy  desired  to  increase  the  feuds 
among  Protestants,  that  the  oppressed 
party  might  join  with  themselves  in 
obtaining  an  outward  toleration  of  all 
denominations  of  Christians  ;  and  if  the 
project  of  bringing  back  popery  into 
England  were  ever  to  succeed,  it  must 
be  effected  through  the  disagreement  of 
those  who  ought  to  be  unanimous  in 
opposing  its  extension. 

§  709.  The  inclinations  of  the  king, 
after  his  declaration  from  Breda,  cer- 
tainly disposed  him  to  show  kindness  to 
the  nonconformists ;  but  he  was  hardly 
perfiaps  bound  by  the  letter  of  it  to  per- 
form more  than  he  did.^  The  declara- 
tion* stated,  that  he  should  be  ready  to 
consent  to  any  act  of  parliament  which 
might  be  offered  him  for  that  indul- 
gence ;  he  could  not  have  foreseen  the 
probability  of  a  House  of  Commons  dis- 
posed to  tyrannize  over  the  nonconform- 
ists ;  and  it  should  be  remembered,  that, 
unless  the  couit  had  restrained^  them, 
they  would  have  carried  things  much 
higher  than  they  did.  His  second  de- 
claration, Oct.  25,  1660,  had  breathed 
the  same  spirit ;  and  when  the  act  of 
uniformity  had  deprived  so  many  of  the 
nonconforming  clergy,  Charles  II.  pub- 
lished another  declaration,  wherein, 
though  he  states  his  intention  of  ob- 
serving the  act  of  uniformity,  he  pro- 
fesses a  willingness  to  grant  some  in- 
dulgence to  the  weak.  This  declaration, 
though  in  itself  perfectly  illegal,  bore 

'  Rapin,  ii.  632. 

2  Burnei's  Own  Time,  i.  30G. 

3  See  an  Address  of  ihe  Commons,  1663.  Com- 
plete History  ot  England,  iii.  239. 

*  Clarendon,  Hist.  Reb.  iii.  747. 

•  Burnet's  Own  Time,  i.  306. 


with  it  such  marks  and  appearance  of 
clemency  as  to  render  it  less  generally 
imacceptable,  after  the  severity  which 
had  taken  place  on  the  24th  of  August. 

§  710.  It  is  said,  that  on  this  day  two 
thousand  ministers  resigned  their  pre- 
ferments. The  act  was  drawn  up  with 
such  strictness,  that  it  left  the  duty  of 
the  nonconformist  quite  plain.  A  man 
who  entertained  any  rooted  objection  to 
episcopacj',  to  the  Liturgy,  o-  to  the 
doctrine  of  non-resistance,  could  honestly 
do  nothing  else  than  quit  his  prefer- 
ments ;  and  this  large  number  evinced 
their  sincerity  by  resigning  all  their 
benefices.  Passion  might  perhaps  have 
been  mixed  up  with  their  motives,  for,  in 
a  lime  of  general  excitement,  it  requires 
much  greatness  of  mind  to  be  free  from 
prejudice,  yet  no  other  test  could  more 
fully  evince  their  sincerity.  The  par- 
ticular which  probably  created  the  great- 
est difliculty  was  that  of  re-ordination. 
A  very  considerable  portion  of  these 
ministers  had  never  received  episcopal 
ordination ;  and  though  diversity  of 
opinion  had  been  entertained  as  to  the 
validity  of  the  ordinations  of  foreign 
reformed  churches,  the  question  was 
now  decided  with  regard  to  the  church 
of  England ;  for  the  act  of  uniformity 
allowed  none,  who  had  not  been  or- 
dained priest  by  a  bishop,  to  hold  pre- 
ferment or  administer  the  sacrament 
of  the  Lord's  Supper.  It  is  not  wonder- 
ful that  men,  who  had  long  exercised 
their  ministry,"  many  of  them  with  great 
apparent  success,  and  whose  opinions 
had  always  been  adverse  to  episcopac}^ 
or,  as  they  termed  it,  to  prelacy,  should 
at  once  reject  a  proposal  which  implied 
a  surrender  of  their  former  spiritual 
authority,  in  order  that  it  might  be  afresh 
conferred.  Bramhall  in  Ireland,  to  ob- 
viate this  difficuhy,  proposed  to  use  a 
form  of  re-ordination"  which  should 
"  supply  what  was  wanting  according  to 
the  canons  of  the  church  of  England 
thus  waiving  the  real  question,  b}'  making 
a  compromise  to  the  opinions  of  both 
parties :  a  plan  which  Overall,^  when 
bishop  of  Norwich,  (1618,)  wished  to 
have  adopted  in  the  case  of  Delaune,  a 
French  Protestant ;  but  then  he  would 
have  used  the  words,  "  If  thou  art  not 

*  Baxier's  Life,  iii.  37. 
'  Neal's  Puritans,  iv.  314. 
«  Birch's  Tillotson,  185. 


Chap.  XVI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


2C7 


ordained  before."  If  somcthiiif^  of  this 
sort  had  been  adopted,  it  would  proba- 
bly have  tended  to  reconcile  many  indi- 
viduals ;  but  the  cases  of  persons  who 
have  held  preferment  in  England  ^vith- 
out  e})iscopal  ordination  are  sufficient' 
to  leave  the  question  in  some  dcoree 
uncertain,  and  would  have  authorized 
perhaps  a  greater  lenity  on  the  present 
occasion.  The  question  for  the  future 
was  now  settled  by  the  act  of  uniformity, 
(§  X. ;)  and  rightly  so  settled,  if  the  prin- 
ciples previously  laid  down  with  regard 
to  episcopacy  be  correct. 

§  71 1.  It  is  of  course  impossible,  from 
the  limited  extent  of  this  work,  to  give 
any  detailed  account  of  the  sufferings  of 
the  ejected  clergy  ;  and  we  may  hope 
that  the  evil  was  much  lessened  by  the 
general  feeling  in  their  favour  which 
these  very  severities  created. The  offer 
of  bishoprics  had  been  made  to  both 
Calamy  and  Baxter,  yet  both  these  men 
were,  on  very  slight  grounds,  subjected 
to  the  indignity  of  a  common  jail ;  and 
the  same  sort  of  persecuting  spirit,  of 
which  the  act  of  uniformity  may  be 
deemed  the  commencement,  but  which 
was  extended  by  the  passing  of  several 
other  laws,  broke  forth  throughout  the 
country  ;  so  that  every  violent  inforn)er 
who  could  meet  with  magistrates  equally 
violent,  Avas  let  loose  to  exercise  the 
worst  of  passions  upon  the  nonconform- 
ing ministers,  whose  personal  strictness 
and  severity,  perhaps  unduly  exercised 
when  they  were  possessed  of  spiritual 
power,  had  rendered  them  the  objects 
of  the  hatred  of  their  neighbours. 

The  remainder  of  the  ecclesiastical 
history  of  this  reign,  if  indeed  it  may  be 
so  called,  consists  in  the  detail  of  the 
bulwarks  with  which  the  church  of  Eng- 

'  See  '!>454,  ',  where  the  q\iestion  is  discussed. 
See  also  a  beauiiful  ielter  of  Bishop  Heber  to 
Schmidt  on  the  subject,  (Life.  8vo.  iii.  411.)  In  a 
plan  ot  compreheni^ion  formed  by  Manlon,  Baxter, 
Wilkins,  and  Burton,  the  w  ords  of  ordination  ran  : 
"  Take  ihou  legal  authority  to  preach  the  word 
of  God  and  administer  the  sacraments  in  any  con- 
gregation in  England,  where  thou  shall  be  law- 
fully appointed  thereunto."  (Baxter's  Life,  iii.  34.) 
Usher  and  Davenant  alone,  among  the  bishops, 
allowed  of  the  validity  of  the  ordination  of  foreign 
Protestant  cliurches.  (Neal's  Puritans,  iv.  131.) 
The  question  is  one  of  extreme  delicacy,  on  which 
good  and  well-informed  men  may  well  think  dif- 
ferently ;  but  the  decision  of  fjishop  Heber  is  per- 
haps as  near  as  possible  to  the  truth.  He  re-or- 
dained with  the  assent  of  the  party  re-ordained. 

*  See  chap.  ix.  in  Calamy's  Life  of  Baxter, 
which  gives  a  very  full  account  of  the  matter. 


land,  in  her  hour  of  tr'umph,  endea- 
voured to  fortify  herself  against  all  her 
opponents.  She  was  endangered  from 
the  attacks  of  the  nonconformists  and 
the  Roman  Catholics,  and  her  friends, 
not  trusting  to  the  force  of  her  own 
excellence,  sought  to  exclude  every 
doubtful  member  of  the  Christian  com- 
munity from  possessing  any  power  over 
her  concerns  ;  and  imagined  that  they 
should  free  her  from  the  risk  of  being 
persecuted,  by  giving  her  the  power  to 
treat  others  with  inhumanity.  But  it 
should  be  remembered  that  these  laws 
have,  in  the  season  of  difficulty,  proved 
inadequate  to  her  defence,  which,  under 
the  blessing  of  God,  has  depended  on 
the  unanimity  and  zeal  which  any  real 
attack  on  the  constitution, either  in  church 
or  state,  has  never  failed  to  call  forth; 
and  that  these  acts,  with  the  exception 
of  one  of  them,  had  long  been  virtually 
repealed  in  practice,  before  they  were 
erased  from  the  statute-book. 

§712.  (a.  D.  16G1.)  The  corporation 
act'  compelled  every  officer  of  a  corpo- 
ration to  take  the  oaths  of  supremacy 
and  allegiance,  as  well  as  that  concern- 
ing the  unlawfulness  of  taking  up  arms 
against  the  king,  on  any  pretence  what- 
soever ;  and  to  make  a  declaration  against 
the  covenant :  nor  was  any  one  to  be 
elected  to  any  office,  unless  he  had 
received  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's 
supper,  according  to  the  rites  of  the 
church  of  England,  within  the  year ; 
thus  virtually  excluding  all  who  dis- 
sented, from  obtaining  the  influential 
situations  in  boroughs.  (16G3.)  And 
the  select  vestry  act*  prevented  any  one 
from  holding  the  office  of  vestry-man  in 
a  corporate  town,  unless  he  would  make 
the  declaration  against  taking  up  arms 
and  the  covenant,  and  promise  to  con- 
form to  tlie  Liturgy. 

§713.  The  first  conventicle  act  '*  (1664) 
subjected  every  person  above  the  age  of 
sixteen,  who  was  convicted  before  two 
magistrates  of  being  present  at  a  con- 
venticle, (a  house  where  five  persons 
or  more,  heyond  the  inhabitants,  were 
assembled  for  the  purpose  of  religious 
worship,)  for  the  iirst  offence  to  a  pe- 
nalty not  exceeding  five  pounds,  or  im- 
prisonment for  three  months  ;  for  the 


'  13°  Charles  II.  chap.  i.  of  the  second  session, 
*  15°  Charles  II.  5.         5  jgo  Charles  II.  4, 


^68 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVI. 


second  of  ten  pounds,  or  six  months  ; 
for  the  third,  or  any  subsequent  one, 
upon  conviction  before  a  court  of  as- 
size, to  the  payment  of  one  hundred 
pounds,  or  transportation.  Conventi- 
cles mig-lit  be  prevented  by  force  or 
broken  into  ;  but  the  house  of  a  peer 
might  not  be  searched  without  the  pre- 
sence of  two  magistrates.  Quakers 
refusing  to  take  an  oath,  when  lawfully 
called  on,  unless  they  admitted  the  le- 
gality of  taking  one,  might  be  trans- 
ported. 

The  second  conventicle  act,'  (1670,) 
which  was  passed  when  this  had  ex- 
pired, reduced  the  penalty  to  five  shil- 
lings for  the  first  offence  of  being  pre- 
sent at  a  conventicle,  and  to  ten  shil- 
lings for  all  subsequent  ones  ;  but  im- 
posed a  fine  on  the  preacher  of  twenty 
pounds  for  the  first,  and  forty  pounds 
for  all  future  offences  ;  and  in  case  the 
preacher  fled,  it  made  any  one  present 
liable  to  pay  a  portion  of  his  fine,  not 
exceeding  ten  pounds,  and  subjected 
the  owner  of  the  premises  to  a  fine  of 
twenty  pounds.  One  particular  was 
peculiarly  severe  ;  for,  as  the  object  of 
the  law  was  to  prevent  conventicles,  it 
was  enacted  that  every  clause  should 
be  construed  most  largely  for  prevent- 
ing them,  i.  e.,  against  the  prisoner. 
Proceedings  were  not  rendered  void  by 
any  want  of  due  form. 

§  714.  (a.  d.  1665.)  The  five  mile 
act''  subjected  every  nonconformist 
minister  or  clergyman,  not  having  duly 
qualified,  who  should  come,  except  in 
travelling,  within  five  miles  of  any  cor- 
porate town,  or  other  place  where  he 
had  been  minister,  or  had  preached  in 
a  conventicle  since  the  act  of  oblivion, 
to  a  penalty  of  forty  pounds,  or  six 
months'  imprisonment,  unless  he  would 
take  the  oath  against  "  taking  up  arms 
against  the  king  on  any  pretence,"  a 
proposition  on  which  few  men,  what- 
ever might  be  their  opinions,  would 
wish  to  decide  thus  peremptorily,  and 
to  imbody  their  decision  in  an  oath.^ 


1  22°  Charles  II.  1.         2  17°  Charles  II.  2. 

'  Nothing  can  more  strongly  mark  the  inutility 
of  such  an  oath  than  the  conduct  of  the  country 
towards  James  II.  Very  few  real  Christians  will 
hesitate  to  .oay,  that  hardly  any  provocation  can 
justify  such  a  proceeding  :  but  he  must  be  an 
incautious  reasoner  who  would  affirm  that  none 
can.  Extreme  cases  are  not  provided  for  in  the 
Bible. 


Nor  were  these  ministers,  or  any  per- 
sons not  frequenting  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, to  teach  a  public  or  private  school 
without  incurring  the  same  penalty. 

It  unfortunately  happened  that  the 
parliament*  in  Oxford,  whither  they 
had  retired  on  account  of  the  plague  in 
London,  were  engaged  in  passing  this 
act  at  the  very  moment  when  the  non- 
conformist ministers  were  exerting 
themselves  most  strenuously  in  preach- 
ing and  performing  their  other  ministe- 
rial functions  in  the  metropolis.  Some 
of  these,  indeed,  took  tiie  oath  ;  but 
the  majority  continued  their  labours 
notwithstanding  the  penalties  ;^  while 
the  force  of  truth,  and  the  feelings  of 
the  people,  prevented  the  law  from 
being  fully  carried  into  effect. 

§  715.  It  must  not,  however,  be  sup- 
posed that  all  these  laws,  tending  to  the 
suppression  of  the  nonconformists,  were 
enacted  without  any  exertions  on  the 
other  side  to  obtain  a  greater  indul- 
gence for  them.  Many  reasons,  which 
have  been  before  detailed,  made  their 
suppression  to  be  well  received  both 
by  the  court  and  the  country,  so  that 
for  a  long  time  such  persons  as  pleaded 
for  toleration  were  but  little  attended 
to  ;  yet  its  friends  were  not  remiss  in 
endeavouring  to  relieve  those  whose 
sufferings  they  could  not  but  commise- 
rate. 

(a.  d.  1669.)  Lord  Keeper  Bridgman, 
and  Wilkins,  bishop  of  Chester,''  at 
tempted  to  frame  a  bill,  by  which  the 
more  moderate  of  the  dissenters  might 
be  taken  into  the  church,  and  for  this 
purpose  Manton  and  Baxter  were  con- 
sulted. They  gave  it  as  their  opinion 
that  Archbishop  Usher's  scheme  would 
comprehend  all  the  nonconformists. 
That  the  king's  declaration''  would  em- 
brace most  of  them,  and  that  it  would 
satisfy  many,  if  they  were  allowed  to 
exercise  their  ministry,  by  the  removal 
of  the  most  objectionable  points  which 
had  been  imposed  upon  them.  The 
object  of  Bishop  Wilkins  seems  to  have 
been,  to  have  made  a  comprehension 
for  the  more  moderate  nonconformists, 
and  a  toleration  for  the  rest,  not  cx- 


Baxter's  Own  Life,  part  iii.  2. 
6  See  also  %  Til. 

Burnet's  Own  Time,  i.  439;  Baxter's  Life, 
part  iii.  23. 
'  See  §  665. 


Chap.  XVI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND, 


269 


eluding  the  Roman  Catholics,  and  pro- 
posals were  made  to  this  effect ;  but  the 
House  of  Commons  were  very  adverse 
to  any  such  measures. 

(March  15,  W7-Z.)  When  Charles 
published  his  Declaration  of  Tolera- 
tion,' suspending  all  penal  laws  on  ac- 
count of  religion,  promising  license  and 
places  of  worship  to  Protestants,  pro- 
vided they  met  with  open  doors,  and 
liberty  of  private  worship  to  papists  ; 
the  commons  presently  declared  the 
proceeding  to  be  illegal,  (Feb.  1;), 
l(57;i,]  but  not  before  they  had  unani- 
mously resolved  (Feb.  14)  that  a  bill 
should  be  brought  in  to  relieve  dissent- 
ers, which  received  some  alteration  in 
the  lords,*  but  came  to  nothing,  as  the 
parliament  was  prorogued.  It  should 
be  observed,  that  the  I'riends  of  tolera- 
tion wished  not  for  any  comprehension. 
The  papists  desired  that  the  tyranny 
exercised  against  the  nonconformists 
might  introduce  a  general  toleration. 
The  court  were  anxious  that  the  seve- 
rity enforced  by  the  commons  might 
induce  men  to  fly  to  the  king  for  pro- 
tection, and  the  interests  of  the  secta- 
rians corresponded  with  those  of  the 
papists.  Baxter'  drew  up  some  terms 
for  satisfying  the  nonconformists,  which 
he  sent  to  Lord  Orrery,  at  the  request 
of  Bishop  Morley,  who  returned  them 
with  his  own  observations  ;  but  the  pro- 
ceeding led  to  the  same  result  as  the 
Savoy  conference. 

(a.  d.  1()71-5.)  a  second  attempt  of 
the  same  sort^  was  afterwards  made,  at 
which  Drs.  Tillotson^  and  Stillingfleet 
met  Baxter  and  other  nonconformists, 
but  the  object  was  frustrated  by  the 
disinclination  of  the  bishops. 

(a,  d.  1081.)  A  severe  law  of  Eliza- 
beth (23^  2)  against  puritans"  was  re- 
pealed by  the  Houses,  after  some  diffi- 
culty in  the  lords;  but  the  clerk  of  the 
crown  omitted  to  present  the  bill  at  the 
end  of  the  session,  as  the  king  had  no 
wish  to  free  the  nonconformist  from  the 
liability  of  b.eing  ill  treated,  and  could 
hardly  venture  to  reject  the  bill.  There 
was  also  a  bill  of  comprehension  offered 
by  the  episcopal  party,  but  not  sup- 
ported by  the  nonconformist  interest ; 

'  Collier,  ii.  895;  Baxter's  Lifo,  iii.  99,  101. 
2  Rapin,  ii.  fi68.         3  Life,  iii.  109. 

*  Baxter,  151.  6  Birch's  Tillotson,  42. 

*  Burnet's  Own  Time,  ii.  268. 


and  before  the  end  of  the  session,  when 
the  parliament  was  about  to  be  pro- 
rogued, an  extraordinary  and  most 
unconstitutional  vote  passed  the  com- 
mons.^ "  That  the  prosecution  of  Pro- 
testant dissenters,  upon  the  penal  laws, 
is  at  this  time  grievous  to  the  subject,  a 
weakening  the  Protestant  interest,  an 
encouragement  to  popery,  and  dan- 
gerous to  the  peace  of  the  kingdom  :" 
a  vote  which  was  justly  liable  to  all  the 
objections  which  were  raised  against 
the  declaration  of  the  king. 

(a.  d.  168S.)  The  same  object  was 
again  attempted  by  Archbishop  San- 
croft  just  before  the  Revolution,  and 
prevented  by  the  toleration  act.^ 

§71(5.  These  attempts,  however,  were 
altogether  useless,  as  far  as  the  imme- 
diate interests  of  the  nonconformists  were 
concerned.  The  act  of  uniformity  had 
thrown  them  out  of  their  profession, 
and  reduced  many  of  them  to  beggary; 
and  though  they  were  enabled  to  preach 
for  a  short  period,  during  the  toleration 
afl(jrded  by  Charles,  and  the  interval 
between  the  two  conventicle  acts,  yet 
these  were  but  brief  respites  in  a  long 
season  of  oppression,  till  their  continued 
sufferings,  and  the  circumstances  of  the 
nation,  had  prepared  the  minds  of  most 
men  for  the  general  toleration  which 
was  ultimately  introduced.  The  peo- 
ple of  England,  though  favourable  to 
the  cause  of  the  church,  became  ad- 
verse to  the  persecution  of  dissenters  ;3 
some  magistrates  avoided  issuing  war- 
rants against  them  ;  and  Sir  Nathaniel 
Hern  expressed  a  common  feeling, 
when  he  told  certain  bishops  who 
were  dining  with  him,  "That  they 
Could  not  trade  with  their  neighbours 
one  day,  and  send  them  to  jail  the 
next." 

§  717.  The  hardships  Avhich  the  non- 
conformists endured  naturally  dispose 
us  to  sympathize  with  them;  but  we 
must  be  careful  not  to  regard  all  their 
sufferings  as  if  endured  for  the  sake  of 
rel'gion.  T'he  very  severities  of  the 
laws  produced,  perhaps,  much  of  the 
vehemence  of  those  who  were  subject- 
ed to  the  effects  of  them  ;  but  the  readi- 
ness with  which  they  rent  asunder  the 


'  Calamy's  Abridgment,  609. 

"  D'Oyly's  Life.  32G. 

9  Calamy's  Abridgment,  505,  607. 

z3 


270 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVI. 


bonds  of  Christian  unity,  because  deter- 
mined not  to  give  up  their  own  opinions, 
is  worthy  of  our  strongest  animadver- 
sions. Granting,  for  the  sake  of  argu- 
ment, that  every  objection  which  they 
raised  against  the  church  was  valid  ; 
granting  that  our  ceremonies  were  un- 
scriptural,  our  discipline  imperfect,  our 
impositions  needless,  they  could  not 
have  deemed  these  reasons  sufficient 
for  seceding  from  the  church,  or  esta- 
blishing fresh  congregations,  if  they 
had  been  guided  by  the  true  spirit  of 
Christian  unity  and  love.^  Unfortu- 
nately, no  attempt  was  made  to  discri- 
minate between  the  different  classes  of 
nonconformists,  who  were  all,  by  the 
newly  established  laws,  ranked  under 
one  common  denomination.  Baxter, 
who  held  communion  with  the  church, 
who  preached  occasionally  within  her 
walls,  and  gave  over  to  the  use  of  the 
establishment  a  chapel^  which  he  had 
eroded,  was  treated  with  as  much,  if 
not  more  severity  than  men  who  de- 
claimed against  her  institutions  as  idola- 
trous, and  urged  the  duty  of  separation 
as  '•'trenuously  as  if  they  had  been  at- 
tacking the  errors  of  the  church  of 
Rome.  The  warmth,  indeed,  with 
which  Baxter  had  stood  forward  in  the 
controversy,  had  marked  him  out  as 
an  object  of  rigour;  and  his  sufferings 
from  disease,  as  well  as  the  laws,  had 
ren'lered  him  very  acrimonious  in  his 
expressions  on  the  point  at  issue,  and 
made  his  language  that  of  a  controver- 
sialist, and  not  of  an  humble  Christian, 
who  sought  for  peace. 

§  718.  The  most  unequivocal  testi- 
monies against  the  nonconformists  are 
to  be  found  in  the  letters  of  several 
members  of  the  reformed  churches  in 


'  here  are  some  excellent  observations  which 
benr  indirpciiy  on  this  point  in  Selden's  Table 
Talk.  "  Consrienre."  "If  we  once  come  to 
leavp  that  oui-loose,  as  to  pretend  conscience 
aeai'ist  law.  who  Unows  what  inconvenience  rnav 
folh'w  ?  For  thus,  s=uppose  an  anabfipiist  conies 
and  'akes  my  ho3'se.  I  see  him.  lie  tells  ine 
he  di'l  according  to  his  conscience  ;  his  conscience 
tell!=  him  all  things  are  common  among  the  saints  ; 
wlini  is  mine,  is  his ;  therefore  you  do  ill  to  make 
such  a  law.  If  any  man  takes  another's  horse, 
be  shall  he  banged.  What  can  I  say  to  this  man  ? 
he  does  according  to  conscience.  Why  is  not  he 
as  bo'^est  a  man  as  he  that  pretends  a  ceremony 
esiahlished  by  law  is  against  his  conscience? 
Oei  erally,  to  pretend  conscience  against  law  is 
dangerous  ;  in  some  cases  haply  we  may." 

»  Life,  iii.  179,  §  7. 


Holland  and  France,  who  hesitate  not 
to  condemn  most  distinctly  the  separat- 
ing spirit  which  they  exhibited.''  The 
nonconformists  esteemed  these  laws  ty- 
rannical, in  which  every  friend  of  reli- 
gious liberty  will  probably  agree  ;  but 
they  deemed  the  tyranny  of  a  Christian 
church,  which  suspended  them  from 
the  performance  of  clerical  duties,  a 
sufficient  reason  for  breaking  the  unity 
of  the  church,  and  setting  up  separate 
congregations  ;  a  step  in  which  few 
moderate  Christians  will  approve  of 
their  conduct.  Separation  appears  to 
be  allowable  only  when  a  church  is  de- 
serted because  it  holds  doctrines  which 
may  endanger  our  salvation.  When 
the  question  was  not  about  the  "esse," 
or  the    bene  esse,"  but  only  about  the 

melius  esse,'''  they  inflicted  a  wound 
upon  our  church,  which  time  has  not 
been  able  to  cure  ;  and  created  such  a 
spirit  of  division  among  us,  that  schism 
is  now  hardly  deemed  a  sin.  The  blame 
must  be  shared  by  those  who  imposed 
the  laws,  but  the  evil  was  most  imme- 
diately produced  by  the  secession  of  the 
nonconformists.  The  antipathy  with 
which  the  two  parties  viewed  each 
other  was  gradually  increased,  as  the 
struggle  was  carried  on  ;^  till  the  one 
side  esteemed  their  opponents  schisma- 
tics, and  they  themselves  were  regarded 
as  persecutors ;  while  both  gradually 
approached  towards  the  character  which 
their  adversaries  gave  them.  The  one 
supposed  that  they  could  engender 
unanimity  by  fines  and  imprisonments, 
and  the  others  exerted  themselves  in 
drawing  away  as  many  of  their  follow- 
ers as  they  could  from  the  communion 
of  the  church.  The  moderate  on  both 
sides  deplored  the  existence  and  exten- 
sion of  such  evils,  and  the  excesses  of 
which  both  parties  were  guilty,  dail}' 
augmented  the  ranks  of  the  moderate. 

§  719.  Many  of  the  same  feelings  ex- 
isted with  regard  to  political  questions, 
and  these  mutual  errors  gave  rise  to  a 
set  of  men,  who  in  our  own  days  Avould 
have  been  denominated  liherafs,  but 
Avho  were  then  stigmatized  under  the 
appellation  of  latitudinarlans.  The 
term  seems  to  have  been  first  applied 
at  Cambridge,  during  the  usurpation, 


3  These  letters  are  printed  at  the  end  of  Stilling- 
fleet's  Unreasonableness  of  Separation. 


OiiAP.  XVI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


m 


to  men  who,  having  heen  elected  into 
fellowships  since  the  beginning  of  the 
troubles,  were  not  so  strict  in  their  pre- 
jU'lices  as  their  neighbours;  who  were 
accused  of  Arininianism,  and  a  prelati- 
cal  spirit,  and  were  denied  preferments 
for  this  reason.    These  same  persons, 
on  joining  the  church,  were  not  particu- 
larly forward  in  showing  their  zeal  for 
it,  by  abusing  those  who  had  scruples 
about  it.    They  were  friends  to  the 
Liturgy,  and  unwilling  that  any  essen- 
tial alterations   should   be  introduced 
into  it;  and  were  adverse  to  the  crude 
effusions  and   blasphemous  familiari- 
ties, sanctioned  under  the  name  of  ex- 
tempore prayer.     They  admired  the 
moderation  of  the  church  of  England, 
and  were  friends  to   liberty  of  con- 
science ;  being  ready  to  cojiform  them- 
selves, they  wished  that  as  little  as 
possible  should  be  imposed  as  of  neces- 
sity.   Although  it  is  objected  to  them 
that  they  were  not  sound  friends  to 
the  establishment,  they  could  not  help 
imagining  that  the  essentials  of  Chris- 
tianity are  of  as  much  consequence  as 
any  external  ceremonies.    They  were 
accused  of  admitting  innovations  in 
philosophy,  but  they  could  not  be  led 
to  imajrine  that  the  church  of  Enofland 
need  fear  any  investigation  of  truth  ; 
they  thought  that  her  greatest  danger 
consisted  in  the  chance  that  her  defend- 
ers, armed  with  the  ancient  weapons 
only,  might  be  called  upon  to  encounter 
those  who  had  adopted  the  new.'  The 
appellation  was  of  that  nature,  that 
many  persons  would  be  so  denomi- 
nated, who   held  no  very  distinctive 
opinions  on  these  topics;  and  as  this 
spirit  extended  itself  to  other  depart- 
ments as  well  as  the  church,  it  paved 
the  way  in  politics  for  our  present 
constitution  ;  in  philosophy,  for  the  dis- 
coveries of  Sir  Isaac  Newton  ;  and  in 
the  church,  for  that  liberty  of  con- 
science, which,  through  God's  blessing, 
has  been  subsequently  established. 

§  720.  Many  of  the  laws  which  have 
been  already  mentioned,  bore  with  equal 
severity  on  the  Roman  Catholics  ;  but 
the  hopes  of  the  members  of  this  com- 
munion were  supported  by  the  divisions 
among  Protestants,  and  the  prospect  of 

'  This  account  is  taken  from  a  tract  published 
in  the  Phcenix,  ii.  501.  Sec  also  an  article  in 
Butler's  Roman  Catholics,  iii.  111. 


introducing  their  own  tenets,  through 
the  violence  of  which  the  two  parties 
were  mutually  guilty. 

The  Corporation  Act  disabled  them 
from  holding  any  situations  in  boroughs 
(1(572,)  and  the  TcstMhrew  them  out 
of  all  offices,  or  places  of  trust  or  profit ; 
for  it  enacted  that  persons  filling  such 
employments  should  not  only  take  the 
oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy,  and 
receive  the  eucharist  according  to  the 
rites  of  the  church  of  England,  but 
make  also  a  declaration  against  tran- 
substantiation.  Any  act  performed  in 
executing  the  office,  after  refusing  to 
take  the  oaths  or  the  sacrament,  inca- 
pacitated the  offendei-  from  prosecuting 
in  any  suit  of  law,  and  subjected  him 
to  a  fine  of  .500/.  The  law,  however, 
which  affected  them  most  severely,  was 
that  which  excluded  them  from  both 
Houses  of  Parliament,  by  enacting,* 
(1578,)  that  no  one  should  sit  or  vote 
in  either  House  till  they  had  taken  the 
oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy,  and 
signed  a  declaration  against  transub- 
stantiation,  the  invocation  of  saints,  and 
the  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  and  added  that 
this  declaration  was  made  without  any 
mental  reservation,  or  idea  that  it  could 
be  dispensed  with  by  the  pope.  The 
penalty  was  a  fine  of  500/.,  and  the  seat 
of  a  commoner  was  rendered  vacant, 
and  the  peer  disabled  from  sitting  dur- 
ing the  parliament.  The  same  penalty 
was  incurred  by  a  popish  recusant  con- 
vict coming  into  the  presence  of  the 
king  or  queen.  The  duke  of  York  was 
excepted  from  the  operation  of  this  act. 
These  enactments  were  nugatory  with 
regard  to  a  king  who  was  determined 
to  govern  without  laws,  and  without  a 
parliament;  but  had  one  injurious  ef- 
fect, that  they  tended  to  unite  every 
friend  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion 
in  firm  adherence  to  the  crown,  when 
the  crown  was  opposed  to  the  liberties 
of  the  subject. 

§  721.  The  warmth  with  which  all 
parties  regarded  each  other  was  kept 
up,  and  the  mind  ofth^  nation  retained 
in  this  unnatural  state  of  excitation,  by 
many  plots,  real  and  pretended,  with 
which  the  country  was  agitated.  To 
say  nothing  of  other  disturbances, 
Venner,  and  some  fifth-monarchy  men, 


2  25°  Charles  II.  2. 

3  30O  Charles  II.  stat.  2,  c.  1. 


272 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap  XVI. 


threw  London  into  a  state  of  great 
alarm,  but  were  immediately  suppress- 
ed. (IGGl.)  Phillips,  Siubbs,  and  two 
others,  were  executed  (1(502)  for  another 
conspiracy ;  and  the  year  afterwards 
(1663)  twenty-one  conspirators  were 
put  to  death  in  the  north.  But  the 
plot'  (167y)  which  caused  the  greatest 
agitation,  was  that  with  the  discovery 
of  which  the  name  of  Titus  Gates  has 
been  so  constantly  connected,  that  it  is 
generally  known  by  the  appellation  of 
Oates's  plot.  He  stated  himself  to 
have  been  engaged  with  the  Roman 
Catholics,  at  home  and  abroad,  and 
now  brought  forward  the  evidence  of  a 
plot  framed  in  order  to  introduce  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion  into  England, 
and  to  murder  the  king.  For  this  plot 
ten  laymen^  and  seven  priests  of  that 
persuasion  suffered,  and  seventeen  more 
were  condemned  to  death,  some  of 
whom  died  in  prison;  yet  it  is  still  a 
question  whether  the  whole  of  the  evi- 
dence under  which  they  were  convicted 
were  not  fictitious.  There  can  proba- 
bly be  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any 
one  that  there  was  a  plot  generally  to 
introduce  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  ; 
and  the  conspirators,  among  Avhom 
were  some  of  the  most  exalted  persons 
in  the  country,  might  have  been  little 
scrupulous  as  to  the  means  of  effecting 
their  object ;  but  whether  the  intention 
of  murdering  the  king  were  ever  seri- 
ously entertained  is  very  problematical ; 
and  Sir  Walter  Scott  has,  with  his  usual 
skill,  taken  advantage  of  the  violence 
raised  by  this  question,  when  he  makes 
Charles  say,  "I  can  scarce  escape  sus- 
picion of  the  plot  myself,  though  the 
principal  object  of  it  is  to  take  away 
my  own  life."  Men  believed  the  evi- 
dence which  was  sworn  to  by  the  wit- 
nesses, and  a  jury  which  did  so  could 
not  but  convict  the  prisoners;  but,  un- 
fortunately, perjury  was  by  no  means 
uncommon  at  this  period.  The  convic- 
tion of  Gates  himself,  and  the  severity 
with  which  he  was  treated  in  the  next 
reign,  does  not  invalidate  the  evidence, 
because  it  proves  too  much,  and  only 
really  shows  the  temper  with  which 
both  parties  could  act  when  they  were 
possessed  of  power.    The  excitement 


»  Rapin,  ii.  688;  Welwood's  Memoirs,  128. 
2  Butler's  Roman  Catholics,  iii.  74. 


occasioned  by  this  plot  enabled  Lord 
Shaftesbury  to  carry  the  bill  which  ex- 
cluded Roman  Catholics  from  the  *wo 
Houses,  and  we  owe  to  it  the  passing 
of  the  Habeas  Corpus. 

§  722.  In  order  to  counteract  the  fatal 
effects  which  this  plot  was  inflicting  on 
the  Roman  Catholics,  a  sham  plot  was 
contrived  for  the  purpose  of  throwing 
the  odium  on  the  presbyterians  and  the 
heads  of  the  country  party;  but  Dan- 
gerfield,  who  was  chiefly  concerned  in 
it,  discovered  the  truth  ;  and  the  attempt 
only  tended  to  confirm  the  kingdom  in 
its  opinion  of  the  danger  from  the  Ro- 
man Catholics,  and  to  create  a  greater 
dislike  to  them,  while  it  contributed  to 
convince  all  sober-minded  persons  that 
no  one  could  be  safe  under  such  a  go- 
vernment, or  guard  against  the  effects 
of  perjury  and  a  prejudiced  or  packed 
jury;  a  truth  which  was  more  sadly 
confirmed  by  the  fate  of  Lord  Russell 
and  Algernon  Sidney,''  who,  whatever 
might  have  been  their  guilt,  were  in  all 
probability  unjustly  condemned  ;*  and, 
indeed,  throughout  the  latter  part  of 
this  reign,  the  law  seems  to  have  been 
made  an  engine  rather  for  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  subject  than  for  his  de- 
fence. 

§  723.  The  circumstance,  that  the 
heir  presumptive  to  the  crown  was  a 
Roman  Catholic,  and  anxious  to  intro- 
duce his  own  religion  into  the  country, 
together  with  a  well-founded  belief  that 
the  king  himself  secretly  belonged  to 
that  communion,  could  not  fail  to  raise 
a  very  general  idea  that  the  stability  of 
the  church  was  in  danger;  but  the 
whole  of  this  question  properly  belongs 
to  the  civil  historian.  There  was  no 
probability  that  the  Roman  Catholics 
would  be  able  to  convert  the  Protest- 
ants, or  establish  their  religion  by  any 
other  methods  than  those  which  must 
first  have  destroyed  the  liberty  of  the 
subject;  except,  indeed,  inasmuch  as 


3  Rapin,  ii.  729,  730. 
The  question  of  Lord  Russell's  guilt  seems  to 
turn  on  the  truth  of  the  evidence.  A  juryninn  who 
l)elieved  the  evideni'e  could  hardly  help  convicting 
him.  If  a  man  meet  a  party  frequently  which  is 
plotting  to  overthrow  a  governineiit  liy  force,  and 
is  present  when  soine  of  tlieni  are  despatched  to 
see  whether  the  guards  may  be  surprised,  surely 
he  must,  in  foro  conscicniirr  as  well  as  legnli,  be 
guilty  of  treason.  I  own  I  do  not  believe  the  evi- 
dence. 


Chap.  XVI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


273 


the  violence  wiih  which  the  Protestants 
attacked  each  other,  might  induce  the 
Uinid  members  of  their  communion  to 
throw  themselves  into  the  arras  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  and  to  seek  to  quiet 
their  doubts  under  the  treacherous  se- 
curity of  her  infallibility. 

The  real  state  of  the  question  seems 
to  be  this.  The  Roman  Catholics  were 
more  friendly  to  arbitrary  power  than 
the  presbyterians ;  they  possessed  a 
more  gentlemanly  religion,  to  adopt  the 
idea  of  Charles  II.;  and  the  church  of 
England  lying  between  the  two,  ap- 
proaching to  the  church  of  Rome  in  the 
imitation  of  ancient  rites  and  ceremo- 
nies, and  in  her  respect  for  antiquity, 
and  coinciding  with  the  rest  of  the 
reformed  churches  in  her  strict  agree- 
ment with  the  Scriptures  in  point  of 
doctrine,  drew  nearest  to  the  former 
when  the  country  seemed  in  danger 
from  republicanism ;  but  when  the 
change  in  the  face  of  politics  marked 
out  the  evils  which  were  to  be  appre- 
hended from  arbitrary  power  and  the 
introduction  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion,  the  high  and  the  low  church 
parties  joined  to  repel  the  threatened 
invasion,  and  raised  the  cry  of  "No 
popery."  It  is  difficult,  however,  to 
suppose  that  either  Charles  or  James, 
at  this  time,  cared  more  for  religion 
than  as  it  affected  politics,  or  that 
Shaftesbury  sought  for  any  thing  be- 
yond the  establishment  of  his  own 
influence,  and  the  predominance  of 
those  principles  which  he  had  himself 
espoused.  But  these  observations  must 
not  be  extended  to  the  country.  When 
the  feeling  was  excited,  men  entertained 
it  according  to  their  tempers.  In  the 
estimation  of  the  sincere  it  was  a  point 
in  v/hich  religion  was  closely  concerned ; 
and  as  those  who  cared  not  for  religion 
gave  it  the  same  denomination,  it 
became  one  of  those  mixed  questions 
which  agitate  the  country  with  the 
greatest  vehemence  ;  one  in  which  the 
religious  scruples  of  the  people  are 
apparently  joined  with  their  temporal 
interests. 

§  724.  It  was  for  these  reasons  that 
the  commons  viewed  with  alarm  two 
attempts  which  were  made  by  the  king 
to  grant  indulgence  to  those  who  differ- 
ed from  the  church.  (Dec.  2f),  1062.) 
Charles  had  published  a  declaration  for 
35 


liberty  of  conscience,'  wherein,  among 
other  things,  he  says,  "That  all  his 
subjects  might,  with  minds  happily 
composed  by  his  indulgence,  apply 
themselves  to  their  several  vocations  ;" 
and  in  his  speech  at  the  opening  of 
parliament,  he  says,  "And  yet  if  the 
dissenters  will  demean  themselves 
peaceably  and  modestly  under  the 
government,  I  could  heartily  wish  I 
had  such  a  power  of  indulgence  to 
use  upon  occasions,  as  might  not  need- 
lessly force  them  out  of  the  kingdom, 
or,  staying  here,  give  them  cause  to 
conspire  against  the  peace  of  it."  This 
step  created  so  great  a  terror,  that  the 
commons  voted  an  address  against  any 
indulgence  to  those  who  presumed  to 
dissent  from  the  act  of  uniformity  and 
the  religion  established  by  law ;  and 
many  reasons  were  assigned  why  such 
an  indulgence  was  imadvisable,  particu- 
larly since  continual  concession  must 
at  length  lead  to  a  general  toleration. 
A  similar  attempt  was  made  (March 
15,  1(572)  when  the  king'^  published  a 
declaration  of  toleration  which  sus- 
pended all  the  penal  laws  on  account 
of  religion,  and  the  result  was  the 
same. 

The  presbyterians  were  as  adverse 
as  the  church  to  toleration.  The  mass 
of  the  people  and  their  representatives 
were  unwilling  to  make  concessions  or 
to  grant  indulgence  to  the  nonconform- 
ists, and  even  less  favourable  to  the 
Roman  Catholics;  while  every  true 
lover  of  his  country  must  have  been 
alarmed  at  seeing  the  king  assume  to 
himself  a  power  which  the  disorganized 
state  of  the  kingdom  appeared  to  ren- 
der in  some  degree  necessary,  but 
which  was  inconsistent  with  the  due 
observance  of  the  laws,  since  all  enact- 
ments must  be  nugatory  if  the  crown 
can  dispense  with  them.  The  Roman 
Catholics  and  the  court  desired  that  the 
severities  exercised  on  the  nonconform- 
ists should  so  dissatisfy  the  minds  of 
sober  men  that  they  might  all  readily 
embrace  a  toleration  flowing  entirely 
from  the  crown ;  the  country  party 
dreaded  the  assumption  of  such  a  pow- 
er; but  till  the  difficulties  which  pre- 
ceded the  Revolution  had  convinced 
the  nation  of  the  necessity  of  toleration, 


>  Echard,  806.  2  See  ^  715. 


374 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVI. 


no  one  seemed  willing  to  concede  snch 
liberty  to  others  as  he  justly  claimed 
for  himself. 

§  725.  The  nonconformists  are  often 
praised  for  the  disinterested  readiness 
with  which  they  declined  accepting  a 
toleration  granted  to  themselves,  upon 
condition  that  the  Roman  Catholics 
should  share  in  it ;  hut  though  we  can 
account  for  such  feelings,  we  can  hardly 
applaud  the  liberality  of  men  who  would 
rather  give  up  their  own  liberty  in  reli- 
gious matters  than  suffer  their  neigh- 
bours to  worship  God  as  they  pleased. 
The  exclusion  of  the  Roman  Catholics 
from  places  of  trust,  and  from  the  tw-o 
Houses,  and  the  attempt  to  deprive  the 
duke  of  York  of  his  right  of  succession 
to  the  crown,  stand  on  totally  different 
grounds  from  the  question  of  toleration. 
It  must  be  the  inherent  right  of  every 
body  politic  to  defend  itself;  if,  there- 
fore, the  constitution  will  be  endangered 
by  committing  power  into  the  hands  of 
those  who  entertain  opinions  inconsistent 
with  the  safety  of  the  state,  the  supreme 
authority  of  a  kingdom  must  have  a 
power  of  making  such  an  exclusion  ;  it 
can  only  be  defended  on  the  plea  of  ne- 
cessity, and  if  necessary,  it  must  be  just. 
The  common  safety  of  the  whole  must 
give  the  captain  of  a  ship  the  right  of 
throwing  the  property  of  his  passengers 
into  the  sea ;  but  unless  he  can  show 
that  the  safety  of  the  whole  depends  on 
his  doing  so,  he  will  have  much  difficulty 
in  persuading  his  passengers  to  consent 
to  the  measure  ;  3'et  it  may  become  his 
duty  to  take  the  responsibility  of  such  an 
act  upon  himself.  The  policy  and  the 
justice  of  each  of  these  proceedings  are 
inseparable,  and  depend  entirely  on  the 
necessity.  All  exclusion  is,  per  se,  an 
evil;  circumstances  may  render  it  the 
less  of  two  evils  ;  but  no  Christian  coun- 
try can  have  a  right  to  hinder  men  from 
worshipping  God  according  to  their  own 
fashion,  provided  it  be  done  peaceably, 
and  without  disturbance  to  society. 

§  720.  It  would  be  totally  inconsistent 
with  the  plan  of  this  work,  to  enter  into 
any  description  of  the  policy  of  this 
reign.  It  consisted  in  a  variety  of  con- 
trivances, by  which  the  crown  endea- 
voured to  obtain  money  from  a  yielding 
parliament,  and  the  bargains  which  the 
House  of  Commons  made  for  each  of 
its  concessions  ;  bargains,  in  which  the 


welfare  of  one  part  of  the  community, 
and  the  well-being  of  the  whole,  were 
sacrificed  to  the  supposed  interests  of 
the  rest.  The  money  Avas  no  sooner 
obtained  than  it  was  squandered  on  the 
most  unworthy  purposes,  and  the  liberty 
of  the  subject  preserved,  not  by  any  con- 
stitutional stand,  or  carefulness  in  the 
parliament,  but  because  the  prodigality 
of  the  court  always  kept  the  king  at  the 
mercy  of  his  people. 

§  727.  Among  the  various  calamities 
which  attended  this  eventful  reign,  there 
are  two  of  so  marked  a  character,  that 
we  can  hardlj'  omit  the  mention  of  them ; 
particularly  as  they  each  tended  to  call 
forth  the  energies  of  the  church  and  the 
nonconformists  ;  and  furnished  a  short 
space  of  time,  during  which  the  labours 
of  both  were  directed  to  the  same  im- 
portant object. 

The  plague  broke  out  in  London,  in 
May,  1665,  and  raged  with  greater  or 
less  violence  till  the  fire  put  an  end  to 
its  contagion.  The  upper  orders,  gene- 
rally speaking,  fled,  to  avoid  its  ravages, 
and  unfortunately  some  of  the  London 
clergy  imitated  their  example  ;'  but  their 
places  were  quickly  filled  by  the  non- 
conformists,'^ and  the  near  prospect  of 
death  caused  a  strong  effect  on  the  minds 
of  many  persons,^  to  whom  the  ministers 
of  God's  word  addressed  themselves. 
Writers  who  have  described  the  events 
which  attended  this  pestilence,  speak  of 
the  religious  impressions  which  were 
generally  produced  on  the  people  ;  and 
though  there  was  a  dreadful  continuance 
of  vicious  indulgence,  which  showed 
itself  in  many  cases,  yet  the  effect  was 
ordinarily  much  stronger  on  the  other 
side,  and  promoted  the  reformation  of 
morals.  It  might  prove  a  useful  specu- 
lation to  compare  the  effects  of  such 
visitations  on  heathen  and  on  Christian 
countries.*    At  Athens  it  produced  an 

•  Echard,  823. 
There  died  of  the  plague  b8,59G  persons  within 
the  bills  of  mortality.  Among  those  who  exerted 
themselves  in  this  season  of  distress,  the  names 
of  the  duke  of  Albemarle,  Sheldon,  archbishop 
ol'  Canterbury,  and  Lord  Craven  must  not  be  for- 
gotten. Thomas  Vincent,  a  Westminster  student 
of  Christ  Church,  wrote  an  account  of  it:  he 
stayed  in  London,  and  preached  during  the  whole 
time. 

3  Baxter's  Life,  iii.  2. 
See  some  valuable  remarks  on  this  subject  in 
Burton's  History  of  the  Second  and  Third  Centu- 
ries, p.  345,  A.  D.  253,  and  the  account  of  the  con- 
duct of  Cyprian  and  the  other  bishops. 


HAP.  XVI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


275 


extraordinary  excess  of  immorality  of 
every  description.  In  London,  though 
gross  vice  still  in  some  measure  pre- 
vailed, yet  men  were  ordinarily  turned 
towards  religion ;  the  churches  were 
crowded  by  persons  exhibiting  every 
outward  appearance  of  piety,  and  the 
very  exclamations  heard  in  the  streets 
partook  of  a  devotional  character.  No- 
thing but  the  pure  and  revealed  word  of 
God  can  impress  upon  the  mind  of  man 
a  real  belief  in  a  future  state  ;  and  few 
who  possessed  a  practical  faith  in  this 
doctrine,  could  fail  to  be  influenced  by 
it,  at  least  for  the  time,  and  frightened 
by  such  a  tremendous  warning  into  some 
species  of  reformation. 

§  728.  (Sept.  1666.)  The  fire  of  Lon- 
don was  one  of  the  most  terrible  afflic- 
tions Avhich  ever  befell  a  devoted  city  ; 
and  though  the  lives  of  the  inhabitants 
were  spared,  yet  their  property  was  so 
generally  destroyed,  that  the  most  active 
exertions  on  the  part  of  the  benevolent 
could  not  prevent  a  very  considerable 
quantity  of  actual  suffering.  Many  of 
the  nonconformist  ministers  were  espe- 
cially injured,  since  London  formed  a 
great  bank  of  charity  from  whence  their 
necessities  had  been  supplied,  and  the 
present  distress  not  only  disabled  some 
of  those  who  contributed  to  their  sup- 
port, but  diverted  much  of  the  benefi- 
cence of  the  kingdom  into  a  new  channel. 
This  visitation,  however,  did  not  produce 
the  good  which  might  have  been  ex- 
pected from  it.  The  violence  which  had 
long  exasperated  the  two  parties  in  the 
church  was  far  from  being  appeased  ;  in 
reflecting  on  these  calamitous  events, 
each  threw  the  blame  on  their  oppo- 
nents ;  the  one  reprobated  the  schismatic 
temper  of  the  nonconformists,  the  other 
declaimed  against  the  perjury  and  ty- 
ranny of  the  hierarchy,'  but  neither  con- 
fessed their  own  ofl^ences. 

As  eighty-nine  churches  were  de- 
stroyed, and  the  great  mass  of  the  popu- 
lation remained,  the  nonconformists 
gladly  exerted  themselves  in  opening 
such  meetings  for  public  worship  as 
could  most  easily  be  provided,  and  the 
obvious  necessity  of  the  case  prevented 
any  opposition  which  might  otherwise 
have  been  raised  to  such  an  attempt ; 
but  unfortunately  the  doctrines  which 


'  Baxter,  iii.  18. 


were  then  prevalent  in  the  kingdom 
breathed  not  that  spirit  of  reconciliation 
which  might  have  promoted  the  cause 
of  Christianity.  It  happened  indeed 
most  providentially,  that  several  of  the 
parish  churches  which  were  preserved 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  most  mo- 
derate and  ablest  of  the  clergy  of  the 
day,  as  Stillingfleet,  Tillotson,  Out- 
ram,  and  Patric ;  but  their  exertions 
were  productive  of  less  good,  since 
many  of  the  nonconformists  exhibited  so 
great  a  dislike  to  the  Common  Prayer, 
that  they  either,  refused  to  join-  with 
conformable  ministers,  or  at  least  to 
be  present  at  the  Liturgy  and  sacra- 
ments. 

§  729.  The  evil  tendency  of  such 
schismatic  notions,  joined  with  much  of 
disaffection  towards  the  crown,  which 
continued  to  increase  during  the  whole 
of  this  reign,  naturally  produced  a  con- 
trary feeling  on  the  part  of  the  church ; 
and  many  churchmen,  in  their  zeal  to 
controvert  what  was  wrong  in  these 
opinions,  ran  into  the  extremes  of  pas- 
sive obedience  and  non-resistance,  a  doc- 
trine which,  during  the  latter  years  of 
the  life  of  Charles  II.,  seemed  equally 
espoused  by  the  court  and  the  pulpit, 
the  bench  and  the  bar.^  (1683.)  Under 
the  impulse  of  this  increasing  zeal,  the 
university  of  Oxford  made  a  solemn  de- 
cree, which  passed  in  the  convocation 
there  on  the  same  day  as  the  execution 
of  Lord  Russell  took  place,  and  pre- 
sented it  to  the  king,  under  this  title,' 
"The  judgment  and  decree  of  the  uni- 
versity of  Oxford,  passed  in  their  convo- 
cation on  July  21,  1683,  against  certain 
pernicious  books  and  damnable  doc- 
trines, destructive  of  the  sacred  persons 
of  princes,  their  state  and  government, 
and  of  all  human  society;"  in  which 
decree  they  formally  condemned  twenty- 
seven  propositions  collected  out  of  seve- 
ral modern  authors.  This  decree  is 
attributed  to  Dr.  .lane,  regius  professor 
of  divinity,  who  was  in  consequence 
made  dean  of  Gloucester,  and  who,  upon 
the  Revolution,  again  sought  for  prefer- 
ment by  changing  his  sentiments.  The 
declaration  was  placed  in  the  college 
halls,  and  remained  there  till,  in  1688, 
it  was  displaced  by  those  who  had  framed 


2  Echard,  1036. 

3  Rapin,  ii.  730.    Kennet,  iii.  419. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CUA.P.  XVI. 


it,  on  the  arrival  of  the  new  govern-  j 
ment.'  i 

§  730.  In  reviewing  the  history  of  the 
reign,  if  it  were  attempted  to  describe 
the  characters  of  all  those  who  took  a 
prominent  part  in  the  affairs  of  it,  the 
task  would  require  a  volume  for  hself ; 
but  there  is  one  man  who  must  not  be 
overlooked. 

Lord  Clarendon  showed  so  much 
wisdom  in  the  treatment  of  the  repub- 
licans, whose  services  he  accepted,  that 
it  is  difficult  to  understand  why  the 
same  minister  should  have  adopted  a 
contrary  policy  with  regard  to  the  af- 
fairs of  the  church.  Burnet's'^  account 
of  this  matter,  therefore,  may  possibly 
contain  some  truth,  where  he  states  that 
the  chancellor  would  have  fallen  into 
more  moderate  counsels  towards  the 
nonconformists,  had  he  not  been  unwill- 
ing to  disoblige  the  bishops,  who  had 
been  very  kind  to  him,  in  the  affair 
wherein  his  daughter's  honour  was 
concerned  ;  and  that  his  friend  Lord 
Southampton  was  disposed  to  have  been 
very  moderate.  In  the  transactions 
connected  with  the  Savoy  conference. 
Lord  Clarendon  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  adverse  to  the  nonconform- 
ists ;  but  the  real  state  of  the  question, 
as  it  was  gradually  developed  to  those 
who  were  engaged  in  the  government, 
may  fully  account  for  this  difference  in 
his  conduct.  At  first  he  seems  to  have 
been  equally  ready  to  conciliate  the 
enemies  of  the  monarchy  both  in  church 
and  state  ;  but  when  he  came  to  act, 
he  found  the  characters  of  the  parties 
so  dissimilar,  that  he  was  led  to  pursue 
a  very  different  line  of  treatment  to- 
wards them.  The  republican  states- 
men were  possessed  of  enlarged  views, 
and  were  in  many  cases  willing  to  fall 
in  with  the  measures  which  the  altered 
state  of  the  kingdom  required.  The 
presbyterian  churchmen  were  men  of 
contracted  notions,  who  would  make 
no  allowances  for  the  opinions  of  others, 

•  These  proceedings  were  so  justly  offensive  to 
some  of  the  younger  students,  who  in  those  days 
pubhshed  their  satire  in  Latin  verses,  that  many 
epigrams  were  written  on  him.    Among  the  rest: 

Cum  fronti  sit  nulla  fides,  ut  carmina  dicunt, 
Cur  tibi  bifronti,  Jane,  sit  ulla  fides  ? 
And  again — 

Decretum  figis  solenne,  Decanus  ut  esses: 
Ut  fieres  Praesul,  Jane,  refigis  idem. 

'  Own  Time,  i.  305. 


or  concessions  from  their  own  decisions. 
No  one  can  examine  the  Savoy  con- 
ference, without  being  convinced  that 
men  of  such  tempers  were  unable  to 
govern  or  to  legislate  for  any  church. 

A  Aviser  policy  might  probably  have 
broken  the  party,  and  greater  conces- 
sions would  perhaps  have  conciliated 
many ;  but  mankind  had  not  then 
learnt,  nor  could  they  foresee  and 
know,  the  benefits  which  toleration  was 
likely  to  produce.  Lord  Clarendon 
therefore  thought,  with  others,  that  no- 
thing but  severit)-^  could  give  security  to 
the  church  ;  and  this  idea  predominated 
till  the  course  of  events  convinced 
every  one  that  divisions  among  Pro- 
testants could  neither  give  safety  to 
the  church  or  advance  the  cause  of 
religion. 

§  TSl.  The  fate  of  the  lord  chancel- 
lor was  such  as  might  have  been  natu- 
rally anticipated  ;  his  misfortune  seems 
to  have  been,  that  he  did  not  retire  from 
his  pre-eminent  station  sufficiently 
early.  He  had  been  raised  too  high 
for  a  subject,  and  he  could  not  hope  to 
govern  or  to  guide  a  man  so  vicious 
as  the  king.  When  he  found  that  his 
power  of  acting  rightly  had  ceased,  he 
should  have  withdrawn  from  the  scene  ; 
but  he  esteemed  himself  bound  to  sup- 
port the  measures  of  the  court,  though 
he  did  not  approve  of  them,  and  his 
high  station  compelled  him  to  take  a 
share  in  whatever  was  done  ;  so  that 
though  he  concurred  in  the  treatment 
of  the  nonconformists,  we  can  hardly 
be  sure  that  he  might  not  have  adopted 
a  more  enlightened  policy,  had  he  been 
able  to  direct  the  government  in  all  its 
details.  The  general  feeling  of  the 
country  was  probably  the  real  cause  of 
whatever  was  now  done  in  this  respect. 
Baxter,  in  his  own  life,  is  often  violent 
in  the  blame  which  he  throws  on  the 
bishops,  for  persecuting,  with  all  the 
severity  of  the  law,  their  nonconform- 
ing brethreii ;  and  particularizes  Shel- 
don and  Ward.^  These  men  were 
both  of  them  very  influential  persons 
in  the  concerns  of  the  church,  and 
therefore  the  policy  which  was  adopted 
must  in  some  measure  be  referred  to 
them  ;  but  Baxter  himself  seems  never 
to  have  possessed  those  extended  views 

3  iii.  3.  '■ 


CJhap.  XVI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


27"? 


which  could  comprehend  that  men,  who 
differed  entirely  from  himself  in  their 
opinions,  might  still  be  sincere  and 
conscientious  in  their  proceedings. 
These  bishops  were  probably  never 
guilty  of  any  acts  of  severity,  to  which 
those  who  approved  of  their  line  of 
policy  would  honestly  object.  They  ! 
tried  to  reduce  the  nonconformists  by 
force  of  law,  and  not  by  conciliation  ; 
and  many  persons  may  even  now  think 
that  they  were  right,  and  that  their 
principles  were  sound.  Persecution 
of  every  sort  is  unchristian ;  but  he 
must  be  very  ignorant  of  human  na- 
ture who  presumes  to  assert  that  every 
one  who  wishes  to  persecute  must  be 
entirely  unchristian.  What  would 
have  been  the  fate  of  churchmen  if 
the  nonconformists  had  predominated  ? 
And  yet  there  were  many  very  good 
men  among  them.  A  spirit  of  tolera- 
tion is  one  which  his  own  heart  will 
never  teach  to  any  one  :  and  it  is  only 
by  degrees  that  nations  learn  the  virtue 
of  moderation.  In  looking  at  this  point 
during  the  usurpation,  and  at  the  Re- 
storation, it  would  be  useless  and  invi- 
dious to  draw  comparisons.  Severity 
and  injustice  might  have  been  expected 
from  rebels,  even  though  driven  into 
rebellion  by  oppression  ;  but  where  a 
legitimate  government  throws  off  the 
fostering  care  which  it  should  exhibit 
towards  all  its  children  collectively,  and 
tries  to  uphold  its  own  selfish  power  by 
balancing  against  each  other  those  whom 
it  should  endeavour  to  unite  ;  when  the 
church,  which  we  admire  and  love, 
takes  part  in  this  disgraceful  struggle,  it 
cannot  but  point  out  to  us  the  insuffi- 
ciency of  the  best  of  human  policy  and 
human  institutions,  and  make  us  look 
up  to  that  power  which  has  preserved 
us,  and  which  can  alone  vouchsafe  to 
continue  our  existence. 

§  733.  Charles  himself  sought  rather 
to  escape  from  the  trouble  of  governing 
than  was  anxious  to  tyrannize  over 
others ;  his  wish  for  arbitrary  power 
arose  from  the  delusive  hope  that  it 
would  free  him  from  those  disturbances 
to  which  he  found  himself  continually 
exposed  :  he  did  not  desire*  to  be  like 
a  grand  seignior,  but  he  did  not  think 
himself  a  king  wnile  a  company  of  fel- 


lows were  looking  into  all  his  actions, 
and  examining  his  ministers  as  well  as 
his  accounts  ;  and  he  expected  that,  by 
balancing  the  church  parly  against  the 
dissenters,  he  might  be  able  to  hold  the 
reins  in  his  own  hands  ;  he  was  rapa- 
cious in  seeking  money,  for  the  sake 
of  squandering  it  on  his  favourites  ;  and 
if  the  opinion  of  Coleman,  secretary  to 
his  brother,  may  be  trusted,  there  Avas 
nothing  which  he  would  not  do  for  the 
sake  of  obtaining  it.  He  conformed,  in 
religious  matters,  outwardly  with  the 
church  of  England ;'-  and  it  may  be  a 
question  whether  he  did  not  join  the 
church  of  Rome  rather  for  the  sake  of 
that  fallacious  ease  which  that  sect 
could  impart  to  his  troubled  and  waver- 
ing conscience  than  for  any  better  rea- 
son. He  treated  his  wife  as  kindly  as 
any  man  of  his  vicious  habits  could  do, 
and  he  was  the  slave  of  his  mistresses. 
His  natural  talents  are  described  as  be- 
ing considerable  ;  and  he  was  possibly 
a  better  politician  than  any  of  his  mi- 
nisters ;  but  he  was  disgusted  with  busi- 
ness by  Lord  Clarendon,  and  latterly 
gave  himself  up  to  the  guidance  of  his 
brother,  who  being,  perhaps,  at  that 
time,  as  bad  a  man,  was  certainly  a 
much  worse  monarch.  The  circum- 
stance which  must  load  Charles  and  his 
brother  with  a  political  infamy,  which 
nothing  can  wipe  away,  was  the  man- 
ner in  which  they  separated  their  own 
supposed  interest  from  that  of  their 
country.  Because  they  could  not  go- 
vern England  according  to  their  own 
wishes,  they  were  ready  to  become 
themselves  the  pensionaries  of  France, 
and  to  sell  the  interests  of  Britain,  that 
they  might  obtain  the  means  of  en- 
slaving it.  This  project  seems  to  have 
flowed  from  James,  rather  than  from 
Charles ;  but  it  is  shameless  enough 
even  to  have  entertained  the  idea. 

§  73;}.  The  natural  tendency  of  such 
a  reign  was  to  create  a  most  stupendous 
degree  of  profligacy,  moral  and  political ; 
and  this  fruit  was  produced  in  abun- 
dance. Perhaps  there  never  was  a 
more  disgraceful  public  act  than  the 
stoppage  of  the  treasury,  and  certainly 
all  authors  agree  that  this  country  was 
never  more  degraded  in  its  morality, 
than  while  Charles  II.  was  king.  Re- 


'  Burnet's  Own  Time,  ii.  1. 


2  Wei  wood,  M8. 
3A 


278 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVI. 


ligion,  instead  of  reforming  these  evils, 
was  itself  the  most  fertile  cause  of  con- 
tention, and  fostered  every  evil  passion 
with  which  human  nature  is  corrupted: 
gross  profligacy  will  easily  taint  the 
breasts  of  the  thoughtless  and  the 
worldly ;  but  religious  discord  takes 
away  the  savour  from  that  salt  which 
should  season  the  whole  ;  at  once  in- 
fects whatever  is  most  valuable  in  the 
community,  and  renders  even  the  ex- 
pectation of  amendment  distant  and 


uncertain.  Fanaticism  and  a  false  dis- 
cipline had  promoted  the  cause  of  hy- 

I  pocrisy  and  irreligion,  and  debauchery 
and  vice  followed  in  their  train  ;  but 
party  feeling  seemed  likely  to  have  de- 
stroyed whatever  portion  of  Christianity 
remained,  had  not  God  in  mercy  raised 
up  a  body  of  men,  whom  the  very  dan- 
gers and  difficulties  of  the  times  tended 

I  to  educate  ;  and  whose  virtues  and  ex- 
perience were  matured  by  the  opposition 
which  they  were  obliged  to  encounter. 


APPENDIX  E.  TO  CHAPTER  XVI. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  COMMON  PRAYER  BOOK.* 


§  741.  1545.  The  King's  Primer,  printed  by  authority. 

742.  1548.  Communion  Service. 

743.  1549.  First  Liturgy  of  Edward  VI.  pubhshed. 

744.  1550.  First  Ordination  Service  pubhshed. 

745.  1552.  Second  Liturgy  of  Edward  VL 

Second  Ordination  Service. 

746.  1560.  Liturgy  of  Elizabeth. 

747.  1604.  Alterations  introduced  by  James  I. 

748.  1633.  and  Charles  I. 

749.  1661.  Last  revision.    Authorized  Liturgy. 

750.  Service  for  the  Consecration  of  Churches;  political  services. 


§  741.  In  giving  an  account  of  the 
Common  Prayer  Book,  it  will  be  more 
correct  to  describe  it  as  a  work  com- 
piled from  the  services  of  the  church  of 
Rome,  or  rather  as  a  translation  of  such 
portions  of  them  as  were  free  from  all 
objection,  than  as  an  original  composi- 
tion. The  use  of  prayers  in  a  language 
unintelligible  to  the  mass  of  the  congre- 
gation is  an  evil  so  obvious,  that  when- 
ever men  begin  to  judge  for  themselves, 
they  must  necessarily  reject  it ;  and  the 
first  step  which  was  taken  by  the  church 
of  England  is,  I  believe,  now  generally 
adopted  in  that  of  Rome  ;  I  mean  a 
translation  of  those  portions  of  the  ser- 
vice which  are  most  frequently  used. 
The  book  denominated  the  King's  Pri- 
mer was,  I  believe,  first  published  by 


'  Few  references  are  here  given,  for  most  of  the 
observations  are  made  from  collating  the  original 
editions.  There  is  a  nice  tract  on  the  subject  in 
Sparrow's  Rationale  of  the  Common  Prayer, 
drawn  up  by  Downes.  Wheatley  and  Nicholls 
may  be  consulted.  A  complete  documentary 
history  of  the  Common  Prayer  has  just  been  pub- 
hshed by  my  friend  Dr.  Cardwell  at  Oxford. 
History  of  the  Conferences,  &,c.,  connected  with 
the  Common  Prayer,  by  £.  Cardwell,  D.  D.  Ox- 
ford, 1840. 


authority  early  in  the  spring  of  1545." 
The  object  of  its  publication  was  to  fur- 
nish the  unlearned  with  such  parts  of 
the  church  service  as  were  most  re- 
quired, as  well  as  to  supply  them  with 

2  Before  this,  about  1535,  a  book  called  by  the 
same  name,  and  written,  or  rather  compiled,  by 
Cuthbert  Marshall,  archdeacon  of  Nottingham, 
was  published,  probably  with  Crannier's  appro- 
bation, but  without  authority.  (Strype's  Eccle- 
siastical Memorials,  i.  335,  ch.  xxxi.,  and  Cranmer, 
i.  138.)  It  contains  many  independent  tracts,  of 
which  Strype  gives  a  list  ;  possibly  the  Primer 
might  have  been  allowed,  to  which  Marshall 
affixed  these  additions.  I  have  never  seen  the 
book.  Strype  calls  it  a  second  edition  with  divers 
additions,  4io.  A  Primer,  1545,  to  which  I  allude 
above,  is  in  the  Bodleian,  Waterland  on  the 
Athanasian  Creed,  Works,  iv.  282  a,  speaks  of  a 
Primer  set  forth  in  1539,  by  John,  bishop  of  Ro- 
chester, (Hilsey,)  p.  285. 

In  1834  my  late  friend  Dr.  Burton  published 
three  primers ;  that  of — 

William  Marshall  .  .  1535 
John  Hilsey  ....  1539 
Henry  VIII.     .    .    .  1545. 

In  the  preface  which  he  has  given,  there  is  all 
the  information  on  the  subject  which  he  could 
collect.  He  proves  the  error  of  the  account  above 
given  from  Strype,  and  affords  much  new  infor- 
mation on  the  use  made  of  Marshall's  Primer  in 
composing  the  "  Institution  of  a  Christian  Man," 
(or  tiie  Bishops'  Book;)  Roman  Catholic  Primers 
were  previously  in  use  ;  he  mentions  one  as  early 
as  1527. 


Chap.  XVI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


279 


the  Creed,  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the 
Ten  Commandments,  in  the  vulgar 
tongue.  This  book  was  republished  in 
the  reigns  of  Edward  and  Elizabeth. 

It  contains  the  Litany,  varying  but 
little  from  our  present  form,  excepting 
that  there  are  certain  petitions  request- 
ing "  the  prayers  of  angvls,  saints,  and 
martyrs,"  and  to  be  delivered  from  the 
tyranny  of  the  church  of  Rome."  The 
former  of  which  was  omitted  in  the 
Prayer  Book  of  Edward  VL,  and  both 
in  that  Elizabeth.  In  the  Dirige,  or 
service  for  the  dead,  all  the  Primers 
contain  prayers  for  departed  souls,  which 
is  the  more  extraordinary  with  regard 
to  that  published  during  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth,  since  this  point  had  been 
altered  in  the  second  Common  Prayer 
of  Edward  VI.,  1552,  and  was  never 
again  introduced  into  the  service  of  our 
church. 

§  742.  (March  8,  1548.)  The  second 
step  in  framing  a  new  Service  Book  re- 
ferred to  that  particular  in  which  the 
church  of  Rome  had  introduced  the 
greatest  corruptions.  When  it  was  or- 
dained by  act  of  parliament  that  the  use 
of  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  supper 
in  both  kinds  should  be  restored  to  the 
people,  a  short  formulary'  was  drawn 
up  for  this  purpose,  to  be  used  at  the 
end  of  the  Latin  mass,  in  which  the 
priest,  having  himself  partaken  during 
the  previous  ceremony,  was  directed 
subsequently  to  administer  to  the  rest 
of  the  congregation  both  the  bread  and 
wine.  The  service  is  from  this  circum- 
stance much  shorter  than  that  which 
formed  a  part  of  the  Common  Prayer 
in  1549,  but  most  of  the  prayers  and 
exhortations  are  the  same;  both  these 
contain  one  direction  with  regard  to 
confession,  which  marks  the  temper  in 
which  they  were  drawn  up.  The  people, 
when  exhorted  as  at  present  to  come  to 
some  minister  of  God's  word,  and  open 
their  grief  to  him,  in  case  they  find  their 
consciences  troubled,  are  urged  to  use 
mutual  charity  towards  those  whose 
opinions  difTt-r  from  their  own  as  to 
private  confession ;  that  neither  they 
who  open  their  sins  to  the  priest  should 
be  offended  at  others  who  are  satisfied 
with  their  own  humble  confession  to 
God  ;  nor  these  latter  exhibit  less  for- 


'  Printed  in  Sparrow's  Collection,  p.  13. 


bearance  towards  such  as  seek  for  fur- 
ther satisfaction  from  auricular  con- 
fession. 

§  743.  (May  4,  1549.)  But  when  the 
principles  of  general  reformation  were 
more  fully  acted  upon,  the  whole  ser- 
vice was  put  forth  in  English,''  and  all 
men  were  thus  enabled  to  join  in  the 
very  words  used  by  the  minister  of  the 
church. 

The  execution,  however,  of  this  work 
was  far  from  being  so  complete  as  its 
first  appearance  might  induce  us  to 
suppose.  The  original  CommonPrayer 
Book  is,  in  all  outward  appearance, 
nearly  the  same  as  that  which  we  now 
use,  though  its  pages  retain  many  of  the 
particulars  in  which  we  differ  from  the 
church  of  Rome.  In  the  funeral  ser- 
vice there  are  prayers  for  the  dead. 
The  custom  of  anointing  with  oil  is  re- 
tained in  the  office  for  baptism  ;  and  in 
that  for  the  visitation  of  the  sick,  in  case 
the  patient  requested  it.  The  outward 
sign  of  the  cross  is  still  retained  in  se- 
veral of  the  services  where  it  is  now 
omitted  :  so  that  on  the  whole  this  book 
forms  a  connecting  link  between  the 
Missal  and  the  Prayer  Book.^ 


Book  is  drawn,  the  reader  is  referred  to  a  moat 
complete  treatise  on  tliis  subject  by  Palmer,  pub- 
lished at  the  University  Press  in  Oxford.  Since 
ihc  publication  of  the  2d  edition,  these  two  Prayer 
Books,  §  743,  ^  745,  have  been  reprinted  at  the 
University  Press,  by  my  friend  Dr.  Cardwell. 

'  The  most  material  diflerences  between  the  first 
Liturgy  and  that  now  in  use  were — 

1.  The  morning  and  evening  service  began  with 
the  Lord's  Prayer;  and  the  prayers  for  the  king, 
royal  family,  and  clergy,  &c.,  were  wanting  at 
the  end  of  it.  The  Litany  was  not  ordered  to  be 
used  on  Sundays,  and  contained  a  petition  to  be 
delivered  from  the  tyranny  of  the  bishop  of  Rome. 

2.  Each  communion  service  began  with  an  In- 
troit,  or  psalm,  sung  as  the  officiating  ministers 
were  proceeding  to  the  altar,  (a  custom  which  is 
still  retained  in  cathedral  churches.)  In  the  praise 
given  for  the  saints  the  name  of  the  Virgin  was 
especially  mentioned.    The  sign  of  the  cross  was 


2  The  persons  employed  in  drawing  it  up  were — 

Cranmer,  abp.  of  Canterbury. 

Goodrich,  bp.  of  Ely. 

Holbech,  bp.  of  Lincoln. 

Day,  bp.  of  Chichester. 

Skip,  bp.  of  Hereford. 

Thirby,  bp.  of  Westminster. 

Ridley,  bp.  of  Rochester. 

Cox,  dean  of  Christ  Church. 

May,  dean  of  St.  Paul's. 

Taylor,  dean  of  Lincoln. 

Hayns,  dean  of  Exeter. 

Robinson,  archd.  of  Leicester  and  dean  of  Dur- 
ham. 

Redmain,  dean  of  Westminster  and  master  of 

Trinity,  Cambridge. 
As  to  the  sources  from  whence  our  Prayer 


280 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Ciiap.  XVI. 


§  711.  It  is  impossible  not  to  remark 
the  prudence  with  which  this  book  was 
drawn  up.  Almost  the  whole  of  it  was 
taken  from  different  Roman  Catholic 
services,  particularly  those  after  the  use 
of  Salisbury,  which  were  then  g-enerally 
adopted  in  the  south  of  England  ;  and 
the  principle  on  which  the  compilers 
proceeded  in  the  work,  was  to  alter  as 
little  as  possible  what  had  been  familiar 
to  the  people.'     Thus  the  Litany  is 

used  in  the  consecration  of  the  elements ;  and 
there  was  a  prayer  that  they  might  be  sanctified 
with  the  Spirit  and  Word  ol  God.  The  words  at 
the  presentation  ot  the  elements  were  only  the  first 
clause  oi  those  now  used  ;  and  water  was  to  be 
mixed  with  the  wine.  This  service  varies  much 
from  the  one  at  present  in  use,  and  the  Decalogue 
forms  no  part  of  it. 

3.  In  the  baptismal  service  a  form  of  e.\orcism, 
in  order  to  expel  the  evil  spirit  from  the  child,  was 
still  used  ;  the  child  was  anointed,  and  invested 
with  a  white  garment,  or  chrisom,  to  denote  the 
innocency  of  the  profession  into  which  it  was  now 
adinitted.  The  baptismal  water  was  consecrated 
once  a  month,  and  the  minister  was  directed  to  dip 
the  child  thrice. 

4.  The  catechism  formed  a  part  of  the  office  for 
confirmation,  and  wanted  the  explanation  of  the 
sacraments  at  the  end. 

5.  The  office  for  confirmation  consisted  merely 
in  the  laying  on  of  hands  with  prayer,  wiihoui 
any  promise  on  the  part  of  the  person  confirmed, 
with  which  it  now  begins.  The  sign  of  the  cross 
was  still  used  in  it. 

6.  In  iTiairimony  the  sign  of  the  cross  was  still 
retained,  and  money  was  given  with  the  ring  to 
the  bride. 

7.  In  the  visitation  of  the  sick,  allusion  was 
made  to  Tobias  and  Sarah,  from  the  Apocrypha. 
A  prayer  was  added  in  case  the  sick  person  de- 
sired to  be  anointed,  and  he  was  to  be  signed  w  ith 
the  cross.  And  it  was  further  directed,  that  the 
same  form  of  absolution  should  be  used  in  all  pri- 
vate confessions. 

8.  In  the  burial  of  the  dead  there  were  prayers 
for  the  person  buried,  and  for  the  dead  generally. 
A  particular  service  was  added  for  the  celebration 
of  the  eucharist  at  funerals. 

9.  With  regard  to  dresses,  priests  were  ordered 
to  wear  the  surplice  in  parish  churches,  and  to  add 
the  hood  when  they  officiate  in  cathedrals  or 
preach.  And  in  the  communion,  the  bishop  was 
directed  to  wear  besides  his  rochet,  a  surplice  or 
albe,  with  a  cope  or  vestment,  and  to  have  a 
pastoral  staflT  borne  by  himself,  or  his  chaplain. 
The  officiating  priest  to  wear  a  white  albe,  plain, 
with  a  vestment  or  cope.  And  the  assisting  mi- 
nisters to  appear  in  albes  and  tunicles.  Rubric, 
Com.  Service. 

10.  With  regard  to  ceremonies  used  by  the 
people,  the  following  rubric  occurred,  which  has 
been  subsequently  omitted.  "  As  touching  kneel- 
ing, crossing,  holding  up  of  hands,  knocking  upon 
the  breast,  and  other  gestures,  they  may  be  used 
or  left,  as  every  man's  devotion  serveth,  without 
blame ;"  and  it  may  be  observed  that  the  reasons 
then  drawn  up  "  why  some  ceremonies  were  ab- 
rogated and  others  retained,"  and  which  were 
then  placed  at  the  end  of  the  Prayer  Book,  now 
stand  as  a  preface. 

'  Many  parts  of  the  service,  which  are  not  de- 


nearly  the  same  as  that  in  the  Salisbury 
Hours,  excepting  that  one  hundred  and 
sixteen  addresses  to  the  apostles,  the 
Virgin,  and  different  saints  are  left  out ; 
it  only  differs  from  that  published  by 
Henry  VIII.  in  the  Primer,  by  three 
addresses  of  the  same  nature,  which 
were  there  retained  ;  and  varies  from 
our  own  in  one  petition  only,  "That 
we  may  be  delivered  from  the  tyranny 
of  the  pope."  The  collects,  epistles, 
and  gospels  were  almost  entirely  the 
same  as  those  in  the  Salisbury  Hours, 
and  several  ceremonies  were  retained, 
which  have  been  since  discarded. 

(Nov.  1549.)  In  the  latter  part  of  this 
year,  a  meeting  of  divines'*  (probably 
the  same  as  had  been  engaged  in  com- 
piling the  Common  Prayer)  took  place, 
for  the  purpose  of  framing  an  ordi- 
nation service,  which  was  published  in 
March  of  the  next  year,  and,  after  some 
trifling  alterations,^  adopted  into  the 
Pra5'er  Book,  upon  the  review  of  it 
which  took  place  in  1552.  It  corres- 
ponds very  nearly  with  that  now  in 
use,  excepting  that  some  of  the  portions 
of  Scripture  which  are  read  are  different, 
and  the  oath  of  supremacy  has  been 
changed.''  Its  several  parts  are  taken 
from  that  in  use  in  the  church  of  Rome, 
with  the  omission  of  certain  ceremonious 
observances,  and  the  insertion  of  most 
of  the  questions  proposed  to  the  candi- 
dates. 

§745.  (a.d.  1552.)  When  a  few 
years  had  enabled  the  Christian  com- 


rived  from  the  Roman  Catholic  service  books,  are 
taken  from  Herman's  Consuliaiion  about  Refor- 
mation. He  was  archbishop  of  Cologne,  and  the 
work  was  drawn  up  by  Melanctlion  and  Bucer, 
and  translated  into  English  in  ]547-  Laurence, 
Hampton  Lectures,  440. 

2  Burnet,  ii.  109,  fol.,  265,  8vo. 

3  Differences  between  the  ordination  service, 
1549—1552.  . 

1'hc  service  began  with  an  Introit.  The  dea- 
cons were  to  be  dressed  in  albes,  and  the  one  who 
read  tho  gospel  was  to  put  on  a  tunicle.  The 
bread  and  chalice  were  given  into  the  pries,  s  hands, 
together  with  thg  Bible.  In  the  consecration  of 
bishops  the  pastoral  staff"  wa.s  used,  and  committed 
into  his  hand  before  the  words,  "  Be  to  the  flock 
of  Christ  a  shepherd."  The  archbishop  laid  the 
Bible  on  the  bishop's  neck  ;  the  other  alterations 
are  merely  verbal.  The  original  edition  was  pub- 
lished by  Grafton.  The  copy  in  the  Bodleian 
library  is  a  reprint. 

The  smaller  dilTerences  consist  in  the  altera- 
tion of  some  few  words,  and  m  the  rubric  concern- 
ing the  ages  at  which  deacons  and  priests  may  be 
ordained,  corresponding  with  the  law  of  Elizabeth, 
See  ^  435. 


Chap.  XVI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


281 


munity  to  examine  the  new  Common 
Prayer  Book,  and  some  persons  were 
hardly  satisfied  with  many  of  the  cere- 
monies which  were  still  retained  in  the 
offices,  it  was  determined  to  make  a 
general  review  of  the  whole,  under  the 
direction  of  Cranmer,  with  the  assistance 
of  other  divides,  the  same  probably  as 
had  orig-inally  compiled  it.  While  this 
was  in  progress,  two  learned  foreigners, 
who  were  then  in  England,  were  con- 
sulted on  the  subject,  and  their  opinions 
seem  to  have  coincided  with,  or  to  have 
influenced,*  the  decisions  of  the  English 
bishops  ;  for  most  of  the  points  objected 
to  by  Bucer^  were  subsequently  amend- 
ed, and  the  sentiments  of  Peter  Martyr 
appear  to  have  been  very  similar  to 
those  of  Bucer.^ 

'  Dr.  I^aurence  (Bamplon  Lect.  247)  seems  to 
doubt  wlieiher  these  foreigners  had  much  in- 
fluence with  regard  to  the  matter. 

2  Burnet,  ii.  287, 8vo.  Strype's  Cranmer,  i.  299. 

^  The  aherations  from  the  last,  1549,  now  made, 
were  as  follows  : — 

1.  The  sentences,  exhortation,  confession,  and 
absolution,  with  which  the  service  begins,  were 
now  introduced.  'J'he  idea  of  them  is  probably 
taken  from  a  form  of  prayer  used  by  the  church 
of  iSlrasburgli,  and  published  in  1j51  by  Valeran- 
dus  Pollainis,  when  this  church  was  established 
at  Glastonbury.  The  use  of  the  Decalogue,  as 
part  of  the  public  service,  is  probably  due  to  the 
same  source.  See  Laurence's  Damp.  Lect.  198; 
and  Strype's  Eccl.  Mem.  IL  i.  378.  The  Litany 
was  to  be  used  on  Sundays. 

2.  In  the  communion  service  the  Decalogue 
was  now  introduced.  The  Introit,  the  name  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  together  with  the  thanksgiving 
for  the  saints,  tjfic  sign  of  the  cross  in  consecra- 
tion, the  invocation  of  the  Word  and  the  Holy 
Ghost  which  accompanied  it,  and  the  admixture 
of  water  with  wine,  were  omitted.  And  the  words 
at  the  presentation  of  the  elements  were  only  the 
second  cla\ise  of  those  now  used.  At  the  same 
time  a  declaration  concerning  the  posture  of  kneel- 
ing in  receiving  the  sacrament  was  subjoined, 
which  differs  not  materially  from  that  which  now 
stands  at  the  end  of  the  communion  service.  It 
is  difficult  to  understand  why  the  invocation  of  the 
second  and  tliird  Persons  in  the  Trinity  was  left 
out ;  it  has  been  wisely  restored  in  the  American 
Prayer  Rook. 

3.  In  baptism,  the  form  of  exorcism,  the  anoint- 
ing of  the  child,  the  u.se  of  the  chrisom,  and  the 
trine  immersion,  were  omitted ;  the  water  was 
consecrated  for  the  occasion  as  at  present. 

5.  In  confirmation,  the  sign  of  the  cross  was 
omitted. 

6.  In  matrimony,  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  the 
giving  of  gold  and  silver,  were  omitted. 

7.  In  the  visitation  of  the  sick,  the  allusion  to 
Tobias  and  Sarah,  the  anointing,  and  the  direc- 
tion about  all  private  confessions,  were  omitted. 

8.  In  the  burial  service,  the  prayers  for  the 
dead,  and  the  office  for  the  eucharist  at  funerals, 
were  omitted. 

9.  The  rubric  about  the  dresses  was,  "  And 
here  it  is  to  be  noted,  that  the  minister  at  the  time 
of  the  communion  and  at  all  other  times  in  his 

36 


This  Prayer  Book,  in  fact,  differs 
very  little  from  the  one  now  in  use, 
excepting  that  at  the  end  of  the  morning 
and  evening  service  the  prayers  for  the 
king  and  royal  family  were  wanting, 
and  that  the  other  prayers  were  then 
placed  at  the  end  of  the  Litany,  and 
probably  not  read  unless  that  was  used. 
The  occasional  prayers,  too,  as  well  as 
the  thanksgivings,  were  wanting ;  those 
for  rain  and  fair  weather  occurred  at  the 
end  of  the  communion  service. 

§  74G.  (a.  d.  1500.)  On  the  re-esta- 
blishment of  Protestantism  by  Q,ueen 
Elizabeth,  one  of  her  first  cares  was  to 
review  the  Common  Prayer  Book. 
The  question  which  was  agitated  be- 
tween those  whom  she  nominated  to  this 
task,-*  was  whether  the  first  or  second 
book  of  Edward  VI.  should  be  adopted. 
Her  own  inclination  would  probably 
have  guided  her  to  prefer  the  former, 
since  it  retained  many  ceremonies  of 
which  she  was  particularly  fond  ;  but, 
upon  examination,  the  second  of  Edward 
VI.  was  selected,  and  a  few  alterations 
were  made  in  it.^ 


ministration,  shall  use  neither  albe,  vestment,  nor 
cope ;  but  being  archbishop  or  bishop,  he  shall 
have  and  wear  a  rochet;  but  being  a  priest  or  dea- 
con, he  shall  have  and  wear  a  surplice  only. 

^  The  persons  employed  were,  (Strype's Life  of 
Sir  Thomas  Smith,  p.  56,)— 
Bill,  master  of  'I'rinity,  Cambridge,  and  after- 
wards dean  of  Westminster. 
Parker,  dean  of  Lincoln,  and  afterwards  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury. 
May,  dean  of  St.  Paul's,  and  afterwards  arch- 
bishop of  York. 
Cox,  dean  of  Ch.  Ch.  Oxford,  and  Westminster, 

and  afierwards  bishop  of  Ely. 
Pilkington,  master  of  St.  John's,  Cambridge,  and 

afierwards  bishop  of  Durham. 
Grindal,  bishop  of  London,  and  afterwards  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury. 
Whitehead,  who  had  been  chaplain  to  Cranmer. 
Sir  Thomas  Smith. 

Of  these.  May  and  Cox  had  been  employed  ai 
the  compilation  of  the  work.  In  the  Annals, 
Strype  (Ann.  i.  119,)  adds  Sandys  and  Guest. 

^  The  changes  specified  in  the  act  of  uniformity, 
1°  Elizabethae,  are,  "  With  one  alteration  or  addi 
tion  of  certain  lessons,  to  be  used  every  Sunday  in 
the  year,  and  the  form  of  the  Litany  altered  and 
corrected,  and  two  sentences  only  added  in  the 
delivery  of  the  sacrament  to  the  communicants, 
and  none  other  or  otherwise."  Of  these,  the 
changes  in  the  lessons  are  not  considerable.  In 
the  Lhany  the  petition  to  be  delivered  from  the 
tyranny  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  was  omitted,  and 
that  for  the  queen  altered.  And  in  the  commu- 
nion, both  the  clauses  at  the  presentation  of  the 
elements,  which  had  stood  in  the  first  and  second 
of  Edward,  were  put  together,  forming  the  words 
now  used.  The  clause  in  the  act  of  uniformity, 
1*  Elizabethae,  about  dresses  is,  "  Such  ornaments 
3  A  2 


282 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVI. 


§747.  (a.  D.  1604.)  During  the  reign 
of  James  I.,  in  consequence  of  some 
discussion  at  the  conference  at  Hampton 
Court,  another  review  of  the  Common 
Prayer  was  instituted,  and  a  few  changes' 
introduced  with  much  judgment ;  hut  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  they  pos- 
sessed no  legal  authority,  inasmuch  as 
they  were  only  sanctioned  by  the  royal 
proclamation  under  which  they  were 
published. 

§  748.  Laud^  is  generalljr  accused  of 
having  made  considerable  alterations  in 
the  Common  Prayer,  for  which  he  had 
no  sufficient  authority;  and  doubtless 
there  are  many  words  changed  in  the 
edition  of  1638,  as  compared  with  that 
of  1622.  If  this  had  not  been  brought 
forward  among  ten  thousand  charges 
equally  frivolous,  as  a  proof  of  treason, 
we  might  be  induced  to  reprobate  such 
unwarrantable  proceedings  as  they  de- 
serve ;  but  there  is  little  evidence  that 
Laud  was  the  author  of  the  alterations, 
and  he  expressly  denies  it^  in  his  own 
version  of  his  defence.* 


of  ihe  church,  and  of  the  ministers  thereof,  shall 
be  retained  and  be  used,  as  was  in  this  church  of 
England  by  authority  of  parUanient  in  the  second 
year  of  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.,  until  order  shall 
be  therein  taken  by  the  authority  of  the  queen's 
majesty,"  by  the  advice  of  the  ecclesiastical  coin- 
mission,  or  of  the  metropolitan  of  this  realm.  I  am 
not  aware  that  any  such  order  was  ever  taken  by 
Ehzabeth.  And  by  the  act  of  uniformity,  Charles 
II.  14°,  and  the  rubric,  this  is  now  the  law  of  the 
land.  See  §  743.  b.  9.  The  prayers  for  the  king 
and  clergy,  which  now  stand  at  the  end  of  the 
morning  and  evening  service,  were  then  first  in- 
serted, but  placed  at  the  end  of  the  Litany,  and 
the  declaration  about  kneeling,  at  the  end  of  the 
communion,  was  left  out. 

'  The  rubric  in  the  service  for  private  baptism 
was  so  framed,  by  inserting  the  term  "  lawful 
minister,"  as  1o  leave  no  doubt  concerning  the 
point  that  the  church  did  not  authorize  lay  baptism. 
See  §  424,  In  the  church  catechism  that  part 
was  added  in  which  the  sacraments  are  e.xplained, 
(drawn  up  by  Dr.  John  Overall.)  and  certain 
forms  of  thanksgiving  were  now  added,  to  corres- 
pond with  the  prayers  for  fair  weather,  &c. 

2  Neal's  Puritans,  ii.  220. 

3  Troubles  and  Trial,  357. 

*  Besides  verbal  changes  which  are  of  no  mate- 
rial importance,  the  word  priest  is  in  several  of  the 
services  substituted  for  minister,  (not  before  the 
absolution,)  and  this,  as  at  present,  without  any 
apparent  rule ;  the  word  had  better  be  confined  to 
such  offices  as  are  peculiar  to  the  priesthood, 
while  that  of  minister  extends  to  all  others,  ex- 
cepting when  the  cure  of  souls  is  implied,  where 
curate  might  be  used,  if  such  a  distinction  be 
necessary. 

In  the  prayer  for  the  royal  family  the  words 
"Almighty  God,  which  hast  promised  to  be  a 
father  of  thine  elect,  and  of  their  seed,"  are  changed 
to  "Almighty  God,  the  fountain  of  all  goodness." 


§  749.  (a.  d.  1661.)  Upon  the  fruit- 
less termination  of  the  Savoy  conference 
it  was  determined  that  the  alteration  of 
the  Common  Prayer  should  be  submit- 
ted to  the  convocation  which  was  then 
sitting,  and  a  king's  letter,  giving  them 
authority  to  proceed  to  this  work,  was 

In  the  service  for  the  fifth  of  November:  "  Cut 
of}'  those  workers  of  iniquity,  whose  religion  is 
rebellion,"  &c.  is  changed  into,  "who  turn  reli- 
gion into  rebellion,"  &c. ;  an  expression  which 
makes  the  sentence  apply  to  the  puritans,  as  well 
as  to  the  papists.  But  it  may  be  observed  that 
the  first  of  these  two,  the  prayer  for  the  royal 
family,  was  introduced  merely  by  a  protlumauon 
of  King  James,  and  might  therefore  be  altered  by 
King  Charles;  and  the  service  for  the  filth  of  No- 
vember is  not  appointed  by  act  of  parliament. 
The  day  is  ordered  to  be  kept  holy,  but  no  form 
is  authorized. 

In  the  epistle  for  Palm  Sunday  the  word  "  in" 
the  name  of  Jesus  was  altered  to  "at;"  a  change 
which,  whether  right  or  wrong,  is  sanctioned  hy 
the  authorized  and  Geneva  translations. 

The  Prayer  Book  so  altered,  differs  but  little 
from  that  which  was  prepared  for  Scotland ;  but 
tlie  alterations,  trifling  as  they  are.  mark  the  spirit 
of  those  who  then  directed  the  public  afiairs  of  the 
kingdom,  and  are  therefore  well  worthy  of  our 
notice.  In  the  table  of  lessons,  most  of  those 
taken  from  the  Apocrypha  are  omitted  in  the 
Scotch  Prayer  Book,  the  names  of  fifteen  Scotch 
saints  are  introduced  into  the  Calendar,  and  the 
word  preshyler  is  everywhere  substituted  for  that 
of  priest.  The  reading  psalms  too  are  taken  from 
the  received  version  of  1611.  These  changes 
were  probably  all  of  them  in  accordance  with  the 
wishes  of  the  nation,  and  conciliatory  in  their  in- 
tention. In  the  administration  of  the  Lord's  sup- 
per, which  is  the  only  service  in  which  any  con- 
siderable change  took  place,  there  are  many  small 
particulars  calculated  to  be  very  oflensive  to  per- 
sons superstitiously  hostile  to  Rome,  which  was 
the  state  of  the  people  of  Scotland  at  that  time. 

A  quiet  Christian  would  perhaps  object  to  but  few 
of  these  alterations;  but  it  was  surely  injudicious 
to  bring  back  a  Prayer  Book  destined  for  the  use 
of  that  country,  to  a  greater  conformity  to  the  first 
Liturgy  of  Edward  VI.  and  the  Roman  rituals. 
'1  he  bread  and  wine  are  to  be  "  offered  up,"  and 
placed  upon  the  Lord's  table.  The  prayers  for 
the  church  militant,  and  of  consecration,  are  nearer 
to  those  of  1549  ;  and  the  words  pronounced  at 
the  delivery  of  the  elements,  are  the  very  same  as 
those  in  the  Prayer  Book  of  that  date.  These 
had  been  altered  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  for  fear 
of  any  mistake  about  transubstantiation.  In  one 
rubric  the  word  corporal  for  the  napkin  is  re- 
tained ;  in  another,  the  use  of  wafer-bread  is  per- 
mitted ;  and  in  the  prayer  which  now  immediately 
follows  the  Lord's  Prayer  after  receiving,  but 
which  in  the  Scotch  Prayer  Book  is  used  before, 
the  expression,  "we  may  worthily  receive  the 
most  precious  body  and  blood  of  thy  Son."  is  re- 
introduced from  that  of  1549:  all  which  changes, 
whether  objectionable  in  themselves  or  no,  mark 
a  decided  want  of  attention  to  the  feelings  of  that 
country  at  the  time.  It  may  be  here  worthy  of 
remark,  that  a  custom, prevalent  in  many  parishes 
in  England,  of  saying,  "Glory  be  to  thee,  O 
God,"  immediately  before  the  reading  the  gospel 
for  the  day,  is  directed  in  the  Scotch  Prayer  Book, 
and  was  perhaps  then  introduced,  from  being  in 
common  use  in  this  country. 


Chap.  XVI.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


283 


read  in  the  upper  house  of  convocation 
on  November  21.  This  convocation' 
had  been  previously  employed  in  fram- 
ing new  services  for  the  twenty-ninth 
of  May  and  the  thirtieth  of  January ; 
and  had  prepared  a  form  of  baptism 
for  those  of  riper  years,  the  necessity 
of  which  had  been  created  by  the 
neglect  into  which  that  sacrament  had 
frequently  fallen  during  the  usurpa- 
tion; but  when  the  inutility  of  the  con- 
ference had  become  apparent,  several 
of  the  bishops  had  probably  so  prepared 
things  during  the  vacation  that  the  work 
went  rapidly  on  when  it  was  brought 
forward  in  the  autumn.  Within  two 
days  after  the  king's  letter  was  read,  a 
portion  of  the  revised  Prayer  Book  was 
transmitted  to  the  lower  house,  and 
the  whole  put  into  their  hands  on 
November  27.  The  several  offices 
were  subsequently  examined,  and  a 
form  of  prayer  to  be  used  at  sea  intro- 
duced ;  but  the  whole  was  finished  and 
subscribed  on  December  20.^ 

There  were,  it  appears,  some  small 
alterations  made  in  the  Prayer  Book  in 
parliament,  (1GG2,)  while  the  act  of 
uniformity  was  passing,  which  were 
referred  by  both  Houses,  March  5,  to  a 
committee  of  three  bishops,  (August 
24,)  and  when  this  act  came  in  force, 
the  Common  Prayer  Book,  as  it  now 
stands,  became  part  of  the  law  of  the 
land,  and  has  . been  uniformly  used  in 
the  church  of  England  ever  since. 

In  speaking  of  a  work  of  this  sort,  the 
excellency  of  which  is  acknowledged 
by  all  parties,  it  must  be  superfluous  to 
enter  into  any  commendations,  however 
well  deserved.  If  there  be  persons 
who  doubt  of  the  propriety  of  the 
expression  with  which  it  was  originally 
ushered  into  the  world,  as  being  "  set 
forth  by  the  aid  of  the  Holy  Ghost,"^ 
yet  all  members  of  our  church  must 
thank  God  that  among  the  many  other 
national  blessings  bestowed  upon  us,  we 
possess  a  Liturgy  probably  the  most  pure 
and  apostolical  which  exists.  The  only 
question  which  admits  of  any  doubt,  is, 


'  Synodus  Ang.  A  pp.  83. 

^  The  convocation  oi  York  took  little  interest  in 
these  proceedings.  At  the  request  of  Archbishop 
Frewen  they  gave  a  hasty  assent  to  what  was 
done  by  means  of  their  proxies.  (Wake's  State 
of  the  Church.  App.  No.  158.) 

3  Act  of  Uniformity,  Edward  VI.  2°  3°  ch. 


whether  some  reasonable  objections  to 
it  may  not  still  be  obviated  ;  whether 
some  verbal  alterations  may  not  be 
made  with  advantage  ;  and  a  further 
amalgamation  take  place  in  the  three 
services  which  are  now  generally  used 
together  in  the  morning,  by  which  an 
unnecessary  repetition  of  the  same  or 
similar  petitions  may  be  avoided.*  See, 
too,  §  800. 


The  most  important  alterations  which  now 
took  place  are : — 

1.  The  new  or  authorized  version  of  the  Bible 
was  adopted  in  it,  except  in  the  Psalms,  the  Ten 
Commandments,  and  the  sentences  in  the  Com- 
munion Service. 

2.  'J'he  morning  prayer  was  printed  separate 
from  the  evening,  such  prayers  as  are  common  to 
both  being  reprinted,  and  the  last  five  prayers  in 
each  were  introduced  from  the  end  of  the  Litany. 

3.  The  occasional  prayers  which  stood  con- 
nected with  the  Litany  were  now  divided  from  it. 
The  prayers  in  the  Ember  weeks  were  inserted, 
(the  latter  of  them  from  the  Scotch  Liturgy,)  as 
well  as  that  for  the  parliament  and  for  all  conditions 
of  men:  at  the  same  time  the  general  Thanks- 
giving and  that  for  restoring  public  peace  at  home, 
were  added. 

4.  Some  few  new  collects  were  inserted,  some 
changed,  and  verbal  alterations  introduced  into 
many.  Church  was  generally  substituted  for  con- 
gregation. 

5.  In  the  Communion  Service  the  exhortations 
were  a  good  deal  changed,  and  directed  to  be  read 
on  some  previous  Sunday  or  hohday,  and  commu- 
nicants were  directed  to  give  notice  of  their  inten- 
tion the  day  before.  The  admonition  about  tran- 
substantiaiion  was  again  introduced,  with  some 
alterations  from  that  of  1552. 

6.  'J'he  service  for  the  baptism  of  those  of  riper 
years,  and  the  form  of  prayer  to  be  used  at  sea, 
were  also  introduced;  and, 

7.  The  last  five  prayers  in  the  Visitation  of  the 
Sick. 

If  it  be  asked  which  of  these  changes  were  in 
compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  nonconformists, 
it  may  be  observed  that  the  whole  of  the  first  and 
fifth  were  in  conformity  with  their  desires,  and  the 
introduction  of  the  general  'I'hanksgiving  and 
many  verbal  alterations  were  suggested  by  them. 

8.  The  consent  of  the  curate  is  now  required 
for  confirmation,  though  the  bishop  may,  if  he  see 
fit,  confirm  without  it ;  and  this  rile  is  not  made  a 
shie  gua  non  for  receiving  the  Lord's  supper. 

9.  The  Absolution  in  the  Visitation  of  the  Sick 
is  left  to  the  judgment  of  the  curate,  by  the  inser- 
tion of  the  clause  (if  he  humbly  and  heartily  desire 
it.) 

10.  In  the  Churching  of  Women,  the  service 
may  now  be  performed  from  the  desk,  and  the 
psalms  are  changed.  The  newly-married  couple 
are  not  now  required  to  receive  the  Lord's  sup- 
per. The  font  is  now  to  be  placed  conveniently, 
by  the  direction  of  the  ordinary,  and  the  words, 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  Catechism,  "  Yes,  they  do 
perform  them  by  their  sureties,  who  promise  and 
vow  them  both  in  their  names,"  &c.,  are  changed 
to,  "Because  they  promise  them  both  by  their 
sureties,"  &,c. 

Of  these,  5,  8,  9,  increased  the  discretionary 
power  of  the  curate  with  regard  to  admonition, 
but  afforded  him  not  any  judicial  authority  ;  and 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVI 


§  750.  Although  the  service  generally 
used  at  the  consecration  of  churches  is 
possessed  of  no  actual  authority,  yet  as 
there  exists  a  form  sanctioned  by  cus- 
tom, it  can  hardly  be  passed  over  with- 
out some  brief  notice.  Churches  have 
been  dedicated  to  the  service  of  God 
from  the  earliest  periods,  and  since  the 
time  of  Constantine,  (who  died  in  337,) 
some  form  of  consecration  has  been 
used  for  this  purpose.  The  custom 
prevailed  among  our  Saxon  forefathers, 
and  was  continued  by  the  church  of 
Rome  to  the  Reformation.  At  that 
period  of  our  history,  unfortunately, 
more  churches  were  destroyed  than 
built.  Bishop  Andrews,^  who  died  in 
1626,  had  drawn  up  a  form  in  English, 
taken  chiefly,  I  believe,  from  the  office 
of  the  church  of  Rome,  and  this  form 
was  approved  and  followed  (though  pos- 
sibly not  without  some  alterations)  by 
Laud,  and  most  other  bishops.  (1030.) 
It  had  been  the  intention  of  the  arch- 
bishop^ to  have  prepared  a  service  for 
this  purpose  in  the  convocation  of  1640, 
but  the  circumstances  which  attended 
that  assembly  prevented  the  accom- 
plishment of  this  object.  The  subject^ 
was  again  taken  under  consideration  in 
the  convocation  of  1661,  and  the  prepa- 
ration of  a  form  committed  to  the  care 
of  Bishop  Cosins;  and  when  presented 
to  the  house,  it  was  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee of  four  bishops  for  revision  ;  but 
nothing  seems  ultimately  to  have  been 
done  about  it.  In  1684  Bishop  Spar- 
row published  that  of  Bishop  Andrews. 
In  the  year  1712,  a  form*  of  consecrating 


herein  probably  the  real  interests  of  Christianity 
were  consulted. 

It  may  be  worthy  of  remark,  that  there  have 
been  four  Acts  of  Uniformity. 

1548.  2"  and  3°-\  rn, 
Edw.  VI.  c.  i.  {.These  two 
1552.  5°  and  70  ^^""^ 
repealed  in  1559.    1"  Elizabeihae, 

which  was  not 
repealed  in  1662.    14°  Caroli  II. 

These  last  two  are  often  printed  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Prayer  Book. 

'  Heyiin's  Laud,  213.  2  ibid.  441. 

5  Synodus  Anglicana,  107. 

*  Burn's  Ecclesiastical  Law,  i.  300. 


churches,  chapels,  and  churchyards,  or 
places  of  burial,  was  sent  down  from 
the  bishops  to  the  lower  house  of  con- 
vocation on  the  2d  day  of  April,  and 
was  altered  by  the  committee  of  the 
whole  house  ;  which  form,  as  it  did  not 
receive  the  royal  assent,  was  not  en- 
joined to  be  observed,  but  is  now 
generally  used.  It  is  printed  in  Burn; 
but  every  bishop  is  at  liberty  to  adopt 
a  form  according  to  his  own  judgment, 
and  bishops  do  frequently  make  slight 
alterations,  but  the  service  is  virtually 
that  of  Bishop  Andrews. 

There  are  at  the  end  of  the  Prayer 
Book  four  services,  which,  properly 
speaking,  form  no  part  of  the  book 
itself.  They  consist  of  forms  of  prayer 
for — 

1.  The  5th  of  November,  the  Gun- 
powder Treason.^ 

2.  The  30th  of  January,  the  Martyr- 
dom of  Charles  I.^ 

3.  The  29th  of  May,  the  Restoration.^ 

4.  The  Gluecn's  Accession.^ 

The  first  three  of  these  days  are  by 
acts  of  parliament"  ordered  to  be  kept 
holy,  but  no  service  is  specified  as  being 
appointed  for  them.  The  authority  by 
which  they  are  here  introduced,  is  merely 
an  order  from  the  king  in  council,  re- 
peated at  the  beginning  of  every  reign. 

5  Some  expressions  in  this  service  were  altered 
by  Laud,  and  gave  great  and  unreasonable  offence. 
At  the  accession  of  William  and  Mary,  it  was  al- 
tered so  as  to  apply  to  the  Rt  voluiion,  as  a  second 
escape  from  popery.  (Heyiin's  Laud,  418,  ^  748, ') 

*  This  was  drawn  up  by  Sancroil,  and  approved 
by  the  convocation,  1661,  through  a  connnittee  of 
four  bishops,  and  eight  members  of  the  lower 
house  ;  it  has  received  hardly  any  alterations  since 
that  time.    (D'Oyly's  Liie,  i.  44.   Syn.  Ang.  67.) 

'  This  was  approved  by  the  commitlee  of  con- 
vocation, 1661,  and  was  originally  adapted  to  com- 
memorate the  birth  of  Charles  II.,  as  well  as  the 
Restoration  :  at  his  dealh  it  was  altered,  and  some 
further  substitu'ions  took  place  at  the  same  time, 
in  which  mention  is  made  of  the  rebellion,  and 
those  concerned  in  it,  in  stronger  terms  than  before. 
(D'Oyly's  Bancroft,  i.  116. 

^  The  day  of  their  inauguration  has  been  gene- 
rally observed  by  our  sovereigns  since  the  Reform- 
ation, upon  the  same  authority  as  any  other  day  of 
thanksgiving,  or  fasting.  The  present  service  dif- 
fers but  little  from  that  of  Queen  Anne,  which 
was  framed  from  that  of  James  II. 

3  3°  Jac.  I.    12°  Car.  II.  14,  30. 


Chap.XVII.]  church  OF  ENGLAND. 


CHAPTER  XVIL 

DURING  THE  REIGN  OF  JAMES  II.   1685 — 1688. 

751,752.  Opinions  of  James  II.  753.  Accession  of  James ;  addresses.  754.  Revenue,  policy.  755. 
Cruelty  of  James.  756.  He  alarms  his  subjecis ;  letter  about  preaching.  757.  Court  of  Ecclesi- 
astical Commission.  758.  Declaration  tor  liberty  of  cojiscience.  75'J.  Dispensing  power.  760. 
Sufferings  of  the  dissenters.  761.  Attacks  on  the  universities  ;  Magdalen  College.  762.  Cam- 
bridge ;  Charter-house.  763.  Folly  of  James.  764.  Remonstrances  of  the  Court  of  Rome. 
765.  He  tries  to  frame  a  parhament  favourable  to  his  plans.  766.  Army  ;  Johnson.  767.  Decla- 
ration for  liberty  of  conscience.  768.  Difficulties  of  the  clergy  ;  the  seven  bishops.  769.  Sent  to 
the  Tower.  770.  Tried  and  acquitted.  771.  Temper  of  the  king  and  of  the  dissenters  ;  Sancrolt's 
attempts  at  a  comprehension.  772.  Progress  of  the  Revolution;  James  alone  ignorant  of  the 
preparations  of  the  prince  of  Orange.  773.  He  retraces  his  steps  by  the  advice  of  the  bishops. 
774.  The  bishops  reluse  to  sign  a  protest  against  the  prince  of  Orange.  775.  James  finds  that  his 
army  will  not  support  him,  and  flies  into  France.  776.  Character  ol  James  ;  his  talents  and  false 
notions  of  govenmient.  777.  His  desire  to  introduce  popery,  chiefly  political.  778.  He  never 
submitted  his  own  opinion  to  that  of  Rome;  dishonest,  imprudent.  779.  Birth  of  the  prince. 
780.  Nature  of  the  Revolution.    781.  Conduct  of  the  clergy. 


§  7.51.  (a.  d.  1685.)  The  difficulty  of 
drawing  a  strict  line  between  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  history,  which  has  been  so 
frequently  stated,  will  appear  perhaps 
more  strongly  in  this  reign  than  in  any 
other.  The  contest  which  was  decided 
in  1088,  is  often  regarded  as  one  of 
merely  a  religious  character ;  but  if  it 
were  viewed  without  those  strong  pre- 
judices which  are  occasionally  mixed  up 
with  it,  it  would  probably  be  denomi- 
nated a  political  struggle,  with  which 
the  interests  of  religion  were  closely 
connected,  as  they  are  indeed  with  most 
political  questions.  James  had  been 
early  led  to  regard  rebellion  as  the  worst 
of  crimes,  and  his  education,  carried  on 
in  a  French  camp,  had  disposed  him  to 
conceive  that  obedience  was  the  only 
virtue  ;  a  circumstance  which  never  al- 
lowed him  to  gain  any  just  ideas  of  the 
civil  rights  of  his  subjects.  Obedient  in 
the  extreme  to  the  commands  of  the 
king  his  brother,  he  expected  the  same 
deference  to  his  own  wishes,  when  the 
death  of  Charles  had  placed  him  on  the 
throne.  He  had  been  brought  up  with 
a  high,  perhaps  a  blind  veneration  for 
the  church  of  England ;  and  when  he 
came  to  examine  the  question  for  him- 
self, he  could  see  no  reason  why  the 
same  sort  of  veneration  should  not  lead 
him  to  the  church  of  Rome.  His  con- 
version to  that  communion  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  depended  on  any  examina- 
tion of  the  tenets  of  the  two  churches, 
but  on  his  discovering,'  "  that  neither 


Life  of  James  II.  i.  630. 


the  church  of  England,  nor  Calvin,  nor 
any  of  the  reformers,  had  power  to  do 
what  they  did :"  it  was  not  whether  the 
church  of  Rome  were  wrong  in  her 
opinions  or  doctrines,  but  whether  those 
who  seceded  from  it  had  any  authority 
to  do  so. 

§  752.  The  political  tendencies  of 
Popery  and  Protestanism  very  probably 
influenced  him  in  his  choice  :  "  he  loved" 
and  aimed  at  absolute  power,  and  be- 
lieved that  nothing  could  introduce  and 
support  it  but  the  Cathohc  religion,  as 
the  Romanists  call  theirs;  and  this  in- 
creased his  zeal  for  it,  and  that  zeal  in- 
creased his  disposition  to  arbitrary 
power :  so  that  in  truth  his  religion  and 
his  politics  were  partly  the  cause  of  each 
other^  and  indeed  they  cannot  easily 
be  separated.  The  Protestant  faith  is 
founded  upon  inquiry  and  knowledge, 
the  Popish,  upon  submission  and  igno- 
rance. And  nothing  leads  more  to 
slavery  in  the  state  than  blind  obedience 
in  matters  of  religion  ;  as  nothing  tends 
more  to  civil  liberty,  than  that  spirit  of 
free  inquiry  which  is  the  life  of  Protest- 
antism." Sentiments  which  fully  bear 
out  these  general  observations,  are  fre- 
quently expressed  by  James.  In  speak- 
of  the  bill  of  exclusion,^  in  1680,  he  says, 
"  He  was  astonished  that  men  of  sense 
did  not  see  that  religion  was  only  the 
pretence,  and  that  the  real  contest  was 
about  power  and  dominion  ;  that  it  was 
the  monarchy  they  designed  to  banish ; 

2  Note  of  Speaker  Onslow's,  in  Burnet's  Own 
Time,  iii.  2,  a. 
'  Life  of  James  II.  i.  594. 


•286 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVH. 


without  which,  the  other  banishments 
would  give  them  little  satisfaction." 

§  75:^.  This  attempt  which  had  been 
made  to  exclude  him  from  the  throne, 
had  not  only  confirmed  him  in  all  these 
0})inions,  but  had  made  him  the  enemy 
of  the  Protestant  cause ;  while  the  per- 
tinacity with  which  the  Roman  Catholics 
supported  his  arbitrary  measures,  was 
as  much  due  to  the  severity  of  the  penal 
laws,  and  the  intolerance  of  Protestants, 
as  to  the  principles  entertained  by  the 
members  of  that  communion.  Protest- 
ants first  drove  out  the  Roman  Catholics 
from  the  pale  of  civil  liberty,  and  then 
wondered  that  they  were  ready  to  sup- 
port arbitrary  power,  which  could  alone 
relieve  them.  While  the  bill  of  exclu- 
sion was  in  agitation,  a  very  powerful 
party  appeared  adverse  to  the  succes- 
sion of  James ;  hut  the  latter  years  of 
Charles  II.,  wherein  the  duke  had  en- 
tirely governed  the  country,  had  so  al- 
tered the  outward  expression  of  opinion, 
that  the  alarms  of  the  kingdom  were 
displayed  in  the  looks  of  the  people, 
while  their  acclamations  welcomed  the 
new  monarch.  In  his  first  speech,  "  he 
expressed'  his  good  opinion  of  the  church 
of  England,  as  a  friend  to  monarchy. 
Therefore  he  said  he  would  defend  and 
maintain  the  church,  and  would  preserve 
the  government  in  church  and  state,  as 
it  was  established  hy  law."  These 
words  M'ere  much  repeated,  and  the 
common  phrase  Avas,  "  We  have  now 
the  word  of  a  king,  and  a  word  never 
yet  broken."  Some  of  the  add»esses, 
however,  which  were  presented  at  this 
period,  contained  expressions'^  which 
ought  not  to  have  been  misunderstood  ; 
while  others  renewed  their  assurances 
of  fidelity  and  obedience  in  such  terms 
as,  gratifying  the  wishes  of  the  king, 
tended  to  delude  him,  and  to  influence 
the  formation  of  his  plans  ;  for  he  ex- 
'  pected  that  the  high  church  party  would 
com]ily  with  his  desires,  and  allow  him 
to  proceed  on  his  arbitrary  principles. 

§  754.  James  hegan  his  reign  by  levj^- 
ing  those  duties  on  tonnage  and  pound- 
age which  had  ceased  to  be  due  upon 
the  death  of  his  predecessor;  so  great 
an  inconvenience  would  have  arisen 


'  Burnet's  Own  Time,  iii.  (i. 

2 'I  he  London  clergy  lor  instance  talked  "of 
their  religion  established  by  law,  which  was  dearer 
to  them  than  their  hves."    Burnet,  iii.  7. 


from  the  interruption  of  this  payment, 
that  the  measure  was  in  hself  unobjec- 
tionable ;  but  the  manner  in  which  it 
was  done,  by  proclamation,  without  anj'- 
appearance  of  deference  to  law,  afforded 
no  very  favourable  prognost-ic  of  his 
future  conduct.  The  parliament,  how- 
ever, as  soon  as  it  met,  settled  this  upon 
him,  and  with  it  a  larger  revenue  for  life 
than  had  ever  been  possessed  by  any 
previous  monarch,  amounting  to  two 
millions  per  annum  :  at  the  same  time 
an  attempt  was  made,  that  the  grant 
might  be  accompanied  by  a  petition  for 
putting  the  laws  in  i'orce  against  dissent- 
ers, as  had  been  the  case  during  the 
late  reign ;  hut  this  was  resisted  in  the 
commons.  The  early  policy  of  the  king 
was  founded  upon  the  hope  that  he  might 
balance  the  high  church  party  against 
the  dissenters,  and  ultimately  bring  them 
to  his  own  persuasion.  This,  however, 
was  a  method  of  proceeding  from  which 
nothing  but  the  blindness  of  James  could 
have  expected  success  ;  and  perhaps  the 
victory  which  he  obtained  over  the  duke 
of  Monmouth  in  the  west,  and  th^  earl 
of  Argj'le  in  Scotland,  contributed  to 
blind  him,  while  it  opened  the  eyes  of 
his  subjects  ;  for  the  cruelties  then  exer- 
cised exceed  belief.  To  say  nothing  of 
those  who  suffered^  for  their  rebelhon, 
and  who  had  no  right  to  expect  mercy, 
there  are  among  others  two  instances  of 
old  ladies  who  were  executed  for  con- 
cealing fugitives.  They  both  denied  any 
knowledge  of  the  guilt  of  those  whom 
they  protected ;  but  whether  this  Avere 
true  or  no.  Lady  Lisle  Mas  beheaded, 
and  Mrs.  Gaunt  burnt,  for  doing  that 
which  many  a  friend  of  the  best  govern- 
ment might  readily  comtnit ;  and  which 
the  feelings  of  the  majority  of  the  king- 
dom would  certainly  pardon.  It  may  be 
sometimes  necessarj'  to  punish  such  an 
act,  but  no  power  on  earth  can  prevent 
mankind  from  secretly  applauding  the 
action  ;  and  every  government  is  unwise 
which  uses  severity  contrary  to  the  better 
feelings  of  mankind. 

§  755.  James  is  occasionally  excul- 
pated by  throAving  the  blame  on  JefTrej'^s, 
yet  James  rewarded  Jeffreys  by  imme- 
diately making  him  chancellor ;  and  he 
Avho  could  see  his  own  nephew,  when 

^  Three  hundred  and  thirty  were  executed,  and 
eight  hundred  and  titty-five  transported.  Hallani, 
ii.  412. 


Chap.  XVIL] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


387 


he  had  determined  to  execute  him ;  who 
could  allow  the  duke  of  Monmouth  to 
come  into  his  presence,  and  yet  behead 
him ;  can  little  expect  that  he  shall  be 
freed  from  the  charge  of  cruelty  by  trans- 
ferring it  on  his  ministers.  The  vin- 
dictive spirit  with  which  ,  severity  was 
carried  on,  and  the  insecurity  which 
every  one  must  have  felt,  from  the  mani- 
fest injustice  of  several  legal  proceed- 
ings, particularly  that  against  Cornish,' 
could  not  fail  to  alienate  the  minds  of 
the  generality  of  his  subjects,  till  the 
rapid  strides  made  towards  the  intro- 
duction of  popery  roused  the  friends  of 
freedom  and  religion.  Indeed,  James 
never  concealed  his  preference  for  his 
own  church,  or  left  any  room  to  hope 
that  he  would  govern  constitutionally, 
whenever  he  had  obtained  the  means  of 
doing  otherwise.  He  went  to  mass  pub- 
licly on  the  first  Sunday  after  his  acces- 
sion ;  in  his  address  lo  his  parliament  in 
Scotland,  he  declared  his  determination 
to  uphold  the  royal  power  in  its  greatest 
lustre ;  and  in  his  speech  to  the  two 
Houses  after  the  defeat  of  Monmouth, 
professed  his  intention  of  keeping  up  a 
standing  army,  and  retaining  certain  of 
his  officers,^  though  disqualified  on  ac- 
count of  their  not  having  taken  the  test. 
Now,  though  an  honest  man  will  not  dis- 
guise his  religious  opinions,  though  an 
honest  king  will  try  to  uphold  the  just 
rights  of  the  crown,  yet  it  is  difficult  not 
to  be  somewhat  skeptical  about  the  reli- 
gious zeal  of  an  individual  who,  at  the 
age  of  fifty,  could  not  be  prevailed  on  by 
the  entreaties  of  his  wife,  or  his  con- 
fessors, to  resign  his  mistress  f  and  who, 
after  a  solemn  promise  frequently  re- 
peated, of  maintaining  the  government 
as  established  by  law,  seemed  so  far  from 


'  Oates  was  probably  justly  convicted  of  per- 
jury, but  the  sentence  that  he  should  be  whipped 
publicly  twice,  that  he  should  be  imprisoned  dur- 
ing the  rest  of  his  life,  and  stand  in  the  pillory  four 
times  durini;  each  year,  was  excessively  cruel. 
Dangerfield's  sentence  was  most  unjtist.  His  nar- 
rative of  the  Meal-tub  plot,  whether  true  or  false, 
was  ordered  to  be  printed  by  the  House  of  Com- 
mons;  and  to  fine  Williams,  the  speaker,  for  li- 
censing the  book,  was  unjustifiable.  Mr.  Cornish 
sufTurcd  for  the  Ryc-housc  plot  on  every  inade- 
quate evidence.    See  Kennet,  iii.  442. 

2  Kennet,  iii.  439. 

3  "  When  I  urged  him  how  such  a  course  of 
life  did  agree  with  the  zeal  he  showed  in  his  reli- 
gion ;  he  answered,  '  Must  a  man  be  o  no  reli- 
gion, unless  he  is  a  saint?'  "  Burnet's  Own 
Time,  ii.  28. 


having  a  wish  to  keep  it,  that  he  turned 
out  four  of  his  judges*  because  they 
would  not  profess  their  readiness  to 
comply  with  the  desires  of  the  court. 

§  756.  James  had  been  at  first  disposed 
to  conduct  himself  on  friendly  terms  with 
the  church  of  England  ;  but  he  soon  dis- 
covered that  the  steps  which  he  adopted 
alarmed  the  members  of  that  commu- 
nion ;  whose  ministers  became  forward 
in  asserting  the  doctrines  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, and  warning  their  hearers  against 
the  dangers  of  popery.  In  order  then 
to  check  these  proceedings,  and  to  in- 
timidate those  who  were  carrying  them 
on,  the  king  sent  a  letter  to  the  bishops, 
prohibiting  the  clergy  from  preaching 
on  controversial  subjects,*  and  threaten- 
ing, in  case  of  any  opposition  to  his 
wishes,  that  he  would  exact  the  tenths 
and  first-fruits  to  their  full  value."  This 
letter,  while  it  reminded  every  one  of  a 
similar  .step  taken  in  the  beginning  of 
the  reign  of  Mary,  called  forth  the  ener- 
gies of  those  who  were  most  able  to 
advocate  the  cause,  and  roused  them  to 
stand  forward  in  defence  of  the  doctrines 
of  the  church.7  It  became,  therefore, 
obvious  that,  unless  the  king  could  de- 
press the  church,  there  was  no  hope  of 
his  being  able  to  succeed  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  his  own  religious  tenets,  or 
of  arbitrary  power,  and  he  commenced 

4  Kennet,  iii.  451.  6  Echard,  ii.  1077. 

*  'I'here  may  be  a  question  as  to  the  riglit  pos- 
sessed by  the  crown  to  do  this;  the  words  of  the 
Act  are,  "  And  he  it  ordained  and  enacted  by  the 
authority  aforesaid,  that  the  said  yearly  rent  and 
pension  shall  be  taxed,  rated,  levied,  proceyved, 
and  paid  to  the  king's  use,  his  heirs  and  successors, 
in  manner  and  form  hereafter  to  be  declared  by 
this  act;  that  is  to  say.  That  the  chancellor  of 
England  for  the  time  being  shall  have  power  and 
authority  to  direct  unto  every  diocese  in  this  realm 
and  in  Wales,  several  commissions  in  the  king's 
name  under  his  great  seal,  as  well  lo  the  arch- 
bishop or  bishop  of  every  such  diocese  as  lo  every 
such  other  parson  or  parsons  as  the  king's  high- 
ness shall  name  and  appoint,  commanding  and 
authorizing  the  said  commissioners,  so  to  be  named 
in  every  such  commission,  or  iii.  of  iheni  at  the 
least,  to  examine,  search,  or  inquire,  by  all  the 
ways  and  means  that  they  can  by  ihi.ir  discre- 
tions," &c.  &.C.  Where  the  words  seem  lo  carry 
the  right,  though  it  might  he  doubted  whether 
this  were  the  intention  of  the  bill.  This  law  was 
abrogated  by  Philip  and  Mary,  but  re-esiablished 
by  Elizabeth. 

'  Among  the  persons  who  managedand  directed 
this  controversial  warfare  were  Tillo'son,  Stilling- 
fleet,  Tennisoti,  Pairic,  Sherlock,  Aldrich,  Atter- 
bury.  Wake,  Henry  Wharton,  Prideau.x,  Bull, 
and  .Sharp.  See  Burnet's  Own  Time,  iii.  99. 
D'Oyly's  Bancroft,  i.  220.  Gibson  published  3 
vols.  fol. ,  of  these  pieces. 


S88 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVH. 


his  operations  by  setting  up  a  court  well 
calculated  to  execute  his  plans.  In 
April,  1G8G,  he  issued  a  commission  for 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  a  step  totally  illegal. 
The  act  passed  in  1041,  for  the  purpose 
of  destroying  the  Court  of  High  Com- 
mission, did  in  fact  take  away  the  whole 
coercive  power  exercised  by  the  Eccle- 
siastical Courts ;  when,  therefore,  after 
the  Restoration,  some  papists  and  dis- 
senters denied  the  authority  of  the 
bishops  over  them,  a  new  act^  was 
passed,  repealing  such  part  of  the  act 
of  Charles  I.  as  pertained  to  bishops' 
courts,  but  still  disannulling  the  right  of 
appointing  an  ecclesiastical  commission, 
and  abrogating  the  canons  of  1640. 

§  757.  The  commission  now  issued  is 
printed  in  Kennet  ;^  it  confers  very  ample 
powers  for  visiting  and  reforming  all 
ecclesiastical  abuses,  for  which  purpose 
the  presence  of  the  lord  chancellor 
(Jeffreys)  and  of  two  other  commis- 
sioners was  required.  It  directs  them 
also  to  inspect  and  correct  the  statutes 
of  any  schools  or  colleges,  in  either  of 
the  universities,  and,  if  necessary,  to 
make  new  rules  for  their  government ; 
but  this  could  not  be  done,  unless  four 
commissioners  were  joined  to  the  chan- 
cellor. Such  a  court,  against  which 
no  exemptions  might  be  pleaded,  laid 
every  species  of  academical  or  eccle- 
siastical property  at  the  mercy  of  the 
crown.  The  commissioners  were,  San- 
croft,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Crew, 
bishop  of  Durham,  Sprat,  of  Rochester, 
Lord  Rochester,  Lord  Sunderland,  and 
Sir  Edward  Herbert.  Of  these,  San- 
croft  refused  to  take  any  part  in  their 
proceedings,  and  Cartwright,^  a  creature 
of  the  court,  was  substituted  in  his  place. 
The  first  act  of  this  illegal  tribunal  was 
directed  against  Compton,  bishop  of 
London,  a  man  well  suited  for  the  strug- 
gle, of  a  noble  family,  and  undoubted 
loyalty,  who  proved  himself  ready  to 
df  fend  the  rights  of  his  sovereign,  or  of 
his  fellow-subjects,  by  the  sword,  carnal,* 
IS  well  as  spiritual.  Sharp,  afterwards 
archbishop  of  York,  then  rector  of  St. 
Giles,  had  attacked  some  of  the  errors 

'  13°  Car.  II..  ch.  12.  2  [[i  454, 

3  Burnet,  iii.  136. 

*  When  he  had  conveyed  the  Princess  Anne 
from  London  to  Northampton,  he  put  himself  at 
the  head  of  a  small  army  which  was  there  assem- 
bled. (See  Burnet's  Own  Time,  iii.  318,  and 
Wood's  Alh.'> 


of  poperj',  and  James,  who  esteemed 
this  conduct  as  a  personal  insult  towards 
himself,  directed  Compton  to  sus];end 
him.  The  bishop  expressed  his  readi- 
ness to  comply  with  any  lawful  com- 
mand, but  declared  that  he  had  no  au- 
thority to  do  so,  except  by  a  legal  process 
in  an  ecclesiastical  court ;  and  in  the 
mean  season  persuaded  Sharp  to  make 
all  due  submission  to  the  king,  and  to 
avoid  preaching,  till  the  affair  were 
settled.  But  as  this  Avould  not  satisfy 
his  majesty,  Compton  Avas  brought 
(Sept.  0)  before  the  Court  of  Ecclesias- 
tical Commission,  and  suspended  from 
executing  his  office  as  a  bishop. 

§  758.  These  measures  were  grounded 
upon  the  idea  that  the  king,  as  supreme 
head  of  the  church,  might  make  eccle- 
siastical law,  as  well  as  execute  it ;  and 
the  next  step  in  which  James  was  en- 
gaged, assumed  almost  the  same  power 
with  regard  to  the  law  of  the  land  ;  for 
when  he  found  that  his  expectations 
from  the  high  church  party  were  dis- 
appointed, he  betook  himself  to  the  dis- 
senters, and  tried,  by  favouring  them, 
to  establish  a  force  which  should  be  suf- 
ficient to  curb  those  M'hom  he  now 
deemed  his  enemies.  On  April  4,  1(387, 
he  issued  a  declaration*  for  liberty  of 
conscience,  whereby  he  suspended  all 
the  penal  laws  against  those  who  dif- 
fered from  the  church  of  England,  and 
virtually  repealed  them.  At  the  same 
time,  he  allowed  all  those  who  were  un- 
willing to  conform  to  the  rites  of  the 
church,  to  assemble  for  purposes  of 
public  worship,  dispensed  with  the  ne- 
cessity of  taking  any  oaths,  before  en- 
tering on  office,  and  stated  his  determi- 
nation to  employ  such  persons  as  had 
been  faithful  in  their  duty,  and  of  whose 
service  he  did  not  choose  to  be  deprived. 
The  law  of  the  land,  as  it  stands  at  the 
present  moment,  differs  so  little  from 
what  James  wished  to  establish,  that  on 
the  part  of  those  who  rejoice  in  our  pre- 
sent liberty  of  conscience,  no  objection 
I  can  be  justly  raised  against  this  mea- 
sure, except  that  which  arises  from  the 
nature  of  the  authority  assumed  in  the 
publication  of  such  a  document.  Laws 
are  annihilated,  if  the  king  by  one 
sweeping  clause  may  dispense  with 
them.    The  power  of  pardoning,  mer- 


5  Kennet,  iii.  4C3. 


Chap.  XVII-l 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


289 


cifully  lodged  in  the  crown,  is  totally 
different  from  that  which  was  now 
claimed.  There  the  king  forgives,  be- 
cause some  circumstances  render  par- 
don the  truest  justice,  and  happy  is  the 
government  which  is  strong  enough 
frequently  to  exercise  this  power;  but 
to  forgive  an  act  when  committed,  and 
to  license  the  commission  of  it,  are  steps 
of  a  totally  different  nature.  James 
never  pretended  to  exercise  this  power 
eo  as  to  affect  the  property  of  his  sub- 
jects, but  when  the  power  is  admitted, 
who  can  set  limits  to  the  use  of  it  ?  Who 
can  guaranty  that  no  private  property 
shall  be  injured  by  it?  In  the  case  of 
Magdalen  college,  of  which  mention 
will  hereafter  be  made,  James'  argues 
justly,  that  "  it  was  ridiculous  to  dispute 
the  king's  power  in  dispensing  with  the 
local  statutes  of  a  college,  which  had 
been  so  frequently  practised  in  former 
reigns  ;  after  it  had  been  decided  in  his 
majesty's  favour  that  he  might  dispense 
with  certain  standing  laws  of  the  land." 
The  admission  of  this  right  in  the  crown 
would,  in  this  case,  have  deprived  an 
honest  man  of  his  prospects  in  life,  and 
might  have  rendered  the  situation  of  ail 
the  members  of  a  large  college  very  un- 
comfortable, by  robbing  them  of  their 
right  to  appoint  their  own  head,  a  pri- 
vilege as  dear  as  any  other  species  of 
property  ;  nor  should  it  be  forgotten, 
that  when  an  individual  is  wrongly  ap- 
pointed to  any  place  of  honour  or  emo- 
lument, some  proper  person  is  prevented 
from  obtaining  the  j)referment. 

§  759.  Kennet-  says,  that  the  assump- 
tion of  this  power  might  have  been 
overlooked,  if  the  king  had  not  endea- 
voured to  form  a  ])arliament  for  the  pur- 
pose of  repealing  the  penal  laws.^  The 
attempt  was  made  in  a  very  unconsti- 
tutional manner  through  private  com- 
munications, generally  denominated  clo- 
setings ;  and  many  undue  steps  were 
taken  to  influence  men  in  their  decisions. 
Though  the  legal  repeal  of  all  penal 
laws  would  probably  have  been  a  mea- 
sure productive  of  the  greatest  good  to 
England,  had  it  been  effected  from  the 
very  first,  yet  »in fortunately  we  can 
hardly  attribute  any  such  enlarged  views 
to  James,  whose  sole  object  seems  to 

'  Own  Life,  ii.  123.  4fi6. 
'  That  is,  such  laws  as  impose  any  pains  or  pe- 
naliies  on  account  of  rclifinn. 

37 


have  been  to  establish  his  own  author- 
ity and  to  introduce  his  own  religious 
oi)inions,  two  ideas  almost  inseparably 
connected  in  his  mind.  In  this  attempt 
to  bias  the  judgments  of  his  people, 
there  was  nothing  which  a  weak  man 
might  not  have  esteemed  justifiable ; 
but  when  we  look  at  his  conduct  with 
respect  to  the  judges,  it  is  impossible  to 
acquit  him  of  absolute  dishonesty.  The 
question  of  the  legality  of  the  dispensing 
power  was  brought  to  trial  in  the  case 
of  Sir  Edward  Hales  ;  but,  as  a  previous 
step,  the  judges  were  sounded  con- 
cerning their  several  opinions,  "  and 
such  as  were  not  clear  to  judge  as  the 
court  did  direct,  were  turned  out."* 
Sir  Edward  accepted  a  place  which  re- 
quired him  to  take  the  test,  and  his  own 
coachman  sued  him  in  the  penalty  of 
five  hundred  pounds  for  not  doing  so; 
in  bar  of  which,  the  dispensing  power  ■ 
of  the  king  was  pleaded,  and  allowed. 
The  twelve  judges  on  this  occasion  de- 
cided the  matter,  as  far  as  a  court  which 
had  not  the  confidence  of  the  country 
could  decide  it,  and  there  were  so  many 
persons  indirectly  interested  in  the  ad- 
mission of  the  power,  that  it  is  almost 
wonderful  that  the  decision  was  not  re- 
ceived with  greater  satisfaction. 

§  7o0.  The  sufferings  of  the  dissenters 
had  been  so  great,  that  no  government, 
worthy  of  the  name,  could  have  long 
allowed  them  to  be  inflicted.  The  Qua- 
kers,^ in  their  petition  to  the  king  and 
parliament,  declared  that  above  fifteen 
hundred  of  their  brethren  had  been  of 
late  in  prison,  of  whom  1:JS3  now  re- 
mained there ;  and  that  of  these  more 
than  two  hundred  were  women.  That 
since  lOfiO,  above  three  hundred  and 
fifty  had  died  in  jail;  that  many  others 
had  lost  their  lives  from  ill  treatment 
which  they  had  experienced  while  un- 
der confinement;  and  that  numberless 
injuries  had  been  done  to  their  property. 
The  writer  of  the  preface  to  Uelaune's 
Plea  for  the  Nonconformists  says,  that 
he  was  one  of  eight  thousand  Protestant 
dissenters  who  had  been  punished  in 
jail  during  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 
I  Oldmixon"  says  that  Jeremy  White  had 
I  collected  a  list  of  sixty  thousand  persons 
who  had  suffered  for  religion,  between 


^  Burnet,  iii.  91.  ^  Noal,  v.  17. 

*  History  of  the  Stuarts,  715. 

2B 


290 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVH. 


the  Restoration  and  Revolution.  These 
accounts  may  be,  and  probably  are, 
much  exaggerated  ;  but  after  treatment 
which  at  all  approached  to  this  descrip- 
tion or  extent,  it  is  only  wonderful  that 
the  dissenters  were  as  friendly  to  the 
church  as  they  were.  The  court'  had 
tried  to  render  the  breach  between  the 
two  parties  as  wide  as  possible,  by 
issuing  a  commission  to  examine  into 
the  proceedings  which  had  been  un- 
justly carried  on  against  them  ;  (for  in 
many  cases  they  had  bought  offfurther 
prosecutions  against  themselves,  by 
making  presents  to  those  who  were 
connected  with  the  ecclesiastical  courts ;) 
but  the  general  moderation  of  the  dis- 
senters at  this  moment  prevented  any 
such  effect  from  being  produced,  since 
they  were  convinced  that  the  sole  ob- 
ject of  the  apparent  kindness  of  the 
king  was  to  employ  them  in  throwing 
down  the  constitution.  His  arbitrary 
conduct,  indeed,  which  was  always 
exercised  more  or  less  in  favour  of  the 
Roman  Catholics,  prevented  any  one 
l^om  mistaking  the  plans  which  he  had 
in  viev.'. 

§  7t51.  James  directed  his  first  open 
attack  against  the  universities ;  for  he 
foresaw,  that  if  he  could  have  succeeded 
in  contaminating  the  sources  from 
whence  many  of  the  higher  feelings 
which  pervade  a  country  derive  their 
origin,  the  task  of  perverting  the  minds 
of  the  rest  of  the  community  would  have 
become  comparatively  easy.  Oxford 
was  but  ill  prepared  to  resist  the  attempt. 
Anthonv  Wood,'^  in  his  own  life,  de- 
scribes the  place  as  given  up  to  idleness, 
and  containing  few  scholars,  who  ge- 
nerally spent  their  time  in  coffee  and 
ale-houses.  He  adds,  that  colleges^ 
were  deserted,  for  fear  the  gownsmen* 
should  be  turned  out  of  their  rooms  to 
provide  lodgings  for  the  members,  in 
case  a  parliament  should  be  assembled 
there.  That  whigs  were  afraid  to  send 
their  sons  to  a  seminary,  when  there 
was  danger  lest  they  should  be  per- 
verted to  tory  principles,  or  converted 
to  popery.  For  after  the  accession  of 
James,  Obadiah  "Walker,  head  of  Uni- 
versity college,  and  five  or  six  more, 
declared  themselves  of  the  Roman  Ca- 


'  Burnet,  iii.  175. 
'  Ibid,  l.xxx. 


*  Ath.  Ixxix. 

'  Ibid.  xciv.  xcvii. 


tholic  persuasion.  Upon  the  death  of 
Fell,  in  108(5.  the  crown  had  appomted 
Massey,^  a  Roman  Catholic,  to  the 
deanery  of  Christ  Church  ;  and  in  1687, 
when  a  vacancy  occurred  in  the  head- 
ship of  Magdalen  college,  the  king  sent 
a  mandatory  letter,  enjoining  the  fellows 
to  elect  Farmer,  a  man  of  bad  character, 
and  a  Roman  Catholic.  The  fellows 
petitioned  that  the  crown  would  either 
grant  them  a  free  election,  or  that  the 
king  would  recommend  such  a  person 
as  might  be  serviceable  to  his  majesty, 
and  to  his  college  :  but  in  the  mean 
time,  before  any  answer  was  received, 
they,  complying  with  the  directions  of 
their  statutes  as  to  the  time  of  election, 
proceeded  to  choose  Hough,  and  after- 
wards refused  to  admit  Samuel  Parker, 
bishop  of  Oxford,  who  was  recom- 
mended to  them  by  the  court.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  disobedience,  his  ma- 
jesty cited  the  fellows  before  him,  dur- 
ing his  visit  to  Oxford,  and  upon  their 
continued  refusal  to  obey  his  commands, 
they  were  brought  before  a  committee 
of  the  ecclesiastical  commission,  sent  to 
the  university  for  the  purpose  of  pu- 
nishing them,  and  ultimately  Hough 
and  twenty-five  fellows  quitted  their  aca- 
demical preferments,  protesting  against 
the  illegality  of  the  whole  proceeding. 
Parker  enjoyed  his  preferment  only  two 
years,  and  at  his  death,  Bonaventure 
Gifiard,  vicar  apostolic  from  the  see  of 
Rome,  was  installed  as  president. 

§  762.  We  have  before  seen"  in  what 
light  James  regarded  the  transaction  ; 
he  conceived  that  the  king  who  had  a 
right  to  dispense  with  the  laws  of  the 
land  must,  have  an  equal  power  to 
change  the  statutes  of  a  college  ;  and 
there  are  many  instances  where,  in  the 
appointments  to  colleges,  the  nomina- 
tion had  been  virtually  transferred  to 
the  crown.'    James,  therefore,  who  en- 


5  Tliere  was  a  particular  dispensalion  for  O. 
Walker.  Massey,  and  several  oihtr  members  of 
ihe  University;  and  one  for  Sclater,  curate  oi 
Putney  and  rector  of  E.=her,  for  not  using  the 
Common  Prayer.  (Hallam's  Cons.  Hist.  ii.  410.) 
See  ^  758. 

"  When  Sancroft  vacated  his  headship  at  Ema- 
nuel college,  Cambridge,  the  king  nominated  Dr. 
Breton,  who  was  accordingly  elected  ;  and  one 
of  the  fellows  approved  of  it  as  the  only  method 
of  preserving  unanimity  among  them.  (D'Oyly's 
Sancroft,  i.  135.+)  Finch  was  appointed  warden 
of  All  Souls  by  a  mandamus  from  .Tames.  ir)87, 
and  upon  the  death  >'l  the  duke  of  Orraond,  in 


Chap.  XVII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


291 


tertained  the  most  extravagant  notions 
of  prerogative,  and  who  was  urged  on 
by  the  blind  zeal  of  his  ecclesiastical 
advisers,  (for  the  Roman  Catholic  laity 
were  too  wise  to  approve  of  his  con- 
duct,) saw  not  that  the  freehold  of  every 
one  of  his  subjects  was  rendered  inse- 
cure by  so  arbitrary  an  act,  and  that 
every  member  of  the  college  thus 
ejected  would  be  regarded  as  a  con- 
fessor for  the  cause  of  Protestantism ; 
while  every  friend  to  the  universities 
or  the  church  would  be  in  arras  against 
a  measure  which  might  in  the  next 
place  eject  any  clergyman  from  his 
living. 

This  shameless  treatment,  however, 
was  not  confined  to  Oxford.  In  Cam- 
bridge,' James  had  before  directed  the 
university  to  confer  the  degree  of  M.A., 
without  taking  the  oaths,  on  Allen 
Francis,  a  Benedictine  monk,  then  resi- 
dent there.  The  senate  rejected  the 
mandamus  as  quietly  as  they  could, 
but  Dr.  Peachall,^  master  of  Magdalen 
college,  and  vice-chancellor,  was  ulti- 
mately deprived  of  this  office  by  the 
ecclesiastical  commission.  The  court 
however  went  no  further,  and  the  de- 
gree was  never  conferred.  An  almost 
similar  case  took  place  at  the  Charter- 
house,^ when  the  kiijg  ordered  the 
governors  to  admit  Andrew  Popham 
without  administering  any  oaths  to  him. 
The  governors  very  properly  resisted, 
and  the  affair  was  never  brought  to  an 
issue.  Two  out  of  these  three  acts 
were  direct  attacks  upon  property ;  for 


July,  1688,  the  universiiy  procprdcd  to  a  hasiy 
eltciion,  lust  a  mandamus  should  coine  in  lavnur 
of  Jeffreys.  (Birch's  ■l  illolson,  222,  SIM.)  Wil- 
liam III.  attempted  to  do  the  same  in  King's  col- 
legp,  Cambridge,  hut  gave  it  up  on  the  resistance 
of  the  fellows.  (Il)id.  261.) 
'  Burnet,  iii,  141. 

2  IJc  is  called  Kachell  liy  Lord  Dartmouth  in 
his  note  on  Burnet,  'i'here  is  an  excellent  letter 
of  his  to  Pepys,  in  the  Diary,  ii.  81. — "I  am  sor- 
ry, as  well  as  unhappy,  to  be  brouf;ht  lo  a  sirail 
'iwixt  God  and  man:  ihe  laws  oi  the  land  and  iho 
oaths  we  lie  under,  arc  the  fences  oi  God's  chttrch 
and  reliirion  profe.^scd  and  eslahli.^hed  amongst 
us;  and  I  cannot  siifl'cr  myself  to  be  made  an 
instrument  to  pull  down  lho.=e  fences:  if  H.  M.  in 
his  wisdom,  and  according  to  his  stipreme  power, 
contrive  other  niethods  lo  satisfy  himself,  I  shall 
be  no  murmurer  or  complaincr.  but  can  be  no 
abettor.  For  the  doctrine,  discipline,  and  worship 
of  our  church  I  hearlily  believe  was  neither  fetched 
from  Rome  nor  from  (Geneva,  but  from  Jerusalcn), 
from  Christ  and  his  apostles." 

3  D'Oyly's  Sancroft,  i.  239,  " 


'  where  a  candidate  disqualified  by  law 
is  appointed,  it  cannot  but  happen  that 
some  qualified  person  is  deprived  of  his 
right.  The  third  was  an  act  of  pure 
tyranny  upon  the  magistrate  of  a  body 
corporate,  who  did  nothing  beyond  his 
duty. 

§  763.  Some  other  parts  of  the  con- 
duct of  James  are  marked  with  a  folly 
as  conspicuous  as  the  injustice  whicli 
is  exhibited  in  the  previous  instances, 
particularly  the  appointment  of  Father 
Petre  as  a  privy-counsellor,  and  the 
!  sending  Lord  Castlemain  to  Rome. 
jThe  writer  of  the  Life  of  James  IL 
throws  the  blame  in  both  these  cases 
'on  Lord  Sunderland,  who  brought  for- 
Avard  the  king's  confessor,  that  he 
I  might  use  him  as  a  tool  and  a  screen. 
Petre  was  a  weak  though  plausible 
man,  but  had  a  great  influence  over  the 
king,  and  the  credit  of  more  than  he 
really  possessed ;  Lord  Sunderland 
therefore  wished  that  Petre  might  be 
supposed  to  direct  the  king's  counsels, 
while  the  measures  really  proceeded 
from  the  minister;  and  the  prospect  of 
obtaining  a  cardinal's  hat  was  too  strong 
a  temptation  to  be  resisted  by  Petre. 
Lord  Castlemain  was  in  consequence 
sent  ambassador  to  Rome,*  in  order  to 
obtain  this  object,  and  to  request  that 
three  vicars-general  more  might  be 
appointed  for  the  kingdom ;  but  his 
reception  there  was  most  unfavourable; 
and  after  delays  and  neglect,  the  only 
point  in  which  he  succeeded  was  the 
nomination  of  Drs.  C^iffard  and  Smith, 
and  Father  Ellis,  who  were  consecrated 
bishops  in  parlibus,  and  vicars-general 
in  England.^ 

■*  Life  of  Jaines  IL,  ii.  79. 

5  Watson,  bishop  of  Lincoln,  the  last  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  bishops  who  had  not  become 
Protestant  at  the  Reformation,  died  in  1,')84.  In 
1598,  the  English  Roman  Catholic  church  was 
placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  an  archpriesi, 
vested  wiih  full  auiiiority  over  the  secular  clergy, 
but  unable  lo  perform  any  episcopal  functions,  as 
he  was  not  a  bishop.  'I'lic  Roman  Catholics  of 
England  justly  remonsiruied  against  this,  ae  beir>f' 
viriually  deprived  of  ihe  benefits  of  episcopacy. 
In  1C23,  a  vicar  aposiolic  was  first  appointed. 
'I'his  is  an  officer  vested  with  episcopal  authority 
by  ihe  pope  over  any  church  which  is  in  want  of 
a  f)ishop,  but  wliii  h,  for  some  reason,  cannot  have 
one  of  its  own :  the  l)ishop  is  consecrated  to  some 
see,  171  parlihi.t  iiifuhlivvi.  which  had  formerly  a 
bishop,  but  lias  now  no  church.  'I  he  real  differ- 
ence between  a  bishop  of  a  see  and  a  vicar  apos- 
tolic!, is.  that  the  commission  of  lite  latter  is  only 
during  ihe  pope's  pleasure.    Ireland  has  Roman 


292 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVII. 


§  764.  The  court  of  Rome  ivas  far 
too  wise  to  approve  of  the  hasty  steps 
which  were  taking  place  in  this  country, 
and  foresaw  the  destruction  which  such 
imprudence  must  bring  upon  the  in- 
terests of  the  papal  cause.  Innocent 
XL'  indeed  is  said  to  have  advised 
James  to  use  all  moderation,  and  to 
have  written  to  him  for  that  purpose 
immediately  on  his  accession  ;  (proba- 
bly through  Carryl,  who  was  sent  into 
Italy  upon  his  ascending  the  throne.) 
The  Spanish  ambassador,  and  the 
English  Roman  Catholic  laity  joined 
in  urging  the  same  point,  but  to  no 
purpose ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  decide 
whether  the  madness  of  the  priests  or 
the  impolicy  and  dishonesty  of  Lord 
Sunderland  were  the  most  influential 
cause  which  led  to  the  ultimate  catas- 
trophe :  probablj'  each  contributed  to 
assist  the  other.  It  was  not  perhaps  in 
itself  like!}'  that  James  should  have 
been  influenced  by  the  suggestions  of 
the  pope,  for,  like  Lewis  XIV.,  he  w-as 
rather  an  enemy  to  the  principles  of 
Protestantism  than  a  friend  to  the  court 
of  Rome,  of  which  he  had  no  wish  to 
increase  the  power;  but  no  outward 
rupture  took  place  in  consequence  of 
these  events  ;  and  though  Lord  Castle- 
main-  afterwards  declared  that  the  ob- 
ject of  his  embassy  was  one  of  mere 
compliment  between  two  temporal 
princes,  yet  the  accounts  given  by  his- 
torians, and  appearances  in  Enq-land, 
seem  to  support  a  contrary  supposition. 
The  next  year,  (Julj'  :3,  KiST,)  the 
pope's  nuncio  was  publicly  received  at 
Windsor,  and  the  duke  of  Somerset" 
disgraced,  because  he  refused  to  incur 
the  danger  of  rendering  himself  guilty 
of  high  treason  in  the  eye  of  the  law, 
by  presenting  the  accredited  agent  of 
the  see  of  Rome.  The  king  had  not 
only  allowed  the  monks  in  St.  James's 
to  wear  the  dresses  of  their  orders,  but 
the  nuncio*  himself.  Sen.  F.  D'Adda, 
had  been  consecrated  archbishop  of 
Amasia,  in  the  chapel  belonging  to  that 
palace. 

Catholic  bishops  of  her  own.  who  are  independent 
of  Rome,  as  tar  as  Roman  Catholics  can  he  ;  and 
the  members  of  that  communion  in  England  have 
much  reason  to  complain  that  ihey  have  never 
been  allowed  this  privilege.  (Boiler's  Roman 
Catholics,  ii.  240.  &c.) 

>  Welwood,  157.      ^  ibid.  184. 

5  Ibid.  182.  *  Life  of  James  II..  ii.  116. 


§  765.  All  this  served  but  to  irritate 
the  minds  of  the  people.  It  convinced 
every  thinking  person  that  they  could 
expect  no  half-measures,  and  enabled 
those  who  approved  not  of  these  pro- 
ceedings to  enlist  the  prejudices  of 
every  Protestant  in  opj;osition  to  his 
majest}'.  It  showed  the  world  that 
James  cared  nothing  for  laws,  and 
proved  to  them  that  their  only  safetj' 
depended  on  their  establishing  a  power 
in  the  force  of  general  opinion,  which 
should  be  able  to  overwhelm  any 
strength  with  which  the  injustice  of  the 
king  might  be  backed. 

James  himself  could  not  fail  to 
perceive  the  danger  of  acting  entirely 
against  law,  and  therefore  attempted  to 
obtain  a  sanction  for  his  own  conduct 
by  procuring  a  change  in  the  laws 
themselves.  With  this  view,  when  he 
had  dismissed  his  former  parliament,* 
(July,  16S7.)  he  endeavoured  to  assem- 
ble a  new  one  which  might  coincide 
with  his  own  wishes  in  the  abolition  of 
the  Test.  The  method  by  Avhich  he 
tried  to  effect  this  object  was,  first,  by 
going,  on  a  progress  through  many 
parts  of  the  countrys  during  which  he 
sounded  the  opinions  of  the  most  influ- 
ential persons,  hoping  to  bias  their  judg- 
ments, but  found  that  the  feelings  of 
most  men  were  unequivocally  adverse 
to  his  desires.  He  discoursed  of  liberty" 
of  conscience,  but  forgot  that  all  his  acts 
tended  to  destroy  even  liberty  of  per- 
son and  property.  In  order  that  such 
members  as  were  friendly  to  the  court 
might  obtain  seats  in  the  commons, 
he  used  the  most  arbitrary  measures 
towards  corj'orations,  particularly  that 
of  London;  and  while,  in  his  alteration 
of  plans,  he  discarded  his  old  friends, 
he  gained  no  new  supporters  among 
those  who  were  advanced  b\-  him  ;  for 
no  one  could  feel  sure  that  a  fresh  line 
of  policy  might  not  presently  be  pur- 
sued, which  would  again  make  a  sacri- 
fice of  their  interests.  With  regard  to 
members  of  parliainent,  he  attempted 
to  produce  the  same  effect  by  means  of 
the  lords  lieutenant,  whom  he  directed 
to  put  questions  with  respect  to  elec- 
tions, both  to  candidates  and  to  electors  , 
but  the  task  was  carried  on  with  no 
zeal,  and  some  of  the  lords  lieutenant 

'  Rapin,  760.  *  Burnet,  ili.  180. 


Chap.  XVII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


293 


t'ven  opposed  the  wishes  of  the  court 
without  concealing  it. 

§  700.  Such  decided  marks  of  dislike 
on  the  part  of  his  subjects  would  not 
allow  James  to  shut  his  eyes  to  the  un- 
certainty of  his  prospects  of  success, 
dependent  on  any  or  all  these  means, 
and  he  seems  therefore  to  have  placed 
his  reliance  upon  the  army,  which  he 
had  formed  with  much  care,  and  mo- 
delled, as  far  as  possible,  so  as  to  give 
him  every  reason  for  expecting  support 
from  it :  but  after  all,  the  feelings  of  the 
army  were  strongly  against  the  religion 
of  the  king,  and  his  plans  tended  only  to 
make  the  real  objects  of  his  intentions 
more  apparent.  In  lOS;!,  Mr.  Johnson,' 
a  clergyman,  who  was  already  in  prison, 
for  having  written  a  work  called  Julian 
the  Apostate,"  published  "An  Address 
to  all  the  English  Protestants  in  the 
Army,  to  dissuade  them  from  becoming 
the  tools  of  the  Court,  and  contributing 
to  subvert  the  Constitution."  For  this 
he  \vas  most  severely,  nay,  barbarously 
punished;  he  was  degraded  from  his 
orders,  in  St.  Paul's,  by  some  of  the 
courtly  bishops,  placed  three  times  in 
the  pillory,  and  whipped  from  Newgate 
to  Tyburn.  This  rigour  betrayed  the 
weakness  of  the  court,  and  their  alarms : 
and  though  numbers  of  Roman  Catho- 
lics were  subsequently  introduced  into 
the  army,  yet  that  body  still  continued 
true  to  the  real  interests  of  the  country. 

§707.  (a.  D.  1088.)  When  James  then 
had  offended  the  mass  of  his  subjects ; 
when  he  had  outrun  the  zeal  of  those 
whose  religious  opinions  seemed  to  con- 
nect them  more  closely  with  his  interests  ; 
when  he  dared  not  call  a  parliament, 
and  could  not  trust  his  army :  he  re- 
published his  declaration  for  liberty  of 
conscience.  It  is  a  painful  considera- 
tion, that  this  act,  which,  ii'  it  had  been 
done  at  a  proper  season,  and  from  good 
motives,  might  have;  formed  the  glory  of 
any  Christian  king,  can  now  only  be 
regarded  as  the  last  arbitrary  proceed- 
ing of  one  who  would  willingly  have 
made  himself  a  tyrant ;  and  that  the  po-  [ 
litical  liberty  of  our  country  must  date 
its  origin  from  the  opposition  which  was 
now  raised  to  a  proclamation,  in  itself 
advocating  the  cause  of  religious  free- 
dom ;  so  complicated  are  the  connections 


•  Birch's  Tillotson,  217.    Kennet,  452. 


between  real  and  pretended  libertj'. 
This  declaration,  which  had  been  origi- 
nally published  April  4th,  1087,  was 
now  put  forth  with  a  new  preface  and 
conclusion,  (April  27th,)  stating  the  de- 
termination of  the  king  to  support  it,  the 
efficient  state  of  the  army  and  navy,  and 
the  prosperous  condition  of  the  country; 
and  as  if  this  were  not  sufficiently  exas- 
perating, it  was  directed  by  an  order  of 
council  that  it  should  be  read  in  every 
parish  church.'' 

§  708.  The  clergy  were  now  placed 
in  the  very  difficult  situation^  of  either 
disobeying  the  commands  of  the  king, 
or  of  contributing  to  their  own  degrada- 
tion ;  and  the  more  dignified  members 
of  that  body  nobly  came  forward  to  sus- 
tain the  violence  of  the  storm.  Arch- 
bishop Sancroft,  from  the  very  first, 
seems  to  have  been  employed  in  con- 
sulting with  his  episcopal  brethren,  whq 
happened  to  be  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
London,  with  regard  to  the  line  of  con- 
duct which  they  ought  to  pursue  ;  and 
when,  after  a  few  days,  he  had  assem- 
bled a  certain  number  of  bishops,  it  was 
agreed  that  they  should  present  a  peti- 
tion to  the  king,  signifying  their  reluc- 
tance to  distribute  and  publish  the  decla- 
ration ;  and  professing  their  readiness  to 
come  to  some  temper  with  the  dissent- 
ers. This  petition  was  signed  by  Ban- 
croft,* W.  Lloyd,  bishop  of  St.  Asaph, 
F.  Turner  of  Ely,  J.  Lake  of  Chichester, 
Th.  Kenn  of  Bath  and  Wells,  Thomas 
White  of  Peterborough,  and  Jonathan 
Trelawney  of  Bristol ;  and  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  same  day  the  six  last  pre- 
sented it  to  his  majesty  at  White  Hall, 
for  Sancroft  had  been  previously  for- 
bidden to  appear  at  court.  The  king 
received  it  with  great  appearance  of 
anger ;  the  bishops,  who  conducted 
themselves  with  great  calmness  and 
respectfulness  of  demeanour,  were  dis- 
missed from  the  royal  jiresence ;  and 
through  some  unfaithfulness  of  those 
about  the  king,  a  copy  was  printed  and 
dispersed  throughout  the  town  on  the 
same  evening.  The  petition  was  after- 
wards subscribed  by  six  more  bishops,'* 

2  That  the  clergy  might,  as  Faiher  Peire  said,  eat 
their  own  dung  (Kennel,  iii.  481.  Burnel,  iii.  217.) 

3  D'Oyly's  .Sancrolt,  2.M.  Sancrolt.  262. 
^  Compton  ot  London,  \V.  Lloyd  of  Norwich, 

R.  Franiphjn  of  Gloucester,  Seth  Ward  ot  Sarum, 
Peter  Mew  of  Winchester,  Thomas  Lainplugh 
of  Excler.  (.Sancroft,  2G9.) 

2  b3 


294 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVH. 


as  approving  its  contents,'  and  the  clergy 
generally  followed  the  steps  of  the  bish- 
ops, so  that  not  above  two  hundred  of 
them,  through  the  whole  kingdom,  read 
the  declaration  in  their  churches.  There 
were  four  bishops'  only  who  complied 
with  the  orders  of  the  court,^  and  of 
these  Crew  suspended  about  thirty  in 
his  diocese  for  their  refusal  ;  and  the 
diocese  of  Chester,  of  which  Cartwright 
was  bishop,  united  in  an  address  of 
thanks  for  the  declaration  itself. 

§  7()i).  James  remained  some  time  in 
suspense  as  to  what  measures  he  should 
pursue,  but  at  length  came  to  the  impru- 
dent resolution  of  prosecuting  the  bish- 
ops for  a  misdemeanor  ;  and  on  Friday, 
Jurtfe  8th,  they  were  all  committed  to  the 
Tower,  because  they  would  not  enter 
into  recognisances  for  their  further  ap- 
pearance, a  step  which  their  legal  ad- 
visers recommended  them  not  to  take. 
"  The  people,"  says  Hume,''  "  were 
already  aware  of  the  danger  to  which 
the  prelates  were  exposed ;  and  were 
raised  to  the  highest  pitch  of  anxietj' 
and  attention  with  regard  to  the  issue 
of  this  extraordinary  affair.  But  when 
they  beheld  these  fathers  of  the  church 
brought  from  court  under  the  custody 
of  a  guard,  when  they  saw  them  em- 
harked  in  vessels  on  the  river,  and  con- 
veyed towards  the  Tower,  all  their  affec- 
tion for  liberty,  all  their  zeal  for  religion, 
blazed  up  at  once,  and  they  flew  to 
behold  this  affecting  and  animating 
spectacle.  The  whole  shore  was  co- 
vered with  crowds  of  prostrate  specta- 
tors, who  at  once  implored  the  blessing 
of  those  holy  pastors,  and  addressed 
their  petition  towards  heaven  for  pro- 
tection during  this  extreme  danger,  to 
which  their  countrj-  and  their  religion 
stood  exposed.  Even  the  soldiers,  seized 

1  Sancroft,  2G9. 

2  Nathaniel  Crew,  bishop  of  Durham  :  Herb. 
Crofts  of  Hereford,  Thomas  Barlow  of  Lincoln, 
and  Thomas  Pprat  of  Rochester;  Sprat  was  also 
dean  of  Weslminsler.  (Rapin,  71)3.)  "1  was 
then  at  Westminster  school,  and  heard  it  read  in 
the  Abbey.  As  soon  as  Bishop  Sprat,  who  was 
dean,  gave  order  for  reading  it,  there  was  so  great 
a  mvirmur  and  noise  in  the  church,  that  nobody 
could  hear  him  :  but  before  he  had  finished,  there 
was  none  left  but  a  few  prebends  in  their  stalls, 
the  choristers,  and  Westminster  scholars.  The 
bishop  could  hardly  hold  the  proclamation  in  his 
hands  for  trembling,  and  everybody  looked  under 
a  strange  consternation."  Note  of  Lord  Dart- 
mouth's in  Burnet's  Own  Time,  iii.  218,  g. 

3  Life  of  James  n.,  ii  167.  viii.  261. 


with  the  contagion  of  the  same  spirit, 
flung  themselves  on  their  knees  before 
the  distressed  prelates,  and  craved  the 
benediction  of  those  criminals  whom 
they  were  appointed  to  guard.  Some 
persons  ran  into  the  water,  that  they 
might  participate  more  nearly  of  those 
blessings  which  the  prelates  were  dis- 
tributing on  all  around  them.  The  bish- 
ops themselves,  during  this  triumphant 
suffering,  augmented  the  general  favour 
by  the  most  lowly,  submissive  deport- 
ment ;  and  they  still  exhorted  the  people 
to  fear  God,  honour  the  king,  and  main- 
tain their  loyalty,  expressions  more  ani- 
mating than  the  most  inflammatory 
speeches.  And  no  sooner  had  they 
entered  the  precincts  of  the  Tower,  than 
they  hurried  to  the  chapel  in  order  to 
return  thanks  for  those  afflictions  Avhich 
Heaven,  in  defence  of  its  holy  cause, 
had  thought  them  ^vorthy  to  endure." 

§770.  On  Friday,  June  15th,  these 
venerable  sufferers^  were  brought  before 
the  court  of  king's  bench,  on  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus,  but  allowed  to  return  to 
their  own  houses  upon  bail,  till  the  day 
of  trial,  Avhich  was  fixed  for  the  21jth. 
The  anxiety  expressed  by  the  country 
generally  was  excessive,  and  the  crowds 
assembled  in  Westminster  Hall  and  its 
neighbourhood,  when  their  fate  was  to 
be  decided,  proportioned  to  the  interest 
which  all  orders  took  in  the  event.  The 
evidence  for  the  prosecution  consisted 
in  the  proof  of  the  signature  of  the 
bishops,  and  of  the  publication  of  the 
petition,  which  was  established  on  the 
testimony  of  the  clerk  and  president 
of  the  privy-council.  Their  defence 
rested  on  the  right  of  petitioning  pos- 
sessed by  every  Englishman,  on  the 
modest  terms  in  which  this  petition  was 
expressed,  and  the  private  manner  in 
which  it  was  presented ;  but  the  chief 
argument  lay  in  the  illegality  of  the 
dispensing  power  now  claimed  by  the 
crown.  Of  the  four  judges  on  the 
bench,  Wright  and  Allybone  gave  it  as 
their  opinion  that  the  petition  was  a 
libel,  and  Holloway  and  Powel  pro- 
nounced it  not  to  be  so.  The  jury  re- 
mained in  consultation  all  the  night,  and 
at  six  o'clock  the  next  morning  brought 
in  their  verdict  of  "Not  guilty."  The 
tumultuous  joy  excited  by  the  news  of 

5  Sancroft,  28S 


€nAP.  XVII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


39& 


their  decision,  spread  rapidly  through 
the  country,  and  the  acclamations  ex- 
tended to  the  camp  at  Hounslow,  where 
the  eaoerness  with  which  the  soldiers 
joined  in  expressing  their  satisfaction, 
justly  excited  the  alarms  of  the  king. 

§  771.  The  temper,  however,  of 
James  was  such,  that  he  would  not  see 
the  real  condition  to  which  he  liad  re- 
duced himself;  and  having  always 
blamed  the  vacillation  of  his  father 
and  brother,  he  hoped  to  remedy  by 
firmness  an  evil  into  which  imprudence 
had  led  him.  His  immediate  advisers, 
too,  wished  to  widen  the  breach  be- 
tween the  king  and  his  subjects,  and 
the  manner  in  which  he  proceeded  to 
act  sufficiently  accomplished  this  ob- 
ject. The  week  after  the  trial,  he  dis- 
missed the  two  judges  who  had  been 
favourable  to  the  bishops,  and  issued, 
through  the  ecclesiastical  commission, 
an  order,  that  all  chancellors  and  arch- 
deacons should  send  in  the  names  of 
those  clergymen  who  had  refused  to 
read  the  declaration.  Bancroft,  who, 
through  the  whole  of  this  part  of  the 
transaction,  showed  great  ('hristian 
firmness,  published  some  admonitions' 
designed  to  be  addressed  by  the  bishops 
to  their  respective  clergy,  in  which  he 
called  upon  them  to  exert  themselves 
as  became  their  station,  and  to  endea- 
vour to  promote  the  peace  of  the  na- 
tion, and  unanimity  between  Protes- 
tants. Indeed,  the  friendly  temper  of 
the  dissenters  at  this  period  called  forth 
the  praises  of  the  church,  and  in  con- 
spfjuence  of  the  prevalence  of  such 
feelings,  while  the  hour  of  danger  was 
at  hand,  the  archbishop  made  some  at- 
tempts towards  a  comprehension.  "  The 
scheme  was  laid  out.^  and  the  several 
parts  of  it  committed  to  such  of  our 
divines  as  were  thought  most  worthy  to 
be  intrusted  with  it.  His  grace  took 
one  part  himself,  another  was  commit- 
ted to  Dr.  Patric.  The  reviewing  of 
the  Liturgy  was  referred  to  a  select 
number  of  persons.  The  design  was 
this  :  to  improve,  and,  if  possible,  amend 
our  discipline  ;  to  review  and  enlarge 
our  Liturgy,  by  correcting  some  things, 
by  adding  others,  and  if  it  should  be 
thought  advisable  by  authority,  when 

'  D'Oyly's  Sanrroft,  i.  320. 
*  Ibid.  i.  327.    Wake's  Speech  at  Sacheverel's 
Trial,  212,  8vo. 


the  matter  should  be  legally  considered, 
first  in  convocation,  then  in  parliament, 
by  omitting  some  few  ceremonies  which 
are  allowed  to  be  indifferent  in  their 
natures,  as  indifTerent  in  their  usage,  so 
as  not  to  make  them  of  necessity  bind- 
ing on  those  who  had  conscientious 
scruples  respecting  them,  till  they 
should  be  able  to  overcome  their  weak- 
nesses or  their  prejudices  respecting 
them,  and  be  willing  to  comply."  San- 
croft  considered  how  good  an  opportu- 
nity had  been  lost  at  the  Restoration, 
because  no  previous  step  had  been 
taken  by  the  friends  of  the  church,  and 
because  the  warmth  of  the  other  party 
had  tended  to  inflame  the  minds  of  those 
who  were  suliiciently  adverse  to  any 
alterations. 

§  77'2.  "  In  the  mean  time,  by  the 
continued^  and  less  disguised  attempts 
of  King  James  against  the  liberties  of 
his  subjects,  and  the  safety  of  the  Pro- 
testant church,  matters  were  fast  draw- 
ing to  a  crisis.  The  Protestants  became 
every  day  more  and  more  convinced 
that  nothing  less  than  open  resistance 
could  preserve  to  them  the  enjoyment 
of  their  religious  profession  ;  and  all 
eyes  were  turned  towards  Holland,  as 
the  quarter  whence  deliverance  was  to 
spring.  The  prince  of  Orange,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  numerous  and  strong 
solicitations  he  had  received  from  per- 
sons of  various  ranks  and  interests  in 
England,  had  come  to  the  resolution  of 
undertaking  an  expedition  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  saving  that  kingdom 
from  the  dangers  which  threatened  to 
overwhelm  it.  In  consequence,  he  had 
employed  the  earlier  part  of  the  year  in 
making  such  preparations  as  had  more 
the  appearance  of  providing  for  the 
security  of  his  own  states  than  that  of 
meditating  any  thing  hostile  against 
another.  But  as  the  autumn  drew  on, 
he  was  obliged  to  take  other  measures 
in  collecting  troops,  artillery,  and  arms, 
which  unequivocally  marked  the  design 
of  undertaking  a  foreign  expedition. 
While  this  storm  was  gathering,  James 
alone  remained  unconscious  of  his  dan- 
ger. Blinded  by  his  passions,  and 
given  over  to  infatuated  counsels,  he 
vainly  hoped  for  success  in  measures 
from  which  every  other  eye  saw  that 


3  D'Oyly's  Sancroft,  i.  330,  &c. 


296 


iiisTon Y 'of  the 


[Chap.  XVII, 


his  ruin  must  ensue  ;  and  when  prepa- 
rations '.vere  making,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  all  tlie  world  too  ])lain  to 
be  mistaken,  he  alone  remained  in  ig- 
norance of  their  real  destination.  At 
last,  about  the  middle  of  September,  he 
first  came  convinced  of  the  purpose  of 
the  intended  expedition  from  Holland, 
by  a  letter,  as  it  is  said,  from  Lewis 
XIV.  On  receiving  it,  he  turned  pale 
and  stood  motionless,  and  the  letter 
dropped  from  his  hand  ;  striving  to  con- 
ceal his  perturbation  from  his  courtiers, 
he  more  plainly  betrayed  it ;  and  ihey, 
in  affecting  not  to  observe  his  emotion, 
showed  no  less  plainly  that  they  did. 
The  immediate  effect  of  this  discovery, 
and  of  the  alarm  which  overwhelmed 
him, was  to  make  him  recur,  with  hurried 
precipitation,  to  milder  measures  of 
government,  for  the  purpose  of  regain- 
ing his  lost  popularity.  Accordingly, 
on  Sept.  21,  he  published  a  declaration 
expressing  that  it  was  his  resolution  to 
preserve  inviolable  the  church  of  Eng- 
land ;  that  he  was  willing  the  Roman 
Catholics  should  remain  excluded  from 
the  House  of  Commons ;  and  assuring 
his  loving  subjects  that  he  should  be 
ready  to  do  every  thing  else  for  their 
safety  and  advantage,  that  becomes  a 
,king  who  will  always  take  care  of  his 
people.  Five  days  afterwards,  he  de- 
clared his  intention  of  restoring  to  the 
commission  of  the  peace  those  gentle- 
men who  had  been  displaced.  But 
matters  had  advanced  too  far  for  these 
concessions  to  have  any  effect.  Al- 
though ostensibly  proceeding  from  his 
own  free  will,  they  were  manifestly 
extorted  from  him  by  fear.  All  confi- 
dence in  him,  on  the  part  of  the  peo- 
ple, was  forfeited  ;  and  his  devotion  to 
the  Roman  Catholic  cause  was  known 
to  be  such,  that  he  would  certainly  re- 
cur to  his  violent  measures  for  esta- 
blishing it,  as  soon  as  the  fear  of  conse- 
quences was  again  removed." 

§  773.  But  what  was  the  most 
striking  effect  of  the  alarm  into  which 
he  was  now  thrown,  he  condescended 
to  ask  advice  of  those  very  persons 
whom  he  had  so  lately  treated  with 
hasty  and  inconsiderate  violence,  the 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  rest 
of  the  bishops ;"  and  was  pleased  ia 
being  able  to  assure  his  people  of  the 
returning  cordiality  between  himself 


and  their  lordships.  He  took  off  the 
suspension  from  Bishop  Compton,  and 
restored  to  the  city  of  London  their 
charter,  which  had  been  so  unwarranta- 
bly taken  from  them  ;  and  on  Oct,  2  he 
received  from  Sancroft,  and  the  other 
bishops  who  Avere  in  town,  a  paper' 
containing  their  opinion  as  to  the  mea- 
sures Avliich  he  ought  to  pursue. couched 
in  language  of  meekness,  and  delivered 
with  great  gravity  and  courage.  The 
king  thanked  the  bishops  for  their  ad- 
vice ;  and  each  of  the  points  either  had 
been,  or  were  successively  conceded  ; 
but  the  concession  came  too  late  ;  the 
country  had  lost  all  confidence  in  their 
sovereign,  and  his  acts  of  grace  were 
esteemed  acts*  of  weakness.  Nay,  the 
very  prayers  for  the  peace  and  safely 
of  the  nation,  which  Sancroft  composed 
with  great  moderation  and  discretion, 
are  said  to  have  tended  to  confirm  the 
minds  of  the  people  in  the  quiet  oppo- 
sition which  they  raised  against  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  court,  by  directing  their 
thoughts  to  religion,  the  point  concern- 
ing which  the  only  danger  seemed  to 
threaten  them. 

§  774.  The  change  in  the  king's 
counsel,  with  regard  to  the  bishops, 
caused  them  to  be  viewed  at  first  as 
objects  of  suspicion,  but  their  subse- 
quent conduct,  with  respect  to  not  ex- 
pressing their  abhorrence  of  the  mea- 
sures of  the  prince  of  Orange,  placed 
their  conduct  in  its  true  light.  James, 
alarmed  at  the  appearance  of  a  univer- 
sal defection,  when  the  intended  inva- 
sion became  evident,  requested  from 
such  bishops  as  could  be  assembled  at 
the  moment,  a  public  expression  of 
their  dislike  to  the  measures  of  his  son- 
in-law,  and  in  a  long  personal  interview 
urged  them  to  comply  with  his  request. 
But,  after  having  vindicated  themselves 

'  It  consisis  of  ten  heads  :  1st,  that  he  should 
commit  the  government  in  the  several  counties  to 
those  who  were  legally  qualified  ;  2d,  annul  the 
ecclesiastical  commission;  3d.  restore  the  president 
and  fellows  of  Magdalen  college  ;  4ih,  reverse 
all  dispensations  ;  5ih,  and  not  grant  any  for  the 
future  ;  6th,  that  he  should  inhibit  the  vicar  apos- 
tolic ;  7ih,  fill  all  vacant  bishoprics  ;  8th,  super- 
sede all  quo  warrantos  and  restore  ancient  char- 
ters ;  9th,  issue  writs  for  a  free  parhament, 
and  to  provide  for  the  security  of  the  church 
of  England  and  liberty  of  conscience  ;  lOih  and 
lastly,  listen  to  the  arguments  which  should  be 
advanced  by  the  bishops  to  induce  him  to  returi* 
to  the  communion  of  the  church  of  England 
.  (D'Oyly's  Sancroft,  i.  340.) 


Chap.  XVIL] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


297 


from  the  charge  of  having  invited  the 
prince,  the  bishops  declined  expressing 
any  opinion  distinct  from  the  rest  of  the 
peers,  whose  interest  in  the  prosperity' 
of  the  nation  was  as  strong  as  their 
own.  This  refusal,  while  it  injured  the 
cause  of  James,  probably  contributed 
to  save  episcopacy  in  England ;  for, 
had  the  bishops  of  this  country  com- 
mitted themselves  on  the  side  of  arbi- 
trary power,  as  the  Scotch  bishops  did  ; 
had  they  so  fettered  themselves  by  any 
declaration  of  opinions  hostile  to  the 
principles  of  the  Revolution ;  it  is  not 
improbable  that  they  would  have  been 
hindered  from  taking  part  in  the  events 
which  subsequently  occurred,  and  by 
leaving  the  field  open  to  their  enemies, 
as  was  the  case  in  the  north,  have 
tended  to  destroy  the  very  order  among 
us. 

§  775.  James  was  much  irritated  at 
this  refusal ;  but  the  landing  of  the 
Dutch,  with  its  immediate  consequences, 
prevented  him  from  showing  his  anger 
publicly.  When  it  was  known  that  the 
disembarkation  had  been  effected,  the 
bishops  joined  with  several  temporal 
peers  in  London  to  persuade  the  king  to 
call  a  free  parliament,  a  step  Avhich 
might  even  then,  perhaps,  have  pre- 
served the  crown ;  but  he  refused  to 
listen  to  the  suggestion,  till  he  had 
found  the  insecurity  of  any  reliance  on 
the  army,  and  had  seen  that,  as  no  one 
trusted  him,  he  could  confide  safely  in 
no  one. 

Events  now  followed  each  other  in 
rapid  succession.  The  king  joined  his 
army  at  Salisbury  on  the  19th  of  Nov., 
but  found  that  resistance  was  in  vain, 
since  his  own  officers  declined  fighting 
against  the  prince.  Deserted  by  his 
troops,  his  friends,  and  his  children,  he 
determined  to  call  a  parliament  when 
was  too  late,  and  at  length  attempted  to 
fly  into  France.  The  peers  who  were 
in  London  assembled,  and  took  upon 
themselves,  for  the  time,  the  government 
of  the  country,  in  order  to  preserve 
peace ;  but  the  detention  of  James,  and 
his  return  to  White  Hall,  where  he  was 
received  with  the  acclamations  of  the 
people,  and  the  atttmdance  of  a  con- 
siderable court,  again  seemed  to  give 
him  a  momentary  ho{)e  that  all  was  not 
lost.  When,  however,  the  prince  of 
Orange  came  to  London,  and  the  diffi- 

3a 


culties  which  must  have  presented  them- 
■  selves  as  to  any  future  settlement  be- 
came apparent,  James  was  compelled 
liastily  to  quit  his  palace,  and  his  escape 
into  France  was  connived  at. 

§  770.  The  personal  character  of 
I  James  must  explain  to  us  many  of  the 
i  secret  springs  of  those  proceedings  for 
which  it  might  otherwise  be  difficult  to 
assign  any  sufficient  reason.  He  seems 
to  have  possessed  that  species  of  talent 
which  would  have  rendered  him  a  dis- 
tinguished second  in  any  department, 
but  to  have  wanted  that  honest  sound 
sense  which  can  alone  qualify  talent  for 
the  highest  stations.  His  conduct  as  a 
young  soldier  under  Turenne,  his  ex- 
treme attention  to  business,  his  readi- 
ness to  obey,  and,  above  all,  his  regula- 
tions with  regard  to  the  admiralty,  mark 
him  out  as  an  object  of  admiration.  He 
viewed  trade  with  the  eye  of  a  superior 
statesman,  and  perceived  its  connection 
with  religious  liberty.  He  saw  that  the 
establishment  of  liberty  of  conscience 
would  make  England  great ;  but  here 
his  faults  displayed  themselves  in  con- 
nection with  his  good  sense  ;  for  he  Avas 
utterly  deficient  of  that  uprightness  of 
mind  which  might  have  delivered  him 
out  of  the  intricacies  in  which  his  preju- 
dices and  religion  involved  him. 

The  misfortunes  which  attended  his 
early  youth  led  him  to  false  views  of 
governing.  The  education  which  he 
had  received  in  a  camp,  but,  above  all, 
the  notions  which  he  derived  from 
Colonel  Berkeley,'  who  was  intrusted 
with  the  care  of  him,  and  was  a  bold, 
insolent  man,  disposed  towards  popery, 
and  exceedingly  arbitrary  in  his  temper 
and  ideas,  probably  infused  into  the 
mind  of  James  those  high  opinions  con- 
cerning absolute  power  which  were  the 
incessant  bane  of  his  whole  life. 

§  777.  When  he  came  to  the  throne, 
it  was  his  first  object  to  establish  a  strong 
government,  for  he  had  seen  the  mise- 
ries of  a  weak  one,  during  the  lives  of 
his  two  nearest  relations ;  hut  his  only 
idea  of  a  strong  government  wr  s  of  one 
which  did  not  depend  on  resources  fur 
nished  at  the  will  of  the  people,  and 
which,  therefore,  might  be  denied  him. 
While  his  brother  was  'cing,  he  had 
always  been  ready  to  allow  England  to 


'  Burnet,  iii.  4. 


298 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CnAP.  xvn. 


be  under  the  control  of  France,  pro- 
vided he  could  maintain  his  own  author- 
ity in  England  ;  and  when  advanced  to 
the  throne,  he  was  eager  to  adopt  a  line 
of  policy  which,  without  rejecting  the 
assistance  of  France,  should  enable  him 
to  emancipate  himself  from  her  power. 
The  friendly  feeling  towards  him,  on  the 
part  of  the  people,  with  which  his  reign 
commenced,  and  which  must  appear 
wonderful  after  the  specimens  which  he 
had  given  of  his  own  previous  conduct, 
made  him  master  of  a  revenue  which, 
with  his  habits  of  business  and  economy, 
seemed  to  render  him  independent  of  his 
parliament ;  and  the  first  point  to  which 
he  applied  himself,  in  his  general  plan 
of  establishing  a  strong  and  arbitrary 
government,  was  the  introduction  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion  into  Britain. 
He  had  ever  connected  the  idea  of  re- 
bellion with  puritanic  strictness,  and  he 
fancied  that  by  bringing  in  his  own  out- 
ward form  of  worship,  he  should  intro- 
duce with  it  his  own  opinions  as  to  pas- 
sive obedience.  It  is  often  assumed, 
that  James  in  his  proceedings  was  influ- 
enced by  religious  motives.  He  alone 
who  knoweth  the  hearts  of  men  can 
estimate  the  motive  of  either  kings  or 
subjects,  but  all  his  conduct  corresponds 
with  the  supposition  that  he  wished  to 
introduce  arbitrary  power.  He  had 
taken  up  the  object  of  introducing  Ro- 
manism into  England,  and  in  his  at- 
tempts to  effect  any  purpose,  he  was 
apt  to  disregard  right  and  wrong,  lew 
and  justice  :^  they  alone  were  friends 
who  aided  his  objec,  and  whoever  op- 
posed it  was  a  rebel.  This  temper  o/ 
construing  opposition-  to  his  measures 
into  treason  pervaded  the  whole  of  his 
life,  and  tended  more  than  any  thing 
else  to  prevent  even  those  most  closely 
connected  with  him  from  loving  or 
trusting  him.  In  a  free  constitution,  it 
is  impossible  to  establish  unanimity  of 
measures,  and  unanimity  of  object  can 
only  be  obtained  by  mutual  confidence, 
a  feeling  which  the  faults  of  James  en- 
tirely destroj^ed  in  all  around  him,  and 
thrcAV  him  into  the  hands  of  advisers 
who  were  either  very  dishonest  or  very 
foolish,  or  perhaps  both.  Lord  Sunder- 
land was  probably  careless  of  every 


1  Life,  733,  738. 

2  Life,  734.    Burnet,  i.  288. 


result,  save  of  his  own  interest,  and  the 
Jesuits  had  not  prudence  enough  to 
manage  so  vast  a  business. 

§  778.  James,  who  while  he  was  king 
probably  cared  little  about  religion,  at 
least  cared  not  for  the  essentials  of  reli- 
gion in  himself,^  was  most  anxious  to 
make  others  adopt  his  tenets,  though  he 
himself  displayed  no  wish  to  submit  his 
own  judgment  to  the  see  of  Rome. 
Lewis,  in   his  severity  and  injustice 
against  Protestants,  was  as  careful  to 
j  preserve  his  own  temporal  authority 
over  the  church  as  Queen  Elizabeth ; 
j  he  revoked  the  edict  of  Nantes,  and  was 
I  b}-  no  means  indisposed  to  quarrel  with 
1  the  pope  ;  and  James,  in  his  zeal  for 
Romanism,  would  attend  no  further  to 
I  the  advice  of  Rome  than  as  it  coincided 
I  with  his  own  views.    He  received  the 
refugees  who  were  driven  from  France, 
:  because  by  this  measure  he  hoped  to 
establish  a  spirit  of  toleration ;  for  he 
was  then  desirous  that  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics should  be  tolerated  in  England,  and 
he  foresaw  the  benefit  which  such  an 
accession   of    active    and  industrious 
strangers  must  bring  to  his  country. 
He  prided  himself  much  on  the  sacred- 
ness  of  his  word ;  yet,  though  he  had 
promised,  as  solemnly  and  frequently  as 
was  possible,  to  uphold  the  church  of 
;  England,  he   obviously  soug-ht  ever}^ 
j  means  of  introducing  Roman  Catholics 
into  the  higher  preferments.    And  if  his 
I  own  mind  could  receive  any  comfort 
from  the  distinction  between  the  church 
of  England  ile  facto,  the  Protestant 
church,  and  the  church  de  jure,  or  the 
Roman  Catholic,  whereby,  while  his 
promise  seemed  to  speak  of  one,  he  in- 
i  tended  the  ether,  such  dishonesty  would 
!  only  tend  to  augment  his  ffuilt ;  he  either 
meant  to  break  his  promise,  or  he  ad- 
mitted in  his  own  mind  such  an  equivo- 
..dtion  as  must  prove  him  doubly  dis- 
I  honest ;  but  as  to  his  honesty  of  purpose, 
we  have  a  confession  of  his  own.  which 
proves  that  he  was  not  verj-  scrupulous. 
In  a  dirty  pecuniar)-  transaction  between 
Charles  II.  and  the  duchess  of  Ports- 
mouth, wherein  it  was  intended  to  raise 
a  sum  of  money  for  her,  by  persuading 
James  to  surrender  a  rent-charge  on  the 
:  post-office,  he  professes  extreme  readi- 

1  •>  In  the  latier  pan  of  his  life  he  exhibited  strong 
1  proofs  of  a  sincere  sense  of  religion.  See  his  own 
I  Life,  published  by  Clarke. 


Chap.  XVII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


399 


ness  to  do  all  that  was  desired,'  yet,  "  all 
this  while,  the  duke  knew  very  well  his 
revenue  was  so  settled,  that  nothing  but 
an  act  of  parliament  could  alienate  any 
part  of  it;  which  he  took  care  not  to 
mention  to  any  living  soul,  lest  that 
mi^-ht  have  made  the  king  lay  the 
thoughts  of  it  aside  ;  and,  by  great  for- 
tune, none  of  the  lawyers  about  town, 
who  were  studying  which  way  to  bring 
it  about,  hit  upon  that  dif^icult3^"  The 
acts  of  imprudence  of  which  he  was 
guilty,  and  which  have  been  before  par- 
tially detailed,  arose  from  the  same  tem- 
per: he  thought  it  beneath  his  dignity 
to  conceal  his  wishes  or  his  plans,  and 
though  he  displayed  and  carried  them 
on  contrary  to  the  desires  of  all  his  sub- 
jects, yet  he  wondered  that  he  was  hated, 
and  perceived  not  that  a  king  of  Enj?- 
iand  cannot  be  powerful,  unless  he  pos- 
sess the  love  of  his  people. 

§  77i).  After  all,  it  may  be  question- 
able whether  the  ill  conduct  of  James 
would  have  roused  the  nation  to  throw 
ofT their  allegiance,  had  not  the  birth  of 
a  son  and  heir,  who  might  continue  the 
struggle,  excited  every  one  to  exert 
himself  in  the  defence  of  those  points 
which  good  men  hold  most  dear,  their 
religion  and  their  liberty.  The  queen 
was  delivered  on  June  10,  and  the  dis- 
like which  was  borne  to  the  parents 
has  caused  the  son  to  be  sometimes 
called  su  pposititious.  At  the  time  of  his 
birth,  all  the  precautions  do  not  appear 
to  have  been  taken  which  would  have 
been  desirable  in  consequence  of  subse- 
quent suspicions  :  but  as  William  never 
ventured  to  enter  into  a  formal  exami- 
nation of  the  birth  of  the  child,  though 
he  had  mentioned  this  subject  in  his  first 
declaration  ;  and  as  he  would  probably 
have  done  so,  had  he  found  any  evi- 
dence to  substantiate  a  charge  which 
would  have  been  so  useful  to  himself, 
we  may  fairly  presume  that  it  has  no 
foundation  in  truth.  But  the  fact  that 
an  heir  was  born,  produced  a  strong 
effect  in  the  country.  The  event  on 
which  the  king  and  his  Roman  Catholic 
advisers  had  always  built  their  hopes, 
was  accomplished,  but  its  accomplish- 
ment proved  the  ruin  of  their  cause. 
Many  an  Englishman  had  looked  for- 
ward to  the  time  when  a  Protestant 


'  Life,  i.  724 


;  successor  should  free  them  from  their 
alarms,  real  and  imaginary :  but  this 
hope  was  now  destroyed,  and  every 
one  saw  that  his  safety  depended  on 
himself.  Freemen  will  not  live  in  an 
uncertainty  whether  or  no  their  rights 
are  to  be  respected,  and  the  conduct  of 
James  prevented  any  one  from  sup- 
posing that  he  meant  to  respect  their 
rights,  any  further  than  his  own  want 
of  power  to  subvert  them  should  render 
it  necessary. 

§  780.  It  may  be  asked,  whether  the 
present  struggle  were  political  or  reli- 
gious, whether  the  attacks  of  the  king 
were  directed  against  the  church  or 
against  the  state  ;  but  this  question  can 
never  be  answered,  till  the  line  shall 
have  been  distinctly  drawn  between  the 
church  as  a  spiritual  body,  and  the 
church  establishment  as  a  member  of 
the  body  politic.  The  attack  was  made 
on  the  property  of  the  church,  and  on 
the  property  of  the  state,  when  men  who 
were  by  law  unqualified,  were  put  into 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  stations  ;  and  the 
passions  and  prejudices,  together  with 
every  honourable  feeling  of  the  people, 
were  excited,  when  they  beheld,  on  the 
part  of  the  crown,  a  total  disregard  of 
the  very  appearance  of  law.  When  the 
bishops  were  imprisoned  for  petition- 
ing the  kintr,  a  riffht  which  belongs  to 
every  man  in  the  kingdom  was  mvaded; 
and  the  boldness  of  these  sufTerers,  and 
the  interest  which  was  exhibited  in  their 
favour,  were  as  much  connected  with 
patriotism  as  with  religion.  Yet,  since 
religion  is  a  higher  feeling  than  patriot- 
ism, since  obedience  to  God  is  a  plainer 
duty,  and  one  in  the  performance  of 
which  the  reason  of  all  men  will  agree, 
whatever  be  their  conduct,  it  naturally 
came  to  pass  that  the  opinion  of  the 
country  referred  the  quarrel  to  religious 
grounds..  The  question,  however,  still 
is  of  a  mixed  nature  :  had  not  religion 
been  indirectly  attacked,  the  country 
might  never  have  been  excited ;  and 
though  the  measures  of  James  might 
have  been  opposed,  the  prince  of  Orange 
would  probably  not  have  been  so  strongly 
invited  to  rescue  the  kingdom  from  the 
misrule  of  his  father-in-law. 

§  781.  It  is  not  easy  to  state  exactly 
what  part  the  church  of  England,  as  a 
body,  took  in  this  struggle  ;  for,  by  con- 
sulting different  authorities,  we  may 


300 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVIII. 


draw  conclusions  diametrically  opposite.  | 
They  had,  to  use  the  language  of  the 
biographer  of  James,  notwithstanding 
the  doctrines'  of  non-resistance  and  pas- 
sive obedience  which  they  preached, 
begun  early  to  spread  jealousies  among 
the  people  ;  and,  instead  of  suffering 
with  patience,  they  complained  before 
they  felt  any  smart ;  and  thought  ima- 
ginary dangers  a  good  pretence  to  en- 
courage a  real  sedition.  They  had 
preached  prerogative  and  the  sovereign 
power  to  the  highest  pitch,  while  it  was 
favourable  to  them;  but  when  they  ap- 
prehended the  least  danger  from  it, 
they  cried  out  as  soon  as  the  shoe 
pinched,  though  it  was  of  their  own 
putting  on."  And  the  same  invectives 
are  thrown  out  against  them  by  the 
historian  of  the  puritans.  Though  there 
may  be  some  grounds  for  such  an  accu- 
sation, yet  the  language  of  some  of  the 
addresses  presented  by  the  clergy  had 
contained  declarations  sufficiently  clear. 
The  London  clergy  had  used  the  ex- 
pression, "our  religion  established  by 
law,  dearer  to  us  than  our  lives  the 
very  terms  adopted  by  the  House  of  1 
Commons,  when  Monmouth  had  been  \ 


I  defeated.  The  wishes  of  James  made 
him  assume  that  the  clergy  generally 
spoke  the  same  language  as  those  indi- 
viduals who  wished  to  gratify  him  by 
their  compliances ;  yet  the  readiness 
with  which  they  all  came  forward  in 
defence  of  the  Protestant  faith,  when  it 
was  endangered,  ought  to  have  shown 
him  the  value  which  they  attached  to 
their  religion  ;  and  to  have  led  him  to 
presume  that  their  submission  would  go 
no  further  than  was  consistent  with 
their  sense  of  duty  towards  God.  With 
regard  to  many  of  the  distinguished  or- 
naments of  our  church,  nothing  can  be 
more  glorious  than  their  conduct.  They 
resisted  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of 
James,  M'hile  he  was  king,  and  after- 
wards sacrified  their  worldly  situations, 
when,  after  his  flight,  they  conceived 
that  their  duty  towards  him  demanded 
such  a  surrender.  Their  circumstances 
put  them  forward  in  the  fight, -and  they 
nobly  defended  their  country  ;  happy 
would  it  have  been,  if  all  their  later 
acts  had  been  guided  by  the  same  spirit. 
But  this  part  of  the  question  belongs  to 
I  another  chapter. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


DURING  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  REIGN  OF  WILLIAM  AND  MARY,   1688,  1689. 

801.  Non-jurors;  many  of  the  clergy  unwilling  to  rcognise  the  new  government.  802.  Inutility  of 
oaths  generally.  803.  The  authors  of  the  Revolution  most  injured  by  the  oath  ;  their  subsequent  ill 
conduct.  804.  Their  principles.  805.  Principles  of  the  Revolution.  801).  Toleration  Act ; 
attempt  at  a  comprehension  ;  ecclesiastical  commission  for  reforming  evils.  807.  Alteration  of  the 
Liturgy.  808.  Further  additions  ;  family  prayer;  C)  American  Prayer  Book.  809.  'I'he  convo- 
cation throw  out  every  thing.  810.  Advantages  and  disadvantages  of  this  failuiv.  811.  Summary 
of  the  History  of  the  Church;  Henry  VIII.;  Edward  VI.  812.  Mary.  813.  Elizabeth. 
814.  James  I.  815.  Charles  and  Laud.  816.  Restoration.  817.  Present  constiiulion  of  the 
church.    818.  Evils  arising  from  the  connection  of  church  and  state.  819.  Advanlnges  and  blessiiig,«. 


§801.  When  William  and  Mary  were 
seated  on  the  throne  by  the  decision  of 
the  convention  parliament,  and  it  be- 
came necessary  that  those  who  held 
offices  under  the  new  government 
should  express  their  adherence  to  it,  the 
oaths  of  supremacy  and  allegiance  were 
so  modelled  as  to  be  less  particular 
whh  regard  to  the  royal  authority,  and 
more  decidedly  adverse  to  the  preten- 
sions of  the  church  of  Rome.   But  many 


'  Life,  ii.  70. 

*  Burnet,  iii.  7.    Welwood,  175. 


of  the  bishops,  and  some  of  the  clergy, 
were  unwilling  in  any  way  to  acknow- 
ledge that  which  was  in  their  eyes 
merely  a  government  dc  facto,  when 
they  had  before  promised  fidelity  to  the 
other,  on  the  ruins  of  which  it  had  been 
established.  Eight  bishops'^  and  about 
four  hundred  of  the  other  clergy,  most 

^  The  non-juring  bishops  were  Sancrnfi ;  Lloyd, 
Norwich;  Turner,  Ely;  Framplon,  Gloucester; 
White,  Peterborough ;  Kenn,  Baili  and  Wells. 
These  were  ejected.  Lake  of  Chichester  and 
Thomas  of  Worchester  had  died  in  the  mean  time. 
(D'Oyly's  Sancroft,  i.  447.) 


CtiAP.  XVIIT.] 


CHURCH  OF 


ENGLAND. 


301 


of  whom  held  considerable  situations  in 
the  church,  refused  to  transfer  their 
alle<Tiance  ;  and  thourrh  g-reat  modera- 
tion was  used  towards  them,  before  they 
were  deprived,  yet  the  necessity  of  de- 
priving them,  and  the  policy  of  the  law 
which  obliged  every  one  holding  such 
preferments  to  take  the  oaths,  are  very 
questionable.  The  question  was  indeed 
discussed,  and  one  plan  proposed  was, 
to  enable  William  to  impose  the  oath  at 
his  pleasure  ;  but  this  would  have  thrown 
the  whole  odium  of  ejecting  the  bishops 
on  the  king,  and  there  was  no  absolute 
necessity  of  imposing  the  oath  at  all : 
it  might  probably  have  answered  all  the 
purposes  of  the  government  as  effectual- 
ly if  such  persons  had  been  severally  re- 
quired to  make  a  promise  not  to  disturb 
the  new  order  of  things.  For  as  the 
large  majority  of  the  clergy  took  the 
oath,  and  many  of  them  were  certainly 
far  from  favourable  to  the  objects  of  it, 
they  who  complied  were  often  exposed 
to  much  censure,  as  having  sworn  con- 
trary to  their  consciences  ;  and  neither 
those  who  then  bound  themselves  in 
opposition'  to  their  inclinations,  nor 
those  who,  by  refusing  to  take  the  oath, 
were  deprived  of  their  preferments, 
were  likely  to  prove  very  faithful  ad- 
herents to  their  new  sovereigns ;  where- 
as they  might  have  been  perfectly  con- 
tented to  continue  quiet  subjects  under 
a  government  which  they  had  neither 
power  nor  inclination  to  disturb. 

§  802.  No  oaths,  of  whatever  descrip- 
tion, will  bind  bad  men,  when  the  senti- 
ments of  the  mass  of  the  people  are 
contrary  to  the  tenor  of  the  oath;  and 
there  is  no  more  frightful  particular  pre- 
sented to  us  by  history  than  the  fre- 
quency with  which  oaths  are  imposed 
and  broken.^  The  prudence  and  suc- 
cess of  William  prevented  his  opponents 
from  having  any  opportunity  of  trying 
the  force  of  the  promises  made  to  him ; 
but  had  the  fate  of  war  in  Ireland  en- 
abled James  to  assert  his  rights  in  this 


'  Burnot,  iv.  49. 

'  When  William  was  about  to  g:o  into  Ireland, 
it  was  propospd  to  frame  an  oath  of  abjuration 
with  regard  to  James  II.  In  the  dehaie  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  the  earl  of  Maceleslicld  declared, 
"that  he  never  knew  them  of  any  use,  but^to 
make  people  declare  against  the  government,  that 
would  have  subrnitled  quietly  to  it,  if  ihey  had 
been  let  alone."  (Burnet,  iv.  77.  Note  of  Lord 
Dartmouth,  u.i 


country,  it  is  absurd  to  suppose  that 
they  who  had  sworn  fidelity  to  both 
could  be  bound  to  obey  both,  or  would 
have  hesitated  in  following  their  inte- 
rests, or  the  inclinations  of  their  own 
minds.  He  who  holds  an  office  or  dig- 
nity under  a  government,  may  fairly  be 
called  on  to  declare  his  fidelity  to  that 
government,  in  any  way  which  the  go- 
vernment shall  choose  to  select ;  hut  it  is 
very  doubtful  whether  or  no  the  author- 
ity imposing  such  an  oath  strengthens 
its  hold  on  the  mind  of  the  man.  He 
who  takes  an  office,  is  m  foro  conscien- 
tix  bound  to  perform  the  duties  of  it, 
whether  he  swear  to  do  so,  or  no  ;  and 
probably  general  promises  and  oaths, 
made  at  the  time  of  entering  into  the 
office,  have  a  good  tendency  in  fortify- 
ing the  resolutions  of  the  individual; 
they  form  a  sort  of  bond  upon  the  man 
himself,  when  called  on  to  exert  his 
authority.  It  may  happen,  that,  when 
he  is  wavering  as  to  whether  or  no  he 
ought  to  act  on  some  point,  the  thought 
of  his  oath  may  be  useful  to  his  own 
mind ;  but  if  it  be  not  decidedly  useful, 
the  habit  of  taking  frequent  oaths  cannot 
fail  to  injure  him.  And  it  is  a  disgrace 
to  the  age  in  which  we  live,  that  oaths, 
with  regard  to  trifling  matters,  should  be 
required  on  so  many  occasions  as  they 
are  ;  for  they  must  tend  most  injuriously 
to  demoralize  the  people  who  take 
them.^ 

§  803.  In  this  case,  many  upright 
men,  whose  bold  and  temperate  opposi- 
tion to  James  had  been  chiefly  instru- 
mental in  fixing  the  opinions  of  the 
nation,  who,  under  God,  had  contributed 
more  than  any  others  to  effect  the 
change  which  had  taken  place,  were  the 
first  to  suffer  for  their  uprightne.^s.  No 
one  can  fail  to  admire  their  conduct,  and 
to  pity  them,  (if  indeed  any  one  who 
suffers  in  the  performance  of  his  duty, 
can  be  an  object  of  pity;)  but  surely  the 
government  which  iiuposes  the  oath  by 
which  such  persons  are  ejected,  has  no 
reason  to  expect  that  it  will  be  served  by 
honest  men.  Most  of  these  bishops 
would  probably  have  continued  to  hold 
their  preferments,  had  there  been  no 


'  Every  friend  of  religion  must  rejoice  in  the 
alterations  which  have  taken  place,  in  this  respect, 
since  this  was  originally  printed;  and  pray  that 
all  unnecessary  oaths  may  gradually  be  dispensed 
with. 

2C 


303 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVni. 


necessity  of  taking  the  oath  ;  and  would 
perliaps  have  readily  promised  not  to 
disturb  the  new  government ;  but  thej- 
felt  their  duly  to  James,  and  were  ready 
to  suffer,  rather  than  betray  it.  The 
law  which  imposed  tlie  new  oaths,  en- 
abled the  king  to  allow  twelve  non- 
jurinof  clergymen  incomes  out  of  their 
benefices,  but  it  does  not  appear  that 
he  made  any  use  of  this  license.  The 
act  was  a  most  impolitic  one  ;  for  it  gave 
to  every  friend  of  .Tames  a  most  con- 
vincing argument  in  favour  of  his  claims, 
and  could  not  but  indispose  the  minds 
of  honest  men  towards  a  government 
which  could  be  guilty  of  such  gross 
injustice. 

But  the  ejected  bishops,  and  some  of 
the  non-jurors,  have  made  themselves, 
by  their  subsequent  conduct,  the  objects 
of  just  disapprobation  in  the  eyes  of  the 
friends  of  the  establishment.  For  San- 
croft,  who,  from  his  age  and  timidity, 
was  unwilling  to  act  himself,  made  over 
his  archiepiscopal  authority  to  Lloyd, 
bishop  of  Norwich,  and  the  dejr.rived 
prelates  proceeded  to  continue  the  suc- 
cession of  bishops  in  the  church,  in 
opposition  to  those  who  were  authorized 
by  the  government.  This  schism  con- 
tinued till  1779,  but  this  subject  does  not 
properly  fall  within  our  portion  of  his- 
tory. The  principle  on  which  those 
bishops  acted  was  partlj-  true,  and  partly 
false  ;  but  the  extent  to  which  they  car- 
ried it,  rendered  it  very  prejudicial  to  the 
peace  of  the  church. 

§  v04.  The  authority  by  which  every 
bishop,  or  priest,  acts  is  one  which  is 
derived  by  succession  from  the  apostles, 
eacl)  succeeding  generation  communi- 
cating to  the  next  the  authority  under 
which  they  themselves  have  been  acting. 
The  division  of  the  country  into  dioceses 
and  parishes  is  a  civil  arrangement, 
which  regulates  the  place  where  the 
individual  shall  exercise  his  ministry ; 
but  the  civil  power  neither  confers  the 
ministerial  authority,  nor  can  alter  it. 
When,  therefore,  the  civil  authority  de- 
prived these  non-juring  bishop>s  of  their 
temporal  jurisdictions,  it  could  not  divest 
them  of  the  sacred  ofHce  to  which  they 
had  been  called ;  and  they  conceived 
that,  as  this  was  still  continued  to  them, 
they  were  bound  still  to  exercise  it. 

'  1°  WLlliam  and  Mary,  8. 


I  The  same  thing  is  actually  taking  place 
,  at  this  moment  in  Scotland.    The  legal 
'  church  government  there  is  presbyte- 
j  rian  ;  yet  is  there  a  regular  succession 
j  of  Protestant  bishops,  who  fill  certain 
;  sees,  Avithout  any  authoritative  power 
j  derived  from  the  state,  and  constitute 
I  perhaps  one  of  the  purest  forms  of  epis- 
copac}'  in  the  world.    As  far  as  Scot- 
land is  concerned,  her  bishops  are.  in  the 
opinion  of  an  episcopalian,  fully  borne 
out  in  this  apparent  schism  ;  because 
the  rest  of  the  church  there,  though 
legally  established,  has  discarded  the 
apostolical  order  of  bishops,  and  the  di- 
vision must  be  charged  by  us  on  those 
who  have  introduced  the  anomaly  of  a 
1  Christian  church  without  bishops.  Let 
us  hope,  that,  at  this  moment,  both  par- 
ties are  free  from  any  schismatic  feel- 
ings, and  pray  that  God  may  guide 
Avhichever  of  them  is  wrong  into  the 
right  path :  but  the  bishops  in  England 
cannot  be  absolved  from  the  crime  of 
contributing  to  a  schism ;  whatever  their 
own  ideas  might  be,  they  could  hardly 
deem  it  necessary  to  make  two  churches 
within  the  kingdom,  because  a  usurper 
was  prayed  for  in  that  connected  with 
the  establishment ;  and  yet  it  is  extraor- 
dinary, that  both  Bancroft-  and  Tillot- 
son,  men  whose  opinions  about  the  Re- 
volution were  diametrically  opposite, 
both  concurred  in  esteeming  it  sinful 
for  those  who  were  opposed  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Revolution  to  join  in  a 
service  in  which  a  prayer  was  offered 
up  for  William  and  ?»Iary.    The  schis- 
matic feeling,  the  spirit  of  opposition 
which  thus   prevailed,  with  but  few 
:  bright  exceptions,  was  excessive,  and  no 
;  man  v\  as  exposed  to  greater  obloquy  on 
i  this  account  than  Tillotson.' 
I     §  80o.  If  it  be  asked,  whether  the 
bishops  Avere  justified  in  the  opj'osition 
raised  by  them  against  James,  though 
j  they  refused  to  submit  to  the  govern- 
ment Avhich  this  opposition  had  virtually 
established,  the  answer  must  depend  on 
our  opinion  of  the  merits  of  the  Revolu- 
tion itself.    The  blessings  Avhich  have 
been  deri^'ed  to  us  from  this  great  event, 
make    every  English.man  anxious  to 
justify  the  principles  on  which  it  was 
carried  on  ;  but  after  all,  it  seems  much 


2  D'Oyly,  458;  Birch's  Tillotson,  282. 

3  Birch's  Till.  31G. 


(hiAP.  XVIII.] 


CHURCH  OP  ENGLAND. 


more  clear  that  the  Revohition  was 
necessary,  than  easy  to  justify  it  on  any 
permanent  principles.  It  is  one  of  those 
extraordinary  cases  which  are  not  refer- 
able to  any  general  law  ;  it  was  a  recur- 
rence to  first  principles,  an  exception  to 
the  law.  About  such  questions  Chris- 
tianity probably  gives  no  other  rules 
than  that  ffreat  one  of  "  doingf  unto  others 
as  we  would  have  others  do  unto  us ;" 
and  when  those  in  authority  pervert  that 
power  which  has  been  intrusted  to  them 
for  the  good  of  their  fellow-creatures,  in 
order  to  trample  on  their  rights,  it 
becomes  the  duty  of  those  next  in  com- 
mand and  in  authority,  those  into  whose 
hands  God  has  put  a  subordinate  power, 
to  exert  this  power  for  the  good  of  the 
body  politic.  England  would  have  been 
ruined,  had  the  policy  of  James  been 
continued ;  and  William  and  the  peers 
of  the  realm,  aided  by  the  representa- 
tives of  the  people,  did  the  best  they 
could  under  such  circumstances  :  and 
we  should  be  thankful  to  God  that  so 
great  a  benefit  was  effected.  With 
these  views,  the  bishops  were  right  in 
opposing  James,  and  would  have  been 
wise,  perhaps,  had  they  taken  the  oaths  ; 
*but  who  shall  venture  to  blame  con- 
scientious prelates  who  did  not  view  the 
matter  in  this  light  ?  The  hardship  with 
whicli*  these  good  men  were  treated, 
rendered  some  of  them  morose,  and 
made  Turner,  (bishop  of  Ely,)  perhaps, 
afterwards  join  in  Lord  Preston's  plot ; 
in  which,  as  he  answered  for  the  other 
bishops,  though  probably  without  any 
authority,  the  blame  was  in  some  degree 
thrown  on  the  whole  body.  But  in 
their  subsequent  conduct  about  ecclesi- 
astical matters  they  were  at  all  events 
guilty  of  creating  a  schism  in  the  church, 
and  added  one  more  to  the  ten  thousand 
causes  of  division  which  have  distracted 
the  church  of  England,  and  which  all 
the  measures  of  conciliation  used  at  this 
time  proved  inadequate  to  heal. 

§  89).  Among  the  steps  taken  to 
tranquillize  the  nation,  and  to  promote 
peace,  the  passing  of  the  toleration  act' 
stands  pre-eminent.  It  granted  the 
'dissenters  a  full  liberty  as  to  religious 
worship  ;  but  was  not  extended  either 
to  Roman  Catholics  or  those  who  de- 
nied the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity;  and 


'  1"  William  and  Mary,  18. 


left  all  who  did  not  conform  to  the 
church  of  England  under  many  dis- 
qualifications. 

But  a  much  greater  attempt  was 
made  for  healing  our  divisions  by 
means  of  some  alterations  in  the  church 
itself.  On  Sept.  IS,  1689,  a  commission 
was  issued,  "  to  prepare  alterations  in 
the  Liturgy  and  Canons,  to  make  pro- 
posals for  reforming  the  ecclesiastical 
courts,  and  to  provide  for  a  strict  method 
of  examining  candid.ates  for  holy  or- 
ders." It  consisted  of  ten  bishops  and 
twenty  divines,''  many  of  whose  names 
form  the  brightest  ornaments  of  our 
church,  from  the  writings  which  they 
have  left  behind  them.  They  met  in 
the  Jerusalem  chamber,  and  a  discus- 
sion was  soon  raised  as  to  the  legality 
of  the  commission  itself,  but  was  over- 
ruled, since  none  of  the  acts  of  such  an 
assembly  could  be  at  all  binding  till 
they  had  received  legal  confirmation, 
and  were  only  destined  to  prepare  mat- 
ters for  the  convocation.  Two  bishops, 
however.  Mew  and  Spratt,  and  Drs. 
Jane  and  Aldrich,  withdrew  in  dissatis- 
faction, and  the  subsequent  conduct  of 
these  latter  plainly  showed  the  motives 
which  influenced  them.  As  the  labours 
of  this  commission  in  the  end  proved 
ineffectual,  it  is  only  by  accident  that 
we  are  acquainted  with  any  of  their 
proceedings,  and  this  fortunately  on 
the  point  which  is  perhaps  in  itself  of 
the  greatest  interest ;  I  mean  with  re- 
gard to  the  proposed  alterations  in  the 
Liturgy. 

§  807.  The  points  which  were  settled 
were,^  that  the  chanting  of  divine  ser- 
vice in  cathedral  churches  shall  be  laid 
aside,  that  the  whole  may  be  rendered 


(ISllCll  s 

2  Birch's  Tillotson,  193. 


2  Lamplugh,  archbishop  of  York. 
Comptoii,  bishop  of  London. 
Mew,  bishop  of  VVinchesier. 
W.  Lloyd,  bishop  of  Sr.  Asaph. 
Sprart,  bishop  of  Rochester. 
Smith,  bishop  of  Carlisle. 
Trelawney,  bishop  of  Exeter. 
Burnet,  bishop  of  Salisbury. 
Humphreys,  bishop  of  Bangor. 
Stratford,  bishop  of  Chester. 


Siillingfleet.  .Tane.  Alston. 

Patric.  Hall.  'I'enisan. 

Tilloison.  Beaumont.  Sroir. 

Meggot.  Montagu.  I'owler. 

Sharp.  Goodman.  Grove. 

Kidder.  Beveridge.  Williams. 

Aldrich.  Battely. 


304 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVHI. 


intelligible  to  the  common  people. 
That,  besides  the  psalms  being  read  in 
their  course,  as  before,  some  proper 
and  devout  ones  be  selected  for  Sun- 
days. 

That  the  Apocryphal  lessons,  and 
those  in  the  Old  Testament  which  are 
too  natural,  be  thrown  out,  and  others 
appointed  in  their  stead  by  a  new  ca- 
lendar; which  is  already  fully  settled, 
and  out  of  which  are  omitted  all  the 
legendary  saints'  days,  and  others  not 
directly  referred  to  in  the  service  book. 

That,  not  to  send  the  vulgar  to  search 
the  canons,  which  few  of  them  ever 
saw,  a  rubric  be  made,  setting  forth  the 
usefulness  of  the  cross  in  baptism,^  not 
as  au  essential  part  of  that  sacrament, 
but  only  a  fit  and  decent  ceremony. 
However,  if  any  do,  after  all,  in  con- 
science scruple  it,  it  may  be  omitted  by 
the  priest. 

That  likewise,  if  any  refuse  to  receive 
the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  supper 
kneeling,  it  may  be  administered  to 
them  in  their  pews. 

That  a  rubric  be  made,  declaring 
the  intention  of  the  Lent  fasts  to  consist 
only  in  extraordinary  acts  of  devotion, 
not  in  distinction  of  meats;  and  another, 
to  state  the  meaning  of  "  rogation  Sun- 
days," and  "ember  weeks;"  and  ap- 
point that  those  ordained  within  the 
quatuor  tcmpora  do  exercise  strict  de- 
votion. That  the  rubric  which  obliges 
ministers  to  read,  or  hear,  "Common 
Prayer,"  publicly  or  privately,  every 
day,  be  changed  to  an  exhortation  to 
the  people  to  frequent  those  prayers. 

That  the  absolution,  in  morning  and 
evening  prayer,  may  be  read  by  a  dea- 
con, the  word  priest  in  the  rubric  being- 
changed  into  minister,  ax\A.  those  words, 
"  and  remission,"  be  put  out,  as  not 
very  intelligible. 

That  the  Gloria  Patri  shall  not  be 
repeated  at  the  end  of  every  psalm,  but 
of  all  appointed  for  morning  and  even- 
ing prayer.  That  those  words  in  the 
Te  Deitm,  "thine  honourable,  true,  and 
only  Son,"  be  thus  turned,  "  thine  only 
begotten  Son,"  "honourable"  being 
only  a  civil  term,  and  nowhere  used  in 
sacris. 


'  In  Nicholls'  Apparatus  ad  Defensionem  Ecc. 
Aug.  95,  &c.,  it  is  said,  tliat  it  should  be  left  lo 
the  decision  of  convocation,  whether  the  use  of  the 
cross  should  be  left  optional  to  the  parents. 


The  Benedicite  shall  be  changed  into 
the  128th  psalm,  and  other  psalms  like- 
wise appointed  for  the  Benediclus,  and 
Nunc  dimitlis.  Th(?  versicles  after 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  &c.,  shall  be  read 
kneeling,  to  avoid  the  trouble  and 
inconveniences  of  so  often  varying 
postures  in  the  worship.  And  after 
those  words,  "  Give  peace  in  our  lime, 
O  Lord,"  shall  follow  an  answer  pro- 
missory of  somewhat  on  the  peojole's 
part,  of  keeping  God's  law,  or  the  like  ; 
the  old  response  being  grounded  on 
the  predestinating  doctrine  taken  in  loo 
strict  an  accc})tation. 

All  high  titles  or  appellations  of  the 
king,  queen,  &c.,  shall  be  left  out  of  the 
prayers,  such  as  most  illuslriovs,  reli- 
gions, mightij,  &c.,  and  only  the  word 
sovereign  retained  for  the  king  and 
queen.  Those  words  in  the  prayer  for 
the  king,  "  Grant  that  he  may  vanquish 
and  overcome  all  his  enemies,"  as  of 
too  large  an  extent,  if  the  king  engage 
in  an  unjust  war,  shall  be  turned  thus, 
"  Prosper  all  his  righteous  undertakings 
against  thy  enemies,"  or  after  some 
such  manner. 

Those  words  in  the  prayer  for  the 
clergy,  "who  alone  workest  great  mar- 
vels," as  subject  to  be  ill  interpreted 
by  persons  vainly  disposed,  shall  be 
thus,  "  who  alone  art  the  Author  of  all 
good  gifts:"  and  these  words,  "the 
healthful  Spirit  of  thy  grace,"  shall 
be,  "the  holy  Spirit  of  thy  grace," 
"healthful"  being  an  obsolete  word. 
The  prayer  which  begins,  "  O  God, 
whose  nature  and  property,"  shall  be 
thrown  out,  as  full  of  strange  and  im- 
pertinent expressions,  and  besides  not 
in  the  original,  but  foisted  in  since  by 
another  hand.^  The  collects,  for  the 
most  part,  are  to  be  changed  for  those 
which  the  bishop  of  Chichester^  has 


'  It  is  didlcult  to  understand  what  is  here  meant. 
The  prayer  was  introduced,  15G0,  from  the  Liinny 
of  the  Salisbury  Hours,  and  is  certainly  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  and  Christian  prayers  in  the  Litur- 
gy. He  who  has  never  fell  the  propriety  and 
iorce  of  it,  must  be  cither  a  very  good  or  a  \cry 
bad  man. 

3  Simon  Patric.  In  Nicholls'  Apparatus  ad 
Def.  Ere.  Aug.  it  is  added,  tiiat  the  epistles  fnr 
the  day  were  selected  so  as  better  lo  agree  wiih 
the  several  gospels.  Sinmn  Paiiii-  framed  the 
collects:  G.  Burnet  added  fresh  .■spirit  to  them; 
Stillingfleet  reviewed  them  ;  and  'I  illolson  gave 
the  last  polish  to  them.  'J'cnison  altered  all  the 
expressions  in  the  Liturgy  to  which  objections 


Chap.  XVIII.] 


CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND. 


305 


prepared,  being  a  review  of  the  old 
ones  with  enlargements,  to  render  them 
more  sensible  and  affecting,  and  what 
expressions  are  needless,  to  be  re- 
trenched. 

If  any  minister  refuse  the  surplice, 
the  bishop,  if  the  people  desire  it,  and 
the  living  will  bear  it,  may  substitute 
one  in  his  place,  that  will  officiate  in  it, 
but  the  whole  thing  is  left  to  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  bishops. 

If  any  desire  to  have  godfathers  and 
godmothers  omitted,  and  their  children 
presented  in  their  own  names  to  bap- 
tism, it  may  be  granted. 

About  the  Athanasian'  Creed,  they 
came  at  last  to  this  conclusion,  that,  lest 
the  wholly  rejecting  it  should  by  un- 
reasonable persons  be  imputed  to  them 
as  Socinianism,  a  rubric  shall  be  made, 
setting  forth  or  declaring  the  curses 
denounced  therein  not  to  be  restrained 
to  every  particular  article,  but  in- 
tended against  those  that  deny  the 
substance  of  the  Christian  religion  in 
general. 

Whether  the  amendment  of  the  trans- 
lation of  the  reading  psalms  (as  they 
are  called)  made  by  the  bishop  of  St. 
Asaph  (William  Lloyd)  and  Dr.  Kid- 
der, or  that  in  the  Bible,  shall  be  inserted 
in  the  Prayer  Book,  is  wholly  left  to 
the  convocation  to  consider  of  and 
determine.  Several  alterations  were 
made  in  the  Litany,  Communion  Ser- 
vice, &c. 

§  808.  H.  Prideaux,  dean  of  Norwich, 
liad  formed  great  hopes  and  expecta- 
tions from  this  convocation,  and  in  his 
life'^  mention  is  made  of  several  deside- 
rata in  the  Liturgy  ;  but  it  is  not  stated 
whether  the  opinions  there  expressed 
were  precisely  his  own.  The  points 
mentioned  are,  forms  for  receiving  peni- 


wcie  raised.  It  was  left  to  convocation  to  deter- 
mine whether,  in  the  reordination  of  ministers 
ordained  by  presbyters  only,  a  condilionai  form 
should  not  be  used,  as  in  the  baptism  oi  those 
;il)out  whose  previous  admission  into  the  Christian 
covenant  there  is  a  doubt. 

'  Nichnlls  says,  lliat  it  was  left  to  the  judgment 
of  the  nnnistcr  to  excliangc  this  for  tiie  Ajjostlps' 
Creed.  JVicholls  however  is  wrong.  See  Water- 
land's  Tract,  Works,  iv.  305.  Whoever  wishes 
for  information  about  this  creed  may  find  it  in 
Walerland.  The  history  of  llie  creed  is  a.s  follows. 
It  was  probably  composed  in  France  (between  a. 
II.  42() — 430)  by  Hilary,  bishop  of  Aries,  in  Jjatin. 
The  translation  in  our  Prayer  Book  is  taken,  by 
mistake,  from  the  Greek. 

2  p.  59. 

39 


tents,'  for  preparing  condemned  pri- 
soners, for  the  consecration  of  churches, 
and  a  book  of  family  prayer,  which  was 
actually  drawn  up,  but  never  published, 
and  at  last  inislaid  and  lost,  at  the  death 
of  Williams,  bishop  of  Chichester,  in 
whose  hands  it  had  been  placed.  Some- 
thing of  this  sort  was  the  more  wanted 
at  this  period,  since  the  custom  of  family 
prayer  had  been  generally  discontinued. 
The  puritans  disgusted  many  sober  per- 
sons with  their  crude  and  extempore 
effusions,  and  the  opposite  party  had 
extravagantly  cried  up  the  Liturgy,  as 
if  no  other  form  of  praj'cr  was  to  he 
used  in  families,  any  more  than  in  the 
churches  ;  and  the  natural  consequence 
was,  that  in  houses  where  there  were  no 
chaplains,  the  Prayer  Book  was  disused, 
and  nothing  substituted  in  its  place. 

In  looking  at  the  alterations  now  pro- 
posed, there  are  several  particulars 
which  seem  to  be  unimportant,  while 
others  are  omitted  in  which  a  change 
might  be  desirable  ;  nor  does  it  appear 
that  the  time  occupied  by  the  prayers 
would  have  been  rendered  shorter,  the 
object  perhaps  most  required,  when  our 
own  service  is  compared  with  that  of 
other  reformed  churches.* 


3  In  1637,  while  Hall  was  bishop  of  E.xeler,  cer- 
tain slaves  returned  to  that  diocese  from  Morocco, 
who,  having  renouiic<>d  Christianity  during  their 
captivity,  were  on  ihcir  return  re-admitted  into 
the  church.  Laud  and  Hall  composed  a  form  of 
prayer  for  this  purpose,  which  was  approved  by 
the  bishops  of  Ely  (White)  and  Norwich,  (Wren,) 
and  settled  by  the  king's  appointment.  (See 
Laud's  Own  Life,  p,.')50.)  In  the  convocation  of 
16'10,  one  of  the  services  then  intended  to  have 
been  drawn  up  was  a  form  of  reconciling  peni- 
tents and  apostates.  This  probably  would  have 
only  been  an  authoritative  publication  of  the  former. 
(Neal's  Puritans,  ii-  297.) 

The  American  Prayer  Book,  altered  in  1790, 
is  formed  in  great  measure  on  this  model.  With 
the  exception  of  one  or  two  particulars,  the  changes 
appear  to  be  judiciously  made;  and  as  it  is  not  a 
book  which  falls  in  the  way  of  every  English 
reader,  a  brief  statement  of  some  of  its  chief  varia- 
tions from  our  own  may  not  prove  unacceptable. 
Throughout  the  whole,  there  are  many  small 
verbal  alterations,  where  obsolete  terms,  or  forms 
of  expression,  are  exchanged  for  such  as  are  now 
in  common  use;  and  most  of  those  sentences  and 
words  are  altered,  which  are  liable  to  foolish 
cavils,  or^real  objections.  It  begins  with  a  pre- 
face, which  modestly  justifies  the  alterations. 

1.  In  the  calendar,  the  lessons  are  a  good  deal 
changed.  About  one-half  the  first  lessons  for 
Sundays  are  the  same,  and  there  are  also  proper 
second  lessons  from  the  New  Testament,  ap- 
pointed for  each  Sunday.  Those  for  saints'  days 
are  nearly  the  same  as  in  ours.  In  the  general 
calendar  of  lessons,  the  chapters  composmg  the 
first  lessons  are  so  divided,  that  all  those  taken 
2c2 


306 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVIH. 


§  809.  All  these  attempts,  however, 
were  rendered  abortive,  by  the  temper 
which  soon  displayed  itself  in  the  lower 
house  of  convocation.  The  first  cir- 
cumstance which  evinced  this  disincli- 
nation to  any  changes,  was  the  election 
of  a  prolocutor ;  for  it  had  been  the  de- 
sire of  the  bishops,  who  were  most 
friendly  to  alterations,  that  Tillotson 
should  have  been  chosen  to  that  office  ; 
whereas  Dr.  Jane,  author  of  the  Oxford 

from  the  Apocrypha,  and  which  are  read  in  our 
church  Iroin  September  to  November,  are  omitted. 
The  second  lessons  in  morning  service,  taken  from 
the  gospels,  are  so  divided,  that  the  gospels  are 
read  over  only  twice  during  the  year,  and  the 
Epistles,  as  in  our  church,  three  times. 

2.  In  the  general  arrangement  of  the  three  ser- 
vices which  are  used  together  in  morning  prayers 
in  our  church,  such  portions  of  each  as  are  virtu- 
.■lUy  repeiitions,  may  be  omitted  at  the  discretion 
of  the  iiiini.s:er.  Thus  one  creed  only  need  be 
read  ;  the  Lord's  Frayer  and  the  collect  for  the 
day  need  only  be  used  once ;  and  the  Gloria  Pain 
repeated  only  at  the  end  of  the  psalms  for  the  day, 
or  the  Gloria  in  Excehis  substituted  for  it.  Thiis 
al.so  a  large  portion  of  the  Litany,  (from  "O  Christ, 
liear  us,"  to  "as  we  do  put  our  trust  in  thee,") 
may  be  omitted  ;  and  thus  the  morning  prayer, 
litany,  and  communion  service,  are  convened,  as 
far  as  po.ssible,  into  one  uniform  office. 

3.  01  the  three  forms  of  absoluiion  in  our  Prayer 
Book,  that  used  in  the  visitation  of  the  sick  is 
wholly  omitted  ;  and  either  the  form  contained  in 
the  morning  prayer,  or  that  taken  from  the  com- 
munion service,  may  be  used  at  the  discretion  of 
ilie  minister. 

4.  With  regard  to  the  psalms,  there  are  ten 
portions  of  them  selected,  and  ordered  to  be  used 
instead  of  those  of  the  day.  at  the  discretion  of  the 
minister ;  and  in  cases  of  fasts  and  thanksgivings, 
where  none  arc  appointed  by  authority,  the  mi- 
nister is  allowed  to  choose  them  for  himself.  The 
version  is  the  same  as  that  in  our  Liturgy. 

5.  The  Athanasian  creed  is  wholly  omitted,  and 
the  minister  may  use,  at  his  discretion,  the  Nieene, 
or  Ai)ostles'. 

1).  In  the  evening  prayers,  tlie  Magnificat  and 
Song  of  Symeon  are  omitted,  and  the  92d  psaim 
mtroduced. 

7.  The  occasional  prayers  are  newly  arranged, 
,ind  several  new  ones,  as  well  as  corresponding 
thanksgivings,  introduced. 

P.  In  the  communion,  no  previous  notice  is  to 
be  required  of  the  communicants,  who  are  all  to 
receive  kneeling.  There  is  a  new  additional  pre- 
face for  Trinity  Sunday  ;  and  a  prayer  of  oblation, 
partly  new,  in  which  the  invocation  of  the  three 
per.sons  of  the  Trinity  is  re-introduced  from  the 
liiturgy  of  15.19. 

9.  In  baptism,  the  parents  are  allowed  to  stand 
,ts  sponsors,  and  the  use  of  the  cross  mav  be 
omitted  at  their  desire.  The  rubric  about  bap- 
tized children  being  undoubtedly  saved  is  omitted  : 
and  in  the  baptism  of  persons  of  riper  years,  all 
mention  of  informing  the  bishop  is  left  out. 

10.  The  raiecliism  is  nearjy  the  same.  Ministers 
are  not  ordered  to  catechise  after  the  second  les- 
.sion.    The  confirmation  is  nearly  the  saine. 

11.  In  matrimony,  the  ceremony  may  take 
place  in  a  house,  and  the  prayers  are  u  little  alter- 
ed, and  some  are  omitted. 


Decree,  16S3,'  and  Regius  Professor  of 
Divinity,  obtained  a  majority  of  two  to 
one  in  his  favour.  This  success  was 
said  to  be  greatly  promoted  by  the  inter- 
ference of  the  earls  of  Clarendon  and 
Rochester,  uncles  to  Q.ueen  Mary,  who 
endeavoured  to  perplex  the  measures  of 
the  court,  from  the  administration  of 
which  they  found  themselves  excluded. 
And  Birch,  in  his  life  of  Tillotson,  ac- 
cuses Gompton  of  having  joined  in  this 
cabal,  out  of  ill  will  to  the  destined  pro- 
locutor, who  was  already  marked  out  as 
the  successor  of  Sancroft.  This  elec- 
tion=  sufficiently  proved  what  was  to  be 
expected  from  the  convocation;  and  Dr. 
Jane,  in  his  speech  which  he  made  as 
prolocutor  to  the  upper  house,  after 
having  greatly  extolled  the  church  of 
England,  concluded  with  the  emphatic 
words,  "Nolumus  leges  Anglire  mutari." 
The  commission  from  the  crown,  under 
which  the  convocation  would  have  acted, 
was  delayed  on  account  of  the  loss  of 
the  great  seal,  which  James  had  thrown 
into  the  Thames,  in  his  flight.  It  was 
couched  in  very  conciliating  terms,  and 
requested  that  the  matters  proposed  for 
the  consideration  of  convocation  might 
be  discussed  with  impartiality  and  mode- 
ration. When  this  had  been  read,  and 
it  was  necessary  that  an  address  should 
be  prepared  in  answer  to  it,  a  dispute 
arose  between  the  two  houses,  as  to 


12.  In  the  visitation  of  the  sick,  all  notice  of 
private  confession  and  absolution  is  omitted ,  the 
psalm  is  changed  to  the  130ih,  and  there  are  rome 
new  occasional  prayers  at  the  end. 

13.  In  the  burial  of  the  dead,  the  p.-alms  are 
shortened,  and  all  expressions  changed  which 
seem  to  apply  to  the  stale  of  the  person  buried. 

14.  The  churching  of  women  is  much  short- 
ened, and  may  be  confined  to  a  single  prayer. 
The  offering  to  be  applied  to  the  relief  of  distressed 
women  in  childbirlh. 

15.  The  form  of  prayer  to  be  used  at  sea  is 
nearly  the  same. 

16.  The  commination  is  wholly  omitted. 

17.  The  form  of  ordaining  priests  and  deacons, 
and  consecrating  bishops,  is  nearly  the  same. 

18.  There  are  added,  a  form  of  prayer  for  the 
visitation  of  prisoners,  a  prayer  of  thanksgiving 
for  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  a  form  of  family  prayer, 
a  form  for  consecrating  churches,  (which  is  nearly 
the  same  as  that  published  by  Bishop  Andrews.) 
and  an  office  of  institution. 

19.  The  Thirty-nine  Articles  are  hardly 
changed.  In  the  eighth,  all  mention  of  the 
Athanasian  Creed  is  left  out ;  the  twenty-first, 
about  assembling  councils,  is  left  out.  In  the 
thirty-fifih,  the  iioniilies  are  allowed  of  as  contain- 
ing sound  doctrine,  but  are  not  to  be  read  till  they 
have  been  revised. 

'  ^  729.  2  Tillotson,  202. 


Chap.  XVIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


307 


the  terms  in  which  they  should  return 
their  thanks,  since  the  lower  house  re- 
fused by  any  expression  to  acknowledge 
any  connection  between  the  Protestant 
churches  generally  and  the  church  of 
England,  and  were  but  ill  disposed  to 
feel  or  evince  ?fny  gratitude  to  the  king 
for  issuing  the  commission.  The  whole 
appearance  indeed  of  the  lower  house 
was  such,  that  the  session  was  soon  dis- 
continued ;  and  a  considerable  clamour 
justly  raised  against  the  clergy,  who 
now  expressed  so  little  kindness  towards 
their  dissenting  brethren,  after  all  the 
promises  which  had  been  made,  while 
the  dangers  arising  from  a  Roman 
Catholic  king  united  all  Protestants  dur- 
ing the  reiofn  of  James  II. 

§  810.  In  one  point  of  view,  the  failure 
of  such  a  plan  at  this  moment  may  be 
considered  providential ;  for  had  any 
alterations  in  the  Liturgy  or  constitu- 
tion been  effected,  it  would  have  afl"orded 
the  non-jurors  a  strong  handle  for  attack- 
ing the  church.  They  would  then,  with 
a  greater  show  of  plausibility,  have 
spoken  of  themselves  as  the  ancient 
church  of  England,  and  thrown  the 
blame  of  the  schism,  which  they  them- 
selves had  created,  on  those  who  had 
introduced  the  innovations. 

Whether  or  no  any  great  success 
might  have  arisen  from  an  attempt  at  a 
comprehension,  is  very  doubtful.  Those 
who  have  once  left  the  communion  of 
the  establishment  are  not  likely  to  be 
reclaimed  by  any  changes  which  can  be 
made  in  the  services ;  but  it  would  surely 
be  desirable,  if  every  objection  which  a 
sober  and  reasonable  member  of  the 
church  might  make  to  these  formularies 
were  as  far  as  possible  obviated.  There 
were  many  things  which  did  then,  there 
are  some  things  which  do  now,  offend 
the  true  friends  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, who  willingly  comply  with  the 
Liturgy  and  services,  as  established  by 
law,  because  they  esteem  the  Common 
Prayer  Book,  as  a  whole,  to  be  a  most 
•excellent  composition,  one  wonderfully 
well  suited  to  the  purposes  for  which  it 
was  intended ,  but  who,  nevertheless, 
regard  it  as  a  human  production,  and 
therefore  capable  of  improvement,  as 
well  as  requiring,  from  time  to  time, 
verbal  alterations,  as  the  language  of 
the  country  gradually  varies.  And  the  i 
quiet  friend  of  reform  cannot  but  feel  | 


sorry  that  this  attempt  was  then  dropped, 
and  has  never  since  been  carried  into 
effect. 

§  811.  The  church  of  England  was 
now  established  by  law  upon  its  present 
basis,  and  has  retained  the  form  whicii 
it  then  acquired,  without  any  variation. 
Though  the  several  steps  by  which  this 
object  was  accomplished  have  been 
gradually  detailed,  yet  it  may  not  be 
uninteresting  to  take  a  brief  and  sum- 
mary view  of  the  progressive  alterations, 
and  of  the  constitution  of  the  church,  as 
it  exists  at  this  moment. 

The  church  of  England  iirst  ceased 
to  be  a  member  of  the  church  of  Rome 
during  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  but  it 
could  hardly  be  called  Protestant  till 
that  of  Edward  VI.  Its  doctrines  were 
in  an  intermediate  state,  and  differed 
little  from  the  declaration  of  faith  set 
forth  by  the  Roman  Catholic  bishops 
of  England  in  1826.  During  the  shorf 
reign  of  Edward  VI.  it  became  entirely- 
Protestant,  and,  in  point  of  doctrine, 
assumed  its  present  form.  This  step 
however  was  made  rather  by  the  decree 
of  the  government  than  by  the  conviction 
of  the  nation.  The  people,  indeed,  were 
generally  too  ignorant  to  form  any 
opinions  of  their  own;  and  the  proba- 
bility of  opposition,  which  might  na- 
turally have  been  expected  from  th;- 
clergy,  had  any  attempt  been  made  in 
introduce  these  innovations  through  their 
intervention,  induced  Cranmer  and  the 
Protector  to  establish  what  has  been 
called  a  parliamentary  religion.  View- 
ing then  the  religion  thus  authorized  as 
a  part  of  the  law  of  the  land,  to  disagree 
with  it  became,  in  the  eye  of  the  go- 
vernment, an  offence  against  the  state, 
and,  as  such,  punishable  by  civil  pe- 
nalties. 

§  812.  Under  Mary,  the  kingdom  was 
roconcHed  to  the  church  of  Rome,  but 
the  entire  sway  of  that  court  was  far 
from  being  re-established.  Mary  per- 
secuted from  principle  ;  and  the  perse- 
cutions which  were  then  inflicted  served 
to  open  the  eyes  of  the  people  to  the 
evils  of  a  form  of  religion,  under  the 
mask  of  which  such  barbarities  could 
be  perpetrated,  and  made  them  gladly 
recur  to  the  tenets  which  had  been  pre- 
viously established,  as  soon  as  her  death 
I  gave  them  an  opportunity  of  doing  so. 
I     §  81;i.  Elizabeth  was  herself  not  in- 


308 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[CiiAP.  xvm. 


disposed  to  have  approached,  as  near  as 
possible,  to  the  Romish  communion  ;  an 
inclination  which  was  increased  in  her 
through  the  opposition  exhibited  by  the  , 
puritans  of  her  day,  with  whom  the  love  , 
of  liberty,  political  and  religions,  was 
most  closely  blended,  and  who  were  '• 
ready  to  withstand  her  arbitrary  pro- 
ceedings in  the  government  of  the  coun- 
try, as  well  as  to  disregard  the  ceremo- i 
nies  and  rites  of  the  church.  The  power 
of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  was  exerted 
to  depress  this  spirit  of  independence, 
and  any  act  which  marked  a  dissent 
from  the  church  was  severely  restrained 
by  cruel  penalties.  The  Court  of  Eccle- 
siastical Commission  became  the  tool  of 
the  state,  and  the  idea  of  resisting  the 
government  became  familiar  to  the 
minds  of  those,  who  either  tried  to  es- 
tablish civil  freedom,  or  who  disliked 
the  institutions  of  the  church. 

§  814.  Under  the  weak  reign  of 
James  I.,  all  these  evils  were  very  much 
increased.  He  had  personally  suffered 
much  from  the  presbj'terians ;  he  car- 
ried his  notions  of  prerogative  much 
higher  than  his  predecessors,  and  ad- 
ministered the  government  in  such  a 
manner,  that  they  who  were  discon- 
tented with  the  state  of  affairs  learnt 
that  no  safety  could  be  expected,  except 
from  the  dissemination  of  their  own 
principles,  and  the  combination  which 
would  be  thus  formed  against  the  pro- 
ceeding's of  the  court.  And  the  impo- 
licy of  the  court  itself,  by  a  misuse  of 
the  term />?»77ff)i,  combined  together  all 
who  were  adverse  to  the  government, 
civil  or  ecclesiastical,  and  augmented 
the  ranks  of  its  opponents,  who  were 
perhaps  from  these  circumstances  invo- 
luntarily forced  to  become  the  enemies 
of  both  church  and  state. 

§  815.  All  these  evils  assumed  a  more 
formidable  appearance  during  the  ad- 
ministration of  Laud,  in  the  time  of 
Charles  I.  The  Courts  of  High  Com- 
mission, and  of  the  Star  Chamber,  were 
so  connected  in  practice,  that  the  king- 
dom viewed  them  as  branches  of  the 
same  system  of  tyranny;  and,  regard- 
ing rather  the  administrators  than  the 
courts  in  which  they  acted,  the  people 
learnt  to  hate  the  bishops  and  the  higher 
clergy.  The  canons  of  1G40  added  to 
this  odium  ;  for,  had  they  been  carried 
into  effect,  they  would  have  rendered 


the  clergy  the  instruments  of  dissemi- 
nating doctrines'  which  no  free  nation 
can  consistently  maintain.  But  the 
chief  mistake  in  the  administration  of 
Laud  was,  that  he  ranked  so  many  in- 
dividuals among  such  as  were  un- 
friendly to  the  church.'Snd  in  his  con- 
duct showed  himself  so  adverse  to  all 
who  wore  branded  with  his  displeasure, 
that  he  made  them  assume  a  character 
foreign  to  their  wishes  ;  and  thus,  men 
who  ought  to  have  been  the  support  of 
the  establishment,  and  who  would  pro- 
bably have  proved  so,  had  they  not 
been  cut  off  from  all  hopes  of  rising  in 
their  profession,  were  numbered  among 
the  enemies  of  the  church,  and,  as  it 
were,  compelled  to  become  so.  These 
circumstances  threw  down  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  church,  when  the  civil  go- 
vernment was  overturned ;  but  even 
before  this  event,  the  king  had  made  a 
material  alteration  in  the  ecclesiastical 
constitution,  by  passing  an  act  of  par- 
liament which  took  away  most  of  the 
coercive  power  from  the  bishops'  courts. 

§  81G.  At  the  Restoration,  the  author- 
ity of  the  bishops'  courts  was  restored, 
yet  deprived  of  its  excessive  power,  by 
the  destruction  of  the  Court  of  High 
Commission.  This,  however,  did  not 
deliver  the  mass  of  dissenters  from  the 
persecutions  to  which  they  had  been 
formerly  subjected.  The  royalist  House 
of  Commons  became  as  persecuting  as 
the  Hiffh  Commission  had  ever  been, 
and  the  laws  which  were  enacted  against 
nonconformists  and  Roman  Catholics, 
show  that  a  spirit  of  persecution  is  not 
confined  to  churchmen  alone.  It  is 
dreadful,  but  natural  temper  of  the 
human  mind.  These  circumstances, 
however,  produced  one  blessing;  by 
degrees  they  opened  the  eyes  of  all 
orders  to  the  real  nature  of  toleration  ; 
and  as  the  persecutions  in  the  daj-s  of 
Mary  tended,  under  God's  providence, 
to  establish  Protestantism  in  England, 
so  the  miseries  noAv  borne  by  the  dis- 
senters contributed  to  afford  us  the 
blessings  which  liberty  of  conscience  is 
calculated  to  confer  on  those  nations 
which  enjoy  it,  either  in  part  or  m 
whole. 

§  817.  The  constitution  of  the  church 
of  England,  as  settled  at  the  Revolutionj' 

'  See  ^  570. 


Chap.  XVIIL] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


3a9i 


was  that  of  an  authorized  and  paid  esta- 
blishment ;  whicli  was  not  allowed  to 
persecute  those  who  dissented  from  it. 
It  was  a  church  supported  by  the  go- 
vernment, but  not  so  exclusively  as  to 
render  any  opposition  to  it,  or  dissent 
from  it,  an  offence  against  the  state. 
To  these  observations  there  were  two 
exceptions,  with  regard  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  and  the  Socinian.  But  when 
we  consider  the  numbers  of  the  several 
denominations  of  Christians  in  England, 
we  may  say  that  toleration  was  generally 
established,  and  that  these  exceptions 
did  not  invalidate  the  great  charter  of 
liberty  of  conscience,  which  this  event 
had  granted  us  ;  they  obscured  its  glory, 
rather  than  impaired  its  substantial  ex- 
istence. The  church  of  England  then 
became,  as  it  has  continued  ever  since, 
a  paid  and  authorized  church  establish- 
ment; which  was  to  watch  over  the 
spiritual  concerns  of  the  nation,  and  to 
try  to  benefit  the  country,  by  making 
every  member  of  the  body  politic  a 
better  man  and  a  better  Christian  ;  it 
became  the  appointed  duty  of  her  mi- 
nisters to  endeavour  to  lead  their  breth- 
ren, through  peace  on  eartli,  to  bliss  in 
heaven.  The  institution  of  such  a  body 
depended  on  the  enactments  of  the  first 
ceachers  of  our  holy  faith.  The  pay- 
ment of  it,  and  its  connection  with  the 
state,  has  arisen  from  the  gratitude  which 
our  forefathers  felt  towards  a  society  so 
constituted.  But  this  connection  has 
fettered  the  church  with  many  evils. 

§  818.  It  has  justly  authorized  the 
state  in  interfering  with  clerical  appoint- 
ments, and,  from  the  value  of  the  reve- 
nues which  are  attached  to  them,  has 
unfortunately  induced  those  at  whose 
disposal  they  are  placed  to  select  their 
friends,  who  are  not  always  the  proper 
persons  to  fill  the  situations ;  while  it 
has  induced  the  clergy  to  seek  for  the  pre- 
ferments. The  poverty  of  many  of  our 
spiritual  cures  prevents  them,  humanly 
Bpeaking,  from  being  properly  taken 


I  care  of;  and  God  knows  whether  the 
wealth  of  others  does  not  tend  to  diffuse 
a  want  of  spirituality  through  the  church. 

It  has  induced  the  state,  from  mistaken 
kindness,  to  connect  civil  penalties  with 
ecclesiastical  censures,  and  by  altering 
the  nature  of  such  control,  by  diverting 
it  from  the  consciences  to  the  present 
fears  of  the  sinner,  has  done  away  with 
the  utility  of  them  altogether. 

It  has  put  a  stop  in  a  great  measure 
to  the  exercise  of  discipline  over  the 
members  of  the  church  itself:  and  while 
we  trust  that  the  establishment  contains 
perhaps  as  large  a  number  of  the  real 
servants  of  God  as  any  other  body  of 
men  of  the  same  size,  we  cannot  but 
deplore  that  there  arc  many  offending 
members  in  it,  for  the  correction  and 
cutting  ofl'  of  whom  no  steps  are,  or 
perhaps  can  be,  taken. 

§  819.  These  are  some  of  the  most 
obvious  evils  with  which  the  coimection 
between  church  and  state  has  encum- 
bered the  establishment :  but  let  us  not 
shut  our  eyes  to  the  benefits  of  this  con- 
nection. Let  any  one  regard  the  church 
establishment  as  a  moral  police  dissemi- 
nated through  the  country  ;  and  he  must 
be  blind  to  the  interests  of  civilization, 
if  he  thank  liot  God  for  the  advantages 
which  are  produced  by  the  distribution 
of  educated  men  in  every  part  of  Eng- 
land. Let  him  regard  it  as  the  instru- 
ment, under  God,  of  spreading  the 
knowledge  of  pure  and  simple  Chris- 
tianity, and  he  must  be  ignorant  of  the 
blessings  of  our  holj^  faith,  if  he  thank 
not  God  that  a  minister  of  the  gospel  is 
provided  for  every  parish.  And  if  there 
be  faults  but  too  visible  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  this  establishment,  let  us  pray 
God  that  the}'  may  be  reformed  by  the 
steady  hand  of  those  invested  with  legal 
authority  ;  and  that  neither  the  dilatori- 
ness  nor  the  half-measures  of  her  real 
friends  may  transfer  the  task  of  re- 
formation to  those  who  are  hostile  to  the 
interests  of  our  church. 


310 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVHl. 


APPENDIX  F. 


See  §  170,  ^.  James  Bainham  Avas  a 
lawyer  of  a  good  family,  and  had  married 
the  dauo;hter  of  Simon  Fish  ;  in  15:H  he 
was  broucfht  before  Sir  Thomas  More 
and  Bishop  Stokesley,  but  submitted. 
The  next  year  he  was  again  in  trouble 
as  a  relapsed  heretic,  and  ultimately 
handed  over  to  the  civil  power  to  be 
burnt.    Fox,  ii.  345,  &c. 

"  After  this,  Mr.  Latymer  was  retained 
in  the  court,  and  resorted  much  to  Lon- 
don, and  preached  the  gospel  in  divers 
churches  there,  to  the  great  benefit  of 
many,  and  the  propagation  of  religion. 
Here,  in  ISoS,  he  gave  a  charitable  visit 
10  .Tames  Bayneham,  a  little  before  his 
burning,  upon  this  occasion.  'After 
Mr.  Bayneham  had  been  condemned 
between  More,  the  lord  chancellor,  and 
the  bishops,  and  committed  unto  the 
secular  power  to  be  brent ;  and  so, 
immediately  after  his  condempnation, 
lodged  up  in  the  deep  dungeon  in  New- 
gate, ready  to  be  sent  to  the  fire,  Edward 
Isaac,  of  the  parish  of  Wei,  in  the  county 
of  Kent,  and  William  Morifce  of  Chip- 
ping Ongar,  the  county  of  Essex,  Esq., 
and  Raphe  Morice,  brother  unto  the  said 
William,  being  togethers  in  one  com- 
])any,  met  with  Mr.  Latymer  in  London. 
And  for  that  they  were  desirous  to  un- 
<]erstand  the  cause  of  the  said  Bayne- 
ham's  condempnation,  being  to  many 
men  obscure  and  unknown,  they  en- 
treated Mr.  Latymer  to  go  with  them  to 
Xewgate,  to  ih'intent  to  understand  by 
liim  the  very  occasion  of  his  said  con- 
dempnation ;  and  otherwise  to  comfort 
him  to  take  his  death  quietly  and  pa- 
tiently. When  Mr.  Latymer  and  thother 
before  named,  the  next  day  before  he 
was  brent,  were  come  down  into  the 
dungeon,  where  al  things  seemed  utterly 
dark,  there  they  found  Bayneham  sitting 
upon  a  couch  of  straw,  with  a  book  and 
a  wax  candle  in  his  hand,  praying  and 
reading  thereupon. 

"  '  And  after  salutation  made,  Mr.  La- 
tymer began  to  commune  with  him  in 
this  sort :  Mr.  Bayneham,  we  hear  say 
that  you  are  condempncd  for  heresy  to 
be  brent ;  and  many  men  are  in  doubt, 
wherfore  you  should  suffer;  and  I,  for 


my  part,  am  desirous  to  understand  the 
cause  of  your  death ;  assuring  you  that 
I  do  not  allow  that  any  man  should  con- 
'  sent  to  his  own  death,  unles  he  had  a 
right  cause  to  dy  in.  Let  not  vainglory 
I  overcome  you  in  a  matter  that  men  de- 
1  serve  not  to  dy  for :  for  therin  you  shall 
neither  please  God,  do  good  to  yourself, 
nor  your  neighbour.  And  better  it  were 
for  you  to  submit  your  self  to  the  ordi- 
nances of  men,  then  so  rashly  to  finish 
your  life  without  good  ground.  And 
therefore  we  pray  you  to  let  us  under- 
stand the  articles  that  you  are  con- 
dempncd for.  I  am  content,  quoth 
Bayneham,  to  tel  you  altogether.  The 
first  article  that  they  condemne  me  for  is 
this,  that  I  reported  that  Thomas  Becket, 
sometime  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was 
a  traitor,  and  was  dampned  in  hel,  if  he 
repented  not :  for  that  he  was  in  armes 
against  his  prince,  as  a  rebel ;  provoking 
other  foreign  princes  to  invade  the  realm, 
to  the  utter  subversion  of  the  same. 
Then  said  Mr.  Latymer,  Where  read 
you  this  ?  Gluoth  Mr.  Bayneham,  I  read 
it  in  an  old  history.  Wei,  said  Mr.  Laty- 
mer, this  is  no  cause  at  al  worthy  for  a 
man  to  take  his  death  upon ;  for  it  may 
be  a  ly,  as  well  as  a  true  tale  ;  and  in 
such  a  doubtful  matter  it  were  mere  mad- 
ness for  a  man  to  jeopard  his  life.  But 
Avhat  else  is  layd  to  your  charge  ?  The 
truth  is,  said  Bayneham,  I  spake  ag'ainst 
purgatory,  that  there  was  no  such  thing, 
but  that  it  picked  men's  purses ;  and 
against  sali?;factory  masses  :  which  [as- 
sertions of  mine]  I  defended  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  Scriptures.  Mary,  said 
Mr.  Latymer,  in  these  articles  your  con- 
science may  be  so  stayed,  that  you  may 
seem  rather  to  dy  in  the  defence  thereof, 
than  to  recant  both  against  your  con- 
science and  the  Scriptures  also.  But 
yet  beware  of  vainglory  :  for  the  DeviJ 
will  be  ready  now  to  infect  you  ther- 
with,  when  you  shall  come  into  the  mul- 
titude of  the  people.  And  then  Mr. 
Latymer  did  animate  him  to  take  his 
death  quietly  and  patiently.  Bayneham 
thanked  him  heartily  therfore.  And  I 
likewise,  said  Bayneham,  do  exhort  you 
to  stand  to  the  defence  of  the  truth  ;  for 


Chap,  XVIII.] 


CHURCH  OF 


ENGLAND. 


311 


vou,  that  shall  be  left  behind,  had  need 
of  comfort  also,  the  world  being  so  dan- 
gerous as  it  is.  And  so  spake  many 
comfortable  words  to  Mr.  Latymer. 

'•'At  the  length  Mr.  Latymer  de- 
manded of  him,  whether  he  had  a  wife 
or  no  ?    With  that  question  Bayneham 
fel  a  weeping.    What,  quoth  Latymer, 
is  this  your  constancy  to  Giodwards  ? 
What  mean  you  thus  to  weep  ?    O  ! 
sir,  said  Bayneham  to  Mr.  Latymer,  you 
have  now  touched  me  very  nigh.  I 
have  a  wife,  as  good  a  woman  as  ever 
man  was  joyned  unto.    And  I  shal 
leave  her  now,  not  only  without  sub- 
stance, or  anything  to  live  by  ;  but  also, 
for  my  sake,  she  shal  be  an  opprobrie 
unto  the  world,  and  be  pointed  at  of 
every  man  in  this  sort,  Yonder  goeth  a 
heretique's  wife  !    And  therefore  she 
shall  be  disdained  for  my  sake  ;  which 
is  no  small  grief  unto  me.    Mary,  sir, 
quoth  Latymer,  I  perceive  that  you  are 
a  very  weak  champion,  that  wil  be  Over- 
thrown with  such  a  vanity.    Where  are 
become  al  those  comfortable  words  that 
so  late  you  ailedged  unto  us,  that  should 
tary  here  behind  you  ?    I  mervail  what 
you  mean.    Is  not  Almighty  God  hable 
to  be  husband  to  your  wife,  and  a  father 
unto  your  children,  if  you  commit  them 
to  him  in  a  strong  faith  ?    I  am  sory  to 
se  you  in  this  taking,  as  though  God  had 
no  care  of  his,  when  he  numbreth  the 
hairs  of  a  manys  head.    If  he  do  not 
provide  for  them,  the  fault  is  in  us  that 
mistrusteth  him.    It  is  our  infidelity 
that  causeth  him  to  do  nothing  for  ours. 
Therefore,  repent,  Mr.  Bayneham,  for 
this  mistrusting  of  Almighty  God's  good- 
nes.    And  be  you  sure,  and  I  do  most 
firmcly  believe  it,  that  if  you  do  commit 
your  wife  with  a  strong  faith  unto  the 
governance  of  Almighty  God,  and  so  dy 
therin,  that  within  this  two  years,  per- 
adventure  in  one  year,  she  shal  be  better 
provided  for,  as  touching  the  felicity  of 
this  world,  than  you,  with  al  your  policy, 
could  do  f^)r  her  your  self,  if  you  were 
presently  here.    And  so,  with  such  like 
words,  expostulating  with  him  for  his 
feeble  faith,  he  made  an  end.  Mr. 
Bayneham,  calling  his  spirits  to  him- 
self, most  heartily  thanked  Mr.  Latymer 
for  his  good  comfort  and  counsel ;  say- 
ing plainly,  that  he  would  not  for  much 
good,  but  he  had  come  thither  to  him  : 
for  nothing  in  the  world  so  much  trou- 


bled him,  as  the  care  of  his  wife  and 
family.  And  so  they  departed.  And 
the  iiext  day  Bayneham  was  burnt.' 
Of  Avhose  death  this  wondrous  thing  is 
recorded,  that  in  the  midst  of  the  flames 
he  professed  openly,  that  he  felt  no  pain; 
and  that  the  tire  seemed  unto  him  as 
easy  as  lying  down  in  a  bed  of  down. 
But  return  we  to  Latymer,  who  glorified 
God  twentj'-three  years  after  in  the  same 
manner  of  death,  and  under  the  same 
imputation  of  heresy."' 

The  details  of  Ridley  and  Latimer 
may  be  found  not  only  in  Fox,  but  re- 
printed in  Wordsworth's  Eccl.  Biog.  iii. 
418,  &c.  That  of  Cranmer  is  thus 
described  in  Strype  : 

"  Yet,  because  it  is  not  convenient 
so  briefly  to  pass  over  such  a  remarka- 
ble scene  of  his  life,  being  big  last  ap- 
pearance upon  the  stage  of  this  world, 
I  shall  represent  it  in  the  words  of  a 
certain  grave  person  unknown,  but  a 
papist,  who  was  an  eye  and  ear-witness, 
and  related  these  matters,  as  it  seems, 
very  justly,  in  a  letter  from  Oxon  to  his 
friend.    Which  is  as  followeth  : 

"  '  But  that  I  know  for  our  great 
friendship  and  long-continued  love,  you 
look  even  of  duty  that  I  should  signify 
to  you  of  the  truth  of  such  things  as 
here  chanceth  among  us  ;  I  would  not 
at  this  time  have  written  to  you  the  un- 
fortunate end,  and  doubtful  tragedy,  of 
T.  C.  late  bishop  of  Canterbury  :  be- 
cause I  little  pleasure  take  in  beholding 
of  such  heavy  sights.  And,  when  they 
are  once  overpassed,  I  like  not  to  re- 
hearse them  again  ;  being  but  a  renew- 
ing of  my  wo,  and  doubling  my  grief. 
For  although  his  former  life,  and 
wretched  end,  deserves  a  greater  mise- 
ry, (if  any  greater  might  have  chanced 
than  chanced  unto  him,)  yet,  setting 
aside  his  offences  to  God  and  his  coun- 
try, and  beholding  the  man  without  his 
faults,  I  think  there  was  none  that 
pitied  not  his  case,  and  bewailed  his 
fortune,  and  feared  not  his  own  chance, 
to  see  so  noble  a  prelate,  so  grave  a 
counsellor,  of  so  long-continued  honour, 
after  so  many  dignities,  in  his  old  years 
to  be  deprived  of  his  estate,  adjudged 
to  die,  and  in  so  painful  a  death  to  end 
his  life.  I  have  no  delight  to  increase 
it.    Alas,  it  is  too  much  of  itself,  that 


>  Slrype's  Eccl.  Mem.  III.  i.  372. 


312 

ever  so  heavy  a  case  should  betide  to  ' 
man,  and  man  to  deserve  it. 

"'But  to  come  to  the  matter:  on  | 
Saturday  last,  being  the  21st  of  March,  | 
was  his  day  appointed  to  die.  And, 
because  the  morning  was  much  rainy, 
the  sermon  appointed  by  Mr.  Dr.  Cole 
to  be  made  at  the  stake,  was  made  in 
St.  Mary's  church:  whither  Dr.  Cran- 
mer  was  brought  by  the  mayor  and  al- 
dermen, and  my  Lord  Williams.  With 
whom  came  divers  gentlemen  of  the 
shire,  Sir  T.  A.  Bridges,  Sir  John 
Browne,  and  others.  Where  was  pre- 
pared, over-against  the  pulpit,  an  high 
place  for  him,  that  all  the  people  might 
see  him.  And,  when  he  had  ascended 
it,  he  kneeled  down  and  prayed,  weep- 
ing tenderly :  which  moved  a  great 
number  to  tears,  that  had  conceived  an 
assured  hope  of  his  conversion  and 
repentance. 

"  'Then  Mr.  Cole  began  his  sermon. 
The  sum  whereof  was  this  :  First,  he  de- 
clared causes  why  it  was  expedient  that 
he  should  suffer,  notwithstanding  his 
reconciliation.  The  chief  are  these. 
One  was,  that  he  had  been  a  great 
cause  of  all  this  alteration  in  this  realm 
of  England.  And,  when  the  matter  of 
the  divorce  between  King  Henry  VIII. 
and  Q,ueen  Katharine  was  commenced 
in  the  court  of  Rome,  he,  having  no- 
thing to  do  with  it,  set  upon  it  as  judge, 
which  was  the  entry  to  all  the  inconve- 
niences that  followed.  Yet  in  that  he 
excused  him,  that  he  thought  he  did  it 
not  of  malice,  but  by  the  persuasions 
and  advice  of  certain  learned  men. 
Another  was,  that  he  had  been  the 
great  setter  forth  of  all  this  heresy  re- 
ceived into  the  church  in  this  last  time  ; 
had  written  in  it,  had  disputed,  had  con- 
tinued it,  even  to  the  last  hour  ;  and 
that  it  had  never  been  seen  in  this 
realm  (but  in  the  time  of  schism)  that 
any  man  continuing  so  long  hath  been 
pardoned  :  and  that  it  was  not  to  be 
remitted  for  ensample's  sake.  Other 
causes  he  alleged,  but  these  were  the 
chief,  why  it  was  not  thought  good  to 
pardon  him.  Other  causes  beside,  he 
said,  moved  the  queen  and  the  council 
thereto,  which  were  not  meet  and  con- 
venient for  every  one  to  understand 
them. 

"  '  The  second  part  touched  the  audi- 
ence, how  they  should  consider  this  i 


[Chap.  XVIII. 

j  thing :  that  they  should  hereby  take 
I  example  to  fear  God  :  and  that  there 
I  was  no  power  against  the  Lord  :  hav- 
I  ing  before  their  eyes  a  man  of  so  high 
degree,  sometime  one  of  the  chiefest 
prelates  of  the  church,  an  archbishop, 
the  chief  of  the  council,  the  second 
peer  in  the  realm  of  long  time  :  a  man, 
as  might  be  thought,  in  greatest  assu- 
rance, a  king  of  his  side  ;  notwithstand- 
ing all  his  authority  and  defence  to  be 
debased  from  an  high  estate  to  a  low 
degree  ;  of  a  counsellor  to  be  a  caitiff; 
and  to  be  set  in  so  wretched  estate,  that 
the  poorest  wretch  would  not  change 
conditions  with  him. 

"  'The  last  and  end  appertained  unto 
him  :  whom  he  comforted  and  encou- 
raged to  take  his  death  well,  by  many 
places  of  Scripture.  And  with  these, 
and  such,  bidding  him  nothing  mistrust, 
but  he  should  incontinently  receive  that 
the  thief  did  :  to  Avhom  Christ  said, 
Hodie  mecitm  eris  in  puradiso.  And 
out  of  St.  Paul  armed  him  against  the 
terrors  of  the  fire,  by  this :  Dominus 
Jidelis  est :  Non  sinct  nos  tenlari  ultra 
quam  ferre  potestis :  by  the  example  of 
the  three  children  ;  to  whom  God  macjp 
the  flame  seem  like  a  pleasant  dew. 
He  added  hereunto  the  rejoicing  of  St. 
Andrew  in  his  cross :  the  patience  of 
St.  Laurence  on  the  fire  :  ascertaining 
him,  that  God,  if  he  called  on  him,  and 
to  such  as  die  in  his  faith,  either  will 
abate  the  fury  of  the  flame,  or  give  him 
strength  to  abide  it.  He  glorified  God 
much  in  his  conversion  ;  because  it 
appeared  to  be  only  his  work  :  declar- 
ing what  travel  and  conference  had 
been  used  with  him  to  convert  him,  and 
all  prevailed  not,  till  it  pleased  God  of 
his  mercy  to  reclaim  him,  and  call  him 
home.  In  discoursing  of  which  place, 
he  much  commended  Cranmer,  and 
qualified  his  former  doing. 

"  'And  I  had  almost  forgotten  to  tell 
you,  that  Mr.  Cole  promised*  him,  that 
he  should  be  prayed  for  in  every  church 
in  Oxford,  and  should  have  mass  and 
Dirig-e  sung  for  him  ;  and  spake  to  all 
the  priests  present  to  say  mass  for  his 
soul. 

"  '  When  he  had  ended  his  sermon, 
he  desired  all  the  people  to  pray  for 
him  ;  Mr.  Cranmer  kneeling  down  with 
them,  and  praying  for  himself.  I  think 
there  was  never  such  a  number  so  earn- 


inSTORY  OF  THE 


Chap.  XVIIl.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


313 


nestly  praying  together.  For  they, 
that  hated  him  before,  now  loved  him 
for  his  conversion,  and  hope  of  con- 
tinuance. They  that  loved  him  before 
could  not  sodenly  hate  him,  having 
hope  of  his  confession  again  of  his  fall. 
So  love  and  hope  increased  devotion 
on  every  side. 

"  'I  shall  not  need,  for  the  time  of 
sermon,  to  describe  his  behaviour,  his 
sorrowful  countenance,  his  heavy  cheer, 
his  face  bedewed  with  tears  ;  sometime 
lifting  his  eyes  to  heaven  in  hope,  some- 
time casting  them  down  to  the  earth  for 
shame  ;  to  be  brief,  an  image  of  sor- 
row :  the  dolor  of  his  heart  bursting 
out  at  his  eyes  in  plenty  of  tears  :  re- 
taining ever  a  quiet  and  grave  behaviour. 
Which  increased  the  pity  in  men's 
hearts,  that  they  unfeignedly  loved  him, 
hoping  it  had  been  his  repentance  for 
his  transgression  and  error.  I  shall  not 
need,  I  say,  to  point  it  out  unto  you  ; 
you  can  much  better  imagine  it  yourself. 

"  '  When  praying  was  done,  he  stood 
up,  and,  having  leave  to  speak,  said. 
Good  people,  I  had  intended  indeed  to 
desire  you  to  pray  for  me  ;  which  be- 
cause Mr.  Doctor  hath  desired,  and  you 
have  done  already,  I  thank  you  most 
heartily  for  it.  And  now  will  I  pray 
for  myself,  as  I  could  best  devise  for 
mine  own  comfort,  and  say  the  prayer, 
word  for  word,  as  I  have  here  written  it. 
And  he  read  it  standing,  and  after 
kneeled  down,  and  said  the'  Lord's 
Prayer ;  and  all  the  people  on  their 
knees  devoutly  praying  with  him.  His 
prayer  was  thus  : 

'  O  FATHER  of  heaven  ;  O  Son 
of  God,  Redeemer  of  the  world  ;  O 
Holy  Ghost,  proceeding  from  them 
both,  three  persons  and  one  God,  have 
mercy  upon  me  most  wretched  caitiff, 
and  miserable  sinner.  I  who  have 
offended  both  heaven  and  earth,  and 
more  grievously  than  any  tongue  can 
express,  whither  then  may  I  go,  or 
whither  should  I  fly  for  succour  ?  To 
heaven  I  may  be  ashamed  to  lift  up 
mine  eyes ;  and  in  earth  I  find  no  re- 
fuge. What  shall  I  then  do  ?  shall  I 
despair  ?  God  forbid.  O  good  God, 
thou  art  merciful,  and  refuses  none  that 
come  unto  thee  for  succour.  To  thee 
therefore  do  I  run.  To  thee  do  I  hum- 
ble myself:  saying,  O  Lord  God,  my 
.sins  be  great,  but  yet  have  mercy  upon 
40 


me  for  thy  great  mercy.  O  God  the 
Son,  thou  wast  not  made  man,  this  great 
mystery  was  not  wrought,  for  few  or 
small  offences.  Nor  thou  didst  not 
give  thy  Son  unto  death,  O  God  the 
Father,  for  our  little  and  small  sins 
only,  but  for  all  the  greatest  sins  of  the 
Avorld  :  so  that  the  sinner  return  unto 
thee  with  a  penitent  heart :  as  I  do 
here  at  this  present.  Wherefore  have 
mercy  upon  me,  O  Lord,  whose  pro- 
perty is  always  to  have  mercy.  For 
although  my  sins  be  great,  yet  thy 
mercy  is  greater.  I  crave  nothing,  O 
Lord,  for  mine  own  merits,  but  for  thy 
name's  sake,  that  it  may  be  glorified 
thereby :  and  for  thy  dear  Son  Jesus 
Christ's  sake.  And  now  therefore, 
Our  Father,  which  art  in  heaven,  &c. 

"  'Then  rising,  he  said,  Every  man 
desireth,  good  people,  at  the  time  of 
their  deaths,  to  give  some  good  exhorta- 
tion, that  other  may  remember  after 
their  deaths,  and  be  the  better  thereby. 
So  I  beseech  God  grant  me  grace,  that 
I  may  speak  S'omething,  at  this  my  de- 
parting, whereby  God  may  be  glorified, 
and  you  edified. 

"  '  First,  It  is  an  heavy  case  to  see, 
that  many  folks  be  so  much  doted  upon 
the  love  of  this  false  world,  and  so 
careful  for  it,  that  for  the  love  of  the 
world  to  come,  they  seem  to  care  very 
little  or  nothing  therefore.  This  shall 
be  my  first  exhortation.  That  you  set 
not  overmuch  by  this  false  glosing 
world,  but  upon  God  and  the  world  to 
come :  and  learn  to  know  what  this 
lesson  meancth,  which  St.  John  teach- 
eth,  tliat  the  love  of  this  world  is  hatred 
against  God. 

"  '  The  second  exhortation  is.  That, 
next  unto  God,  you  obey  your  king  and 
queen  willingly  and  gladly,  without 
murmur  or  grudging  ;  and  not  for  fear 
of  them  only,  but  much  more  for  the 
fear  of  God  ;  knowing  that  they  be 
God's  ministers,  appointed  by  God  to 
rule  and  govern  you.  And  therefore 
whoso  resisteth  them,  resisteth  God's 
ordinance. 

"  'The  third  exhortation  is.  That  you 
love  altogether  like  brethren  and  sistern. 
For,  alas !  pity  it  is  to  see  what  conten- 
tion and  hatred  one  Christian  man  hath 
to  another ;  not  taking  each  other  as 
sisters  and  brothers;  but  rather  as  stran- 
gers and  mortal  enemies.  But  I  pray 
3D 


V 


314 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Chap.  XVIH. 


you  learn  and  bear  well  away  this  one 
lesson,  To  do  good  to  all  men  as  much 
as  in  you  licth,  and  to  hurt  no  man,  no 
more  than  you  wuuid  hurt  your  own 
natural  and  loving  brother  or  sister. 
For  this  you  may  be  sure  of,  that  who- 
soever hateth  any  person,  and  goeth 
about  maliciously  to  hinder  or  hurt 
him,  surely,  and  without  all  doubt, 
God  is  not  with  that  man,  although  he 
think  himself  never  so  much  in  God's 
favour. 

"  '  The  fourth  exhortation  shall  be  to 
them  that  have  great  substance  and 
riches  of  this  world.  That  they  will  well 
consider  and  weigh  those  sayings  of 
the  Scripture.  One  is  of  our  Saviour 
Christ  himself,  who  saith,  //  is  hard  for 
a  rich  man  to  enter  into  heaven:  a  sore 
saying,  and  yet  spoke  by  him  that  knew 
the  truth.  The  second  is  of  St.  John, 
whose  saying  is  this.  He  that  hath  the 
substance  of  this  tcorld,  and  seeth  his 
brother  in  necessity,  and  shutteth  up 
his  mercy  from  him,  how  can  he  say, 
he  loveth  God?  Much  jnore  might  I 
speak  of  every  part ;  but  time  sufficeth 
not.  I  do  but  put  you  in  remembrance 
of  things.  Let  all  them  that  be  rich, 
ponder  well  those  sentences  :  for  if  ever 
they  had  any  occasion  to  show  their 
charity,  they  have  now  at  this  present, 
the  poor  people  being  so  many,  and 
victuals  so  dear.  For  though  I  have 
been  long  in  prison,  yet  I  have  heard 
of  the  great  penury  of  the  poor.  Con- 
sider, that  that  which  is  given  to  the 
poor,  is  given  to  God  ;  whom  we  have 
not  otherwise  present  corporally  with 
us,  but  in  the  poor. 

"  'And  no\v,  for  so  much  as  I  am 
come  to  the  last  end  of  my  life,  where- 
upon hangeth  all  my  life  passed,  and 
my  life  to  come,  either  to  live  with  my 
Saviour  jChrist  in  heaven,  in  joy,  or 
else  to  be  in  pain  ever  with  wicked 
devils  in  hell ;  and  I  see  before  mine 
eyes  presently  either  heaven  ready  to 
receive  me,  or  hell  ready  to  swallow 
me  up;  I  shall  therefore  declare  unto 
you  my  very  faith,  how  I  believe,  with- 
out colour  or  dissimulation  :  for  now  is 
no  time  to. dissemble,  whatsoever  I  have 
written  in  times  past. 

"  'First,  I  believe  in  God  the  Father 
Almighty,  maker  of  heaven  and  earth, 
(fee,  and  every  article  of  the  Catholic 
faith,  every  word  and  sentence  taught 


by  our  Saviour  Christ,  his  apostles,  and 
prophets,  in  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment. 

"  '  And  now  I  come  to  the  great  thing 
that  troubleth  my  conscience  more  than 
any  other  thing  that  ever  I  said  or  did 
in  my  life :  and  that  is,  the  setting 
abroad  of  writings  contrary  to  the  truth. 
Which  here  now  I  renounce  and  refuse, 
as  things  written  with  my  hand,  con- 
trary to  the  truth  which  I  thought  in 
my  heart,  and  writ  for  fear  of  death, 
and  to  save  my  life,  if  it  might  be  :  and 
that  is,  all  such  bills,  which  I  have 
written  or  signed  with  mine  own  hand 
since  my  degradation  :  wherein  I  have 
written  many  things  untrue.  And  for- 
asmuch as  my  hand  ofTended  in  writing 
contrary  to  my  heart,  therefore  my 
hand  shall  first  be  punished :  for  if  I 
may  come  to  the  fire,  it  shall  be  first 
burned.  And  as  for  the  pope,  I  refuse 
him,  as  Christ's  enemj*  and  antichrist, 
with  all  his  false  doctrine. 

"'And  here,  being  admonished  of 
his  recantation  and  dissembling,  he 
said,  Alas,  my  lord,  I  have  been  a  man 
that  all  my  life  loved  plainness,  and 
never  dissembled  till  now  against  the 
truth  ;  which  I  am  most  sorry  for.  He 
added  hereunto,  that,  for  the  sacrament, 
he  believed  as  he  had  taught  in  his 
book  against  the  bishop  of  Winchester. 
And  here  he  was  suffered  to  speak  no 
more. 

"  '  So  that  his  speech  contained  chiefly 
three  points,  love  to  God,  love  to  the 
king,  and  love  to  the  neighbour.  In 
the  which  talk  he  held  men  very  sus- 
pense, which  all  depended  upon  the 
conclusion :  where  he  so  far  deceived 
all  men's  expectations,  that,  at  the  hear- 
ing thereat  they  were  much  amazed  ; 
and  let  him  go  on  a  while,  till  my  Lord 
Williams  bad  him  play  the  Christen 
man,  and  remember  himself.  To  whom 
he  answered.  That  he  so  did  ;  for  now 
he  spake  truth. 

"  '  Then  he  was  carried  away  ;  and 
a  great  number  that  did  run  to  see  him 
go  so  wickedlj'  to  his  death,  ran  after 
him,  exhorting  him,  while  time  was,  to 
remember  himself.  And  one  Friar 
John,  a  godly  and  well-learned  man, 
all  the  way  travelled  with  him  to  re- 
duce him.  But  it  would  not  be.  What 
they  said  in  particular  I  cannot  tell,  but 
the  effect  appeared  in  the  end :  for  at 


Chap.  XVIII.] 


CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 


315 


the  stake  he  professed  that  he  died  in 
all  such  opinions  as  he  had  taught,  and 
oft  repented  him  of  liis  recantation. 

"  'Coming  to  the  stake  with  a  cheer- 
ful countenance  and  willing  mind,  he 
put  oft'  his  garments  with  haste,  and 
stood  upright  in  his  shirt:  and  a  bache- 
lor of  divinity,  named  Elye,  of  Brazen- 
nose  college,  laboured  to  convert  him 
to  his  former  recantation,  with  the  two 
Spanish  friars.  But  when  the  friars 
saw  his  constancy,  they  said  in  Latin 
one  to  another,  Let  lis  go  from  him; 
we  ought  not  to  be  nigh  him;  for  the 
devil  is  with  him.  But  the  bachelor 
in  divinity  was  more  earnest  with  him: 
unto  whom  he  answered,  that,  as  con- 
cerning his  recantation,  he  repented  it 
right  sore,  because  he  knew  it  was 
against  the  truth ;  with  other  words 
more.  Whereupon  the  Lord  Williams 
cried.  Make  short,  make  short.  Then 
the  bishop  took  certain  of  his  friends 
by  the  hand.  But  the  bachelor  of 
divinity  refused  to  take  him  by  the 
hand,  and  blamed  all  others  that  so  did, 
and  said  he  was  sorry  that  ever  he  came 
in  his  company.  And  yet  again  he 
required  him  to  agree  to  his  former 
recantation.  And  the  bishop  answered, 
(showing  his  hand,)  This  is  the  hand 
that  wrote  it,  and  therefore  shall  it  suf- 
fer first  punishment. 

"  'Fir(?  being  now  put  to  him,  he 
stretched  out  his  right  hand  and  thrust 
it  into  the  flame,  and  held  it  there  a 
good  space,  before  the  fire  came  to  any 
other  part  of  his  body;  where  his  hand 
was  seen  of  every  man  sensibly  burning, 
crying  with  a  loud  voice.  This  hand 
hath  offended.  As  soon  as  the  fire  got 
up  he  was  very  soon  dead,  never  stir- 
ring or  crying  all  the  while. 

"  '  His  patience  in  the  torment,  his 
courage  in  dying,  if  it  had  been  taken 
either  for  the  glory  of  God,  the  wealth 
of  his  country,  or  the  testimony  of  truth, 
as  it  was  for  a  pernicious  error,  and 
the  subversion  of  true  religion,  I  could 
worthily  have  commended  the  exam- 
ple, and  matched  it  with  the  fame  of 
any  father  of  ancient  time  ;  but,  seeing 
that  not  the  death,  but  the  cause  and 
quarrel  thereof,  commendeth  the  suf- 
ferer, I  cannot  but  much  dispraise  his 
obstinate  stubbornness  and  sturdiness  in 
dying,  and  especially  in  so  evil  a  cause. 
Surely  his  death  much  grieved  every 


man ;  but  not  alter  one  sort.  Some 
pitied  to  see  his  body  so  tormented  with 
the  fire  raging  upon  the  silly  carcass, 
that  counted  not  of  the  folly.  Other, 
that  passed  not  much  of  the  body, 
lamented  to  see  him  spill  his  soul, 
wretchedly,  without  redemption,  to  be 
plagued  for  ever.  His  friends  sorrowed 
for  love  ;  his  enemies  for  pity  ;  stran- 
g'ers  for  a  common  kind  of  humanity, 
whereby  we  are  bound  one  to  another. 
Thus  I  have  enforced  myself,  for  your 
sake,  to  discourse  this  heavy  narration, 
contrary  to  my  mind  :  and,  being  more 
than  half  weary,  I  make  a  short  end, 
wishing  you  a  quieter  life,  with  less 
honour ;  and  easier  death,  with  more 
praise.    The  2;M  of  March. 

'Yours,  J.  A.' 

"All  this  is  the  testimony  of  an  ad- 
versary, and,  therefore,  we  must  allow 
for  some  of  his  words  ;  but  may  be  the 
more  certain  of  the  archbishop's  brave 
courage,  constancy,  patience.  Christian 
and  holy  behaviour,  being  related  by 
one  so  aftected."' 

The  feelings  about  his  wife  which 
agitated  Bainham,  and  which  were  so 
happily  removed  by  his  conference  with 
Latimer,  fnight  have  been  expected 
more  or  less  to  affect  every  one  of  the 
martyrs  who  were  bound  to  earth  by 
this  most  sacred  tie  ;  but  this  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  the  case  ;  and  not 
only  did  many  women  suffer  gloriously 
and  patiently  themselves;  not  only  did 
men  who  were  married  willingly  resign 
their  wives  and  families  to  the  care  of 
God  ;  but  several  women  were  found, 
who  seem  to  have  animated  their  part- 
ners to  the  struggle,  as  well  by  their 
prayers  as  by  their  assistance  and  ad- 
vice. 

Laurence  Saunders  was  born  of 
worshipful  parentage,  was  educated  at 
Eton,  and  King's  College,  Cambridge, 
and,  having  taken  orders,  he  boldly 
preached  in  his  parish  church  of  All- 
hallows,  Bread  street,  and  was  conse- 
quently confined  and  detained  there  for 
a  very  considerable  time  before  his 
martyrdom.  (Fox,  iii.  113.)  "As  the 
said  Master  Saunders  was  in  prison, 
straight  charge  was  given  to  the  keeper 
that  no  person  should  speak  with  him. 


'  Strype's  Cranmer,  551—559,  8vo.,  384—390, 
fol. 


3liS  HISTORY  OF 

His  wife  yet  came  to  the  prison-gate 
with  her  young  child  in  her  arms,  to 
visit  her  husband.  The  keeper,  though 
for  his  charere  he  durst  not  suffer  her  to 
come  into  the  prison,  yet  did  he  take 
the  little  babe  out  of  her  arms,  and 
brought  him  unto  his  father;  Laurence 
Saunders  seeing  him,  rejoiced  greatly, 
saying  that  he  rejoiced  more  to  have 
such  a  boy,  than  he  should  if  two  thou- 
sand pounds  were  given  him.  And 
unto  the  slanders  by,  which  praised  the 
goodliness  of  the  child,  he  said,  What 
man,  fearing  God,  would  not  lose  his 
life  present,  rather  than,  by  prolonging 
it  here,  he  should  adjudge  this  boy  to 
be  a  bastard,  his  wife  a  whore,  and 
himself  a  whoremonger  ?  Yea,  if  there 
were  no  other  cause  for  which  a  man 
of  my  estate  should  lose  his  life,  yet 
who  would  not  give  it  to  avouch  this 
child  to  be  legitimate,  and  his  marriage 
to  be  lawful  and  holy  ? 

"  I  do,  good  reader,  recite  this  saying, 
not  only  to  let  thee  see  what  he  thought 
of  priests'  marriage,  but  chiefly  to  let  all 
married  couples  and  parents  learn  to 
hear  in  their  bosoms  true  affections : 
natural,  yet  seasoned  with  the  true  salt 
of  the  Spirit,  unfeignedly  and  thoroughly 
mortified  to  do  the  natural  works  and 
offices  of  married  couples  and  parents, 
so  long  as  with  their  doing  they  may 
keep  Christ  with  a  free  confessing  faith 
in  a  conscience  unfoil :  otherwise  both 
they  and  their  own  lives  are  so  to  be 
forsaken,  as  Christ  required  them  to  be 
denied,  and  given  in  his  cause." 

This  good  man  was  afterwards  con- 
demned to  death,  and  sent  to  Coventry 
to  be  burnt.  From  the  length  of  time 
during  which  he  was  in  prison,  he  had 
the  opportunity  of  addressing  many 
letters  to  his  friends,  particularly  to  his 
wife,  which  are  printed  in  the  Acts  and 
Mon.,  and  in  the  letters  of  the  Martyrs. 
Among  a  vast  number  of  others,  the 
following  occurs  addressed  to  his  wife, 
wherein  allusion  is  made  to  a  shirt, 
which  seems  to  have  been  prepared  for 
his  execution.  There  is  no  date  to  it. 
It  is  addressed  "  To  his  wife  and  other 
of  his  friends." 

"  Grace  and  comfort  in  Christ.  Amen. 


THE  CHURCH.  [Chap.  XVIH. 

Dear  wife,  be  merry  in  the  mercies  of 
our  Christ,  and  ye  also,  my  dear  friends: 
pray  for  us,  every  body.  We  be  shortly 
to  be  dispatched  hence  to  our  good 
Christ.  Amen.  Amen.  Wife,  I  would 
you  sent  me  my  shirt,'  which  you  know 
whereunto  it  is  consecrated.  Let  it  be 
sewed  down  on  both  the  sides,  and  not 
open.  O,  my  heavenly  Father,  look 
upon  me  in  the  face  of  thy  Christ,  or 
else  I  shall  not  be  able  to  abide  thy 
countenance,  such  is  my  filthiness.  He 
will  do  so,  and  therefore  I  will  not  be 
afraid  what  sin,  death,  hell,  and  damna- 
tion can  do  against  me.  Oh  wife,  always 
remember  the  Lord.  God  bless  j'ou ! 
Yea,  he  will  bless  thee,  good  wife,  and 
thy  poor  boy  also  ;  only  cleave  thou  unto 
him,  and  he  will  give  thee  all  things. 
Pray,  pray,  pray."  (Fox's  Martyrs,  iii. 
118";  Letters  of  "the  Martyrs,  206.)  Tyn- 
dale,  writing  to  Frith,  then  in  the  Tower, 
says,  (Works,  458  ;  Fox,  ii.  807,)  "Fear 
not  threatening,  therefore,  neither  be 
overcome  with  sweet  words  ;  with  which 
twain  the  hypocrites  shall  assail  you ; 
neither  let  the  persuasions  of  worldly 
wisdom  bear  rule  in  your  heart ;  no, 
though  they  be  your  friends  that  counsel 
you.  Let  Bilney  be  a  warning  to  you. 
Let  not  their  visure  beguile  your  eyes. 
Let  not  your  body  faint.  He  that  en- 
dureth  to  the  end  shall  be  saved.  If  the 
pain  be  above  your  strength,  remember, 
JVhatsoever  ye  shall  ask  in  my  name,  I 
ivill  give  it  you.  And  pray  to  j'our 
Father  in  that  name,  and  he  will  ease 
your  pain  or  shorten  it.  The  Lord  of 
peace,  of  hope,  and  of  faith,  be  with  you. 
Amen."  And  again  :  "  Two  have  suf- 
fered at  Antwerp,  &c.  See,  you  are  not 
alone  :  be  cheerful,  and  remember  that, 
among  the  hardhearted  in  England,  there 
is  a  number  reserved  for  grace  ;  for  whose 
sake,  if  need  be,  you  must  be  ready  to 
suffer."  He  then  gives  some  account 
of  the  printing  of  Joye's  Bible,  and  ends, 
"  Sir,  your  wife  is  well  content  with  the 
will  of  God,  and  would  not  for  her  sake 
have  the  glory  of  God  hindered.  William 
Tyndale." 

'  Rawlins  White,  fisherman,  desired  his  wife  to 
send  him  his  wedding  garment  or  shirt,  in  which 
he  was  afterwards  burnt.    Fox,  iii.  181. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


B.  C. 

55.  Julius  Cossar  invades  Britain. 

A.  II. 

44.  Claudius  invades  Britain. 
50.  Caraclacus  captive  at  Rome. 
61.  Anglesey  taken  by  Suetonius. 
67.  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  put  to  death  at 
Rome. 

80.  Conquests  of  Agricola  in  Britain. 
120.  Adrian's  wall  built. 
167-76.  King  Lucius  embraces  Christianity. 
208.  Severus  in  Britain.  The  wail  between  the 

Forth  and  Clyde  built  in  the  next  year. 
286.  Carausius  usurps   the  government  in 

Britain. 
301.  Martyrdom  of  St.  Alban. 
307.  Constantine  emperor  of  Rome. 
314.  The  Council  of  .\rles. 
325.  The  Council  of  Nice. 
347.  The  Council  of  Sardica. 
359.  The  Council  of  Ariminum. 
383.  Maximus  lakes  the  flower  of  the  British 

forces  from  England. 
416.  The  Pelagian    heresy  condemned  in 

Africa. 

427.  The  Romans  finally  leave  Britain. 

449.  Hengist  and  Horsa  land  in  England. 

457.  The'kingdom  of  Kent,  the  first  of  the 
Heptarchy,  established. 

476.  Rome  taken  by  the  Heruli. 

493.  St.  Patrick,  who  converted  Ireland,  dies. 

515.  The  supposed  date  of  King  Arthur. 

560.  Gildas,  the  first  English  historian,  flou- 
rished. 


A.  B. 

582.  The  kingdom  of  Mercia,  the  last  of  the 

Heptarchy,  established. 
586.  The  British  church  had  retired  into 

Wales. 

696.  Augustin  comes  to  Thanet. 

601.  The  meeting  of  the  Saxon  and  British 
churches  in  Worcestershire. 

622.  ^ra  of  the  Hegyra,  or  flight  of  Moham- 
med. 

664.  The  Council  of  Whitby. 

678.  Sussex,  the  last  of  the  Heptarchy,  con- 
verted to  Christianity. 

730.  The  edict  of  Leo  Isaurus  against  image 
worsh  i  p. 

Origin  of  the  civil  dominion  of  the  popes. 
73.5.  The  Venerable  Bede  dies. 
754.  The  pope  re-established  in  his  temporal 

power  by  Pepin. 
787.  The  Danes  invade  England.  Lichfield 

made  an  archbishopric.    The  second 

Council  of  Nice. 
872.  -Alfred  begins  his  reign. 
880.  Schism  between  the  Latin  and  Greek 

churches. 

934.  The  battle  of  Burnanberg  placed  all 

England  under  Alhelstan. 
940.  Howel  Dha,  king  of  Wales. 
996.  The   publication  of  Elfric's  Homily 

against  Transubstantiation. 
1013.  Sweno,  king  of  England  and  Denmark. 
1041.  Edward  the  Confessor. 
1059.  The  Waldenses  separated  from  Rome. 
1066.  Harold  H.  conquered  at  Battle. 


ARCHBISHOPS  OF  CANTERBURY  BEFORE  THE  CONQUEST. 


597.  Augustin. 

830. 

Ceolnoth. 

604.  Laurence. 

871. 

Aiheldred. 

619.  Mellitus. 

891. 

Phlegmund. 

624.  Justus. 

923. 

Athelm. 

634.  Honorius. 

928. 

Wulfelm. 

654.  Adeodatus. 

941. 

Odo  Severus. 

668.  '/'heodore. 

954. 

Dunstan. 

693.  Birthwald. 

988. 

Ethelgar. 

731.  Tatwine. 

989. 

Siric. 

735.  Nothelm. 

996. 

Aluricius. 

712.  Cuthbert. 

1005. 

Elphege. 

759.  Bregwin. 

101.3. 

Livins,  or  Leovingus. 

763.  Lambriih,  or  Lambert 
793  Athelard. 

1020. 

Agelnoth,  or  ^thelnot 

1038. 

Edsine,  or  Eadsius. 

804.  Wulfred. 

10.50. 

Robert  Gemeticensis. 

6dO.  Theolgild. 

1052. 

Stigand. 

2  D  2  317 


318 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


Kings  of 
England. 

Archbishops  of 
Canterbury. 

ReniixrkQble  EjVfints. 

1066. 

William  I. 

1070. 

Gregory  VII. 
1073. 

Lanfranc, 
1070. 

1079.  Doomsday  book  begun. 

1080. 

Victor  in. 
1086. 

81.  Osmond,    bishop    of  Sarum, 
Usum  Sarum. 

1087. 

William  II. 

Urban  IL 
1088. 

1090. 

Pascal  II. 
1099. 

Anselm,  1093. 

%jU»     ±  lit?     lllol     Ul  UocLUC  f      i  ClCl  IIIC 

Hermit. 

99.  The  Knights  of  Si.  John  insti- 
tuted. 

1 100. 

Henry  I. 

1105.  Anselin  f^oes  to  Rome  about 

111  V  CALILUI  Co. 

1 1 10. 

Rndiilnh  1114 

V^^idOlUo  lit 

1118. 

Callixtus  II. 

19.  The  order  of  Knights  Templars 

1119. 

instituted. 

IICO. 

1-f rtno»*i n c  TT 

.IXUIIwl  [Llo  11* 

1124. 

1122. 

1130. 

Innocent  II. 
1130. 

1135. 

Stephen. 

Theobald, 
1138. 

"^7   Thp   Panderts  of   the  Roman 
law  discovered  at  Amalphi. 

1140. 

Celestin  II. 

1143. 
Lucius  II. 
1144. 
Eugenius  III. 
1145. 

40.  Canon  law  introduced  into  Eng- 
land. 

William   of  Malinsbury  flou- 
rished. 

47.  Second  crusade ;  St.  Bernard 
Geoffrey  of   Muninouth  flou- 
rished. 

1150. 

Anastasius  IV. 
11.53. 

51.  The  canon   law  collected  by 
Gratian. 

1154. 

Henry  II. 

Adrian  IV. 
1 154. 
Alexander  III. 
1159. 

CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


319 


Kings  of 
Engliind. 

Popes. 

Arclibislinps  of 
Canterbury. 

1 1 60. 

T.  Becket, 

1  1  fi9 
1  lO^, 

1 170. 

Richard,  1171. 

1 180. 

T  ITT 
JuUCIUS  111. 

1 181. 

Urban  III. 

1 185 

drptrnrv  VTTI 
vjicguiy  Till. 

110/. 

Clement  III. 

1  1  o  1  . 

1189. 

Richard  I. 

f^aloctin  TTT 
V^CltrMlll  111. 

jvc^iiidiu.  r  11/, 

I  1  Q 1 

I I  a  1 . 

1nn£iM  n     1  1  Q  1 

TT  n  K*i  rt    AA/^a  1 1  Pr 

Innocent  III. 

1198. 

1199. 

John. 

Stephen  Lang- 

ton,  1207. 

1210. 

1216. 

Henry  III. 

Honorius  III. 

1216. 

1220. 

ro  rrrtftr  lit 

viicguiy  1^. 

iv.  wemersnea, 

1229. 

1230. 

Edmund,  1234. 

1240. 

riplpttin  TV 

V^'CiCOllll  IV. 

1241. 

Innocent  IV. 

Boniface,  1245. 

1250. 

Alexander  IV. 

1254. 

1260. 

Remarkable  Events. 


1160.  Some  Germans  punished  for 
heresy  at  Oxford. 


64.  Constitutions  of  Clarendon. 

71.  T.  Becket  murdered. 

72.  Conquest  of  Ireland. 
75.  Greathead  born. 


89.  The  third  crusade. 


1200.  Mariner's  compass  used. 
2.  Fourth  crusade. 
4.  The  inquisition  established. 


8.  London  incorporated  by  charter. 
10.  One  of  the  Albigenses  burnt  in 
London. 
Crusade  against  them  in  France. 
15.  Magna  Charta. 


21.  The  first  mendicants  establish- 

ed in  Oxford. 

22.  A  deacon  burnt  for  apostasy. 


35.  Greathead,  bishop  of  Lincoln. 


49.  University     college,  Oxford, 
founded. 


59.  Matthew  Paris  ob. 


320 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


1261. 
1270. 
1272. 


1280. 


1290. 


1300. 


1307. 
1310, 


1320. 
1327. 

1330. 


1340. 


Kings  of 
England. 


Edward  I. 


Edward  11. 


Edward  IIL 


Popes. 


Urban  IV.  1261. 
Clement  IV. 
1265. 

Gregory  X. 
1271. 

Innocent  V. 

1276. 
Adrian  V.  76. 
John  XXI.  76. 
Nicholas  III. 

1277. 


Martin  IV.  1281, 


Honorius  IV. 

1285. 
Nicholas  IV. 

1288. 


Celestin  V. 
1294. 
Boniface,  VIII. 
1294. 


Benedict  XI. 

1303. 
Clement  V. 

1305. 


John  XXII. 
1316. 


Benedict  XII. 
1334. 

Clement  VI. 
1342. 


Archbishops  of 
Canterbury. 


Remarkable  Events. 


Rob.  Kilwarby, 
1272. 


J.  Peckham, 
1278. 


Rob.  Winchel- 
sey,  1294. 


Walter  Rayn  old, 
1313. 


Simon  Mepham, 
1328. 

Joseph  Stratford, 
1333. 


Th.  Bradwar- 
dine,  1349. 
Simon  Islip, 
1349. 


1265.  Knights  and  burgesses  sum- 
moned to  parliament. 


79.  Statute  of  Mortmain. 


83.  Final  reduction  of  Wales. 

84.  Roger  Bacon  ob. 


About  this  time  Stamford  be 
came  an  university  for  a 
short  period. 


1301.  The  barons  assert  the  inde 
pendence  of  England  in  a 
letter  to  the  pope. 


8.  The  seat  of  the  popes  trans- 
ferred to  Avignon. 

12.  The  order  of  Knights  Templars 
dissolved. 


43.  The  Hottses  of  Lords  and  Com- 
mons distinct. 

46.  Battle  of  Cressy. 

48.  SomeFlagellants landed  in  Eng- 
land, but  made  no  pro.selytes. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


321 


Kings  of 
England. 


1350. 


1360. 


1370. 


1377. 


1380. 


Richard  11. 


Popes. 


Archbishops  of 
Canterbury. 


Innocent  VL  1353. 


Urban  V.  1362. 


Gregory  XI.  1370. 


1378. 
Rome.  Avignon. 


Urban  VI 


1390. 


1399. 


Henry  IV. 


1413. 


1422. 


Henry  V. 


Henry  VI. 


1389. 

Boniface 
I.X. 


1404. 

Innocent 
VII. 

1406. 
Gregory 

XIL 


Clement 
VII. 


Simon  Lang 
ham,  1366. 
Will.  Wittlesey, 
1368. 


Simon  Sudbury, 
1375. 


Will.  Courtney, 
1381. 


1394. 

Benedict 
XIIL 


Pisa. 
I  1409. 
Alexan- 
I  der  V. 
!  1410. 
John 
XXIII. 


Martin  V.  1417. 


Thomas  Arun- 
del, 1396. 


Hen.  Chichely, 
1414. 


Remarkable  Events. 


1352.  Statute  of  Prsemunire. 
The  Plowman's  Complaint 

was  published  about  this 

period. 
56.  Battle  of  Poictiers. 


69.  Tamerlane,  the  Mogul  con- 
queror. 

71.  The  parliament  petition 
that  secular  employments 
may  not  be  held  by 
churchmen. 

76.  Edward  the  Black  Prince 

dies. 

77.  Wiclif     answers  before 

Courtney  in  St.  Paul's. 

78.  Grand  schism  of  the  west. 


81.  Wat  the  Tiler's  insurrec- 
tion; S.  Sudbury  mur- 
dered. 

83.  Cannon  first  used  by  the 

English  in  defence  of 
Calais. 

84.  Wiclif  ob. 

87.  Winchester  school  founded. 

88.  Commission   against  the 

Lollards. 


95.  The  petition  of  the  Lollards 
is  presented  to  parlia^ 
menl. 


1400.  Statute  against  the  Lol- 
lards. 

I.  William   Sawlrey,  priest 
burnt  for  heresy. 


7.  Bank  established  at  Genoa. 
9.  Council  of  Pisa,  which  de- 

poses  Gregory. 
10.  Badbv  burnt. 


14.  Council  of  Constance. 

15.  John  Huss  burnt. 
Battle  of  Asincourt. 

16.  Jerome  of  Prague  burnt. 

17.  Paper  made  from  rags. 

18.  Lord  Cobham  hanged  and 

burnt. 


41 


32S 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


1428. 


1440. 


1450. 


1460. 
1461. 

1470. 
1471. 

1472. 


1480. 
1483. 


148.5. 


1490. 


Kings  of 
England. 


Edward  IV. 


Henry  VI. 
restored. 
Edward  IV. 
restored. 


Edward  V. 
Richard  III. 

Henry  VII. 


1500. 


1509.   Henry  VIII. 


Popes. 


Eugenius  IV. 
1431. 

Felix  IV.  or  V. 
1439. 


Nicholas  V. 
1447. 


Callixtus  III. 

1455. 
Pius  IL  1458. 


Paul  n.  1464, 

Sixtus  IT. 
1471. 


Archbishops  of 
Canterbury. 


John  Stafford, 
1443. 


Joseph  Kemp, 
1452. 


Thomas  Bou- 
chier,  1454. 


Innocent  VIII. 
1484. 


Alexander  VI. 
1492. 


Pius  III.  1503. 
Julius  II.  1503. 


Leo  X.  1513. 


John  Morton, 
1486. 


Remarliable  Events. 


Henry  Dean, 

1501. 
William  Wor- 
ham,  1503. 


1428.  Joan  of  Arc  raises  the  siege 

of  Orleans. 
31.  Council  of  Basil. 
30.  Chevy  Chase. 


40.  Printing  established  by  Gutten- 
berg,  at  Strasburg. 

41.  Eton  school  founded. 


44.  Pecock,  bishop  of  St.  Asaph. 

50.  Pecock,  bishop  of  Chichester. 

52.  The  wars   of  Lancaster  and 

York. 

53.  Constantinople  taken   by  the 

Turks. 

End  of  the  English  government 
in  France. 


58.  Pecock  deposed. 

59.  Engraving  on  copper  invented. 


73.  A  press  established  in  England, 
probably  in  Westminster  Ab- 
bey. 

83.  Luther  bom. 


85.  Battle  ofBoswonh. 

86.  Cape  of  Good  Hope  discovered. 

91.  End  of  the  empire  of  the  Moors 

in  Spain. 

92.  Discovery  of  Hispaniola  by  C. 

Columbus. 

94.  Algebra  introduced  into  Europe. 

98.  Main  land  of  America  disco- 
vered, and  a  new  passage  to 
India. 


1505.  Colet,  dean  of  St.  Paul's. 

12.  Council  of  St.  John  Lateran 

13.  Battle  of  Flodden  Field. 

14.  Hunne  mi'rdercd  in  prison. 
17.  Luther  preaches  against  indul 

gences. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


m 


Kings  of 
England. 


Popes. 


Archbishops  of 
Canterbury. 


Remarkable  Events. 


1519. 
1520. 


Adrian  VI. 
1522. 
Clement  VII. 
1523. 


1525. 


1530. 


Paul  III.  1534. 


Thomas  Cran- 
raer,  1533. 


1535. 


1540. 


1545. 


1519.  First  voyage  round  the  world 
by  Magellan. 

21.  Henry  VIII.  declared  Defender 
of  the  Faith. 


24.  Sweden  and  Denmark  embrace 
the  reformed  faith. 

28.  P.  Hamilton  burnt  at  St.  An- 

drew's. 

29.  Trial  of  the  divorce  ;  Wolsey's 

fall. 

Diet  of  Spires;   (he  name  of 
Protestants  first  given. 

30.  The  title  of  Supreme  Head  of 

the  Church  acknowledged  by 
the  clergy;  diet  of  Augsburg, 
and  league  of  Sinalcalde. 

31.  The  bishops  directed  to  pre- 

pare a  new  translation  of  the 
Bible. 

32.  Marriage  with  Anne  Boleyn. 

33.  The  divorce  pronounced. 
Elizabeth  born. 

34.  The   marriage  of  Henry  and 

Catharine  confirmed  at  Rome. 

35.  Sir  T.  More  and  Bishop  Fisher 

e.xecuted. 
Visitation  of  the  monasteries. 
Order  of  Jesuits  founded. 

36.  Queen  Catharine  dies. 
Queen  Anne  Boleyn  executed. 
Henry  marries  Jane  Seymour. 
Articles  published  by  the  king. 
Pilgrimage  of  grace. 

37.  The  Institution  published. 
Edward  born. 

Jane  dies. 

38.  Lambert  burnt. 
Henry  excommunicated. 

39.  New  bishoprics  erected  by  act 

of  parliament. 
Act  of  the  Six  Articles  passe.s. 
Cardinal  Beaton,  archbishop  of 

St.  Andrew's. 

40.  Henry  marries  Anne  of  Cleves. 
Divorced. 

Cromwell  beheaded. 

Barnes,  &c.,  burnt. 

Henry  marries  Cath.  Howard. 

41.  Catharine  Howard  beheaded. 

42.  Birth  of  Mary,  and  death  of 

James  V.  of  Scotland. 

43.  Erudition  published. 

Henry  marries  Catharine  Parr. 
War  with  France. 
45.  Colleges  and  chantries  given  to 
the  king. 
The  Council  of  Trent  sits. 


334 


1546. 
1547. 


1550. 


1553. 


1555. 


Kings  of 
England. 


Edward  VI. 
Jan.  29. 


Mary,  July  6. 


1558. 


1560. 


Popes. 


Julius  m.  155a. 


Marcellus  II. 
Paul  IV.  1555. 


Elizabeth, 
Nov.  17. 


1565. 


1570, 


Pius  IV.  1559. 


Archbishops  of 
Ctnterbury. 


Cardinal  Pole, 
1556. 


M.  Parker,  1559. 


Pius  V.  1566. 


Remarkable  Events. 


1546.  Peace  with  France. 

Cardinal  Beaton  assassinated. 

47.  The  earl  of  Surrey  executed. 
Homilies  printed. 

48.  New  communion. 
Cranmer's  Catechism. 
The  Interim  published. 

49.  Joan  Bocher  burnt. 

50.  Foreign   churches  established 

under  A  Lasco. 

51.  Commission  for  reforming  the 

ecclesiastical  laws. 

52.  The  Protector  executed. 
Treaty  of  Passau. 

53.  Catechism  published;  (Ponet's.) 
The  acts   of  Edward  VI.  re- 
pealed. 

54.  Wyat  executed. 
Disputations  at  Oxford. 
Marriasre  of  the  queen. 

55.  Feast  of  Reconciliation  of  the 

nation. 
Peace  of  Augsburg. 
Latimer  and  Ridley  burnt. 

56.  Cranmer  suffers  at  Oxford. 
Bonner's  Homilies  published 

57.  War  with  France. 

58.  Calais  taken. 

Mary  queen  of  Scots  married  to 

the  dauphin. 
Revision  of  the  Liturgy. 

59.  Disputation  at  Westminster. 


established  in 


63. 


64. 


65. 


60.  Peace  with  France  and  Scot- 

land. 
Reformation 
Scotland. 

61.  St.  Paul's,  London,  burnt. 

62.  Assistance  sent  to  the  French 

Protestants. 
End  of  the  Council  of  Trent. 
Convocation,  the  Thirty-nine 

Articles  passed. 
Plague  ill  England. 
Second  Book  of  Homilies  dis- 
tributed. 
Calvin  dies. 

Sampson  deprived  of  the  dean- 
ery of  Christ  Church. 

66.  Thirt)'-seven  London  ministers 

suspended  for  the  dresses. 
The  church  of  Scotland  writes 
to  the  church  of  England  in 
favour  of  toleration. 

67.  Schism  of  the  London  divines. 
Persecutions  under  the  duke  of 

Alva  in  the  Netherlands. 

68.  Mary  queen  of  Scots  enters 

England. 

69.  The  northern  rebellion. 

70.  Regent  Murray  murdered. 
Felton  affixes  the  bull  to  the 

door  of  the  bishop  of  London. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


325 


Archbishops  of 

Kings  of 

Popes. 

Remarloble  Events. 

El)  gland. 

Canterbury. 

1571. 

Greo-ory  XIII. 
"1572. 

1571.  The  ecclesiastical  commis- 
sion very  active. 

72.  Presbytery    established  at 
Wandsworth. 
Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew. 

74.  Prophesyings  suppressed  in  the 
diocese  of  Norwich. 

1.575. 

Edm.  Grindal, 
1575. 

75.  Two  Dutch  anabaptists  burnt. 

76.  Antwerp   taken   by  the  Spa- 

niards. 

Grindal  writes  to  the  queen. 

77.  Prophesyings  put  down. 
Grindal  sequestered. 

Drake  sets  off  from  Plymouth. 
Socinus,  Faustus,  publishes  his 

opinions  in  Poland  about  this 

time. 

79.  Hamont  burnt  in  Norwich  for 
impiety. 
Rebellion  in  Ireland. 

1580. 

John  Whitgift, 
1583. 

80.  Campian  and  Persons  come  to 

England. 
Drake  returns. 

81.  The  parliament   petitions  the 

queen  for  reformation  in  the 
church. 

Declaration  of  the  independence 
of  Holland. 

82.  Reformation  in  the  calendar  by 

the  pope. 
Grindal  restored. 

83.  Chopping   and  Thacker  exe- 

cuted. 

84.  First   English   settlements  in 

North  America. 
The  prince  of  Orange  shot. 
Association  formed  to  preserve 

the  life  of  Elizabeth. 

1585. 

Sixtus  V.  1585. 

85.  Elizabeth  protectress  of  the  Ne- 

therlands. 

86.  Leicester  commands  in  Holland. 
Trial  of  Mary  queen  of  Scots. 

87.  Mary  queen  of  Scots  executed. 

88.  Elizabeth  excommunicated. 
The  Armada   sails   from  the 

Tagus. 
F.  Kei  burnt  for  a  heretic. 

89.  Marriage  of  James  with  Anne 
of  Denmark. 

1590. 

Urban  VII. 
Gregory  XIV. 

1.590. 
Innocent  IX. 
1591. 

Clement  VIII. 
1592. 

91.  Trinity  coll.,  Dublin,  founded. 
Cartwright  before  the  ecclesi- 
astical commission. 

93.  Barrow,  &c.,  executed. 
Plague  in  London. 

94.  Cardinal  Allen  dies  in  Rome. 

1595. 

9.5.  Lambeth  Articles. 
98.  Edict  of  Names. 
Tyrone's  rebellion. 

3  E 


326 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


1600. 


1603. 


IfiO.^). 


1610. 


1615. 


1620. 


1625. 


16.30. 


Kings  of 
England. 

Popes. 

Archbishops  of 
Canterbury. 

James  I. 

• 

March  24. 

Richard  Ban- 

croft 1604. 

Leo  XL  1605. 

Paul  V.  1605. 

George  Abbot, 

April  9,  1610. 

Gregory  XV. 

1621. 

Urban  VIIL 

1623 

Charles  I. 

March  27. 

William  Laud, 

1633. 

Remarkable  Events. 


1600.  The  pope  grants  a  pardon  to 
the  rebels  in  Ireland  as  in  the 
case  of  a  crusade. 
East    India    Company  esta- 
blished. 
1.  Essex  executed. 

Spaniards  land  in  Ireland. 

3.  Submission  of  Tyrone. 
Coronation  of  James  and  Anne. 

4.  Conference  at  Hampton  Court. 

5.  Convocation  assemble. 
Powder  Plot. 

6.  Garnet  executed. 

Brief  against  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance. 

7.  Brief,  confirmatory  of  the  last. 
9.  College  at  Chelsea  founded. 

Arminius  dies. 

10.  Moors  expelled  from  Spain. 
Henry    IV.   stabbed    by  Ra- 

vaillac. 

11.  Translation  of  the  Bible  pub- 

lished. 

Legate  burnt  in  Sraithfield,  and 
Wightman  at  Lichfield. 

12.  Charter  House  founded. 
Prince  Henry  dies. 

13.  Wadham  college  founded. 
Elizabeth  married  to  the  elector 

palatine. 

14.  Logarithms  invented. 

18.  Beginning  of  the  thirty  years 

war. 

King's  declaration  for  liberty  on 

the  Lord's  day. 
Synod  of  Dort  begins. 

19.  Queen  Anne  dies. 
Synod  of  Dort  ends. 
Discovery  of  the  circulation  of 

the  blood. 

20.  Battle  of  Prague. 


22.  Proclamation  for  releasing  po 

pish  recusants. 
King's  letter  about  preaching. 

23.  Charles  and  Buckingham  go  to 

Spain. 


26.  Letter  to  the  clergy  in  favour  of 

loans. 

27.  Abbot  suspended. 

28.  Petition  of  rights  presented. 
Murder  of  the  duke  of  Buckin 

ham. 

29.  Charles's   instructions   to  the 

bishops. 

30.  Laud,  chancellor  of  Oxford. 
33.  Charles  crowned  at  Edinburgh. 

Book  of  Sports  published. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


327 


Kings  of 
England. 


1635. 


1640. 


1645. 


1649. 
1650. 

1653. 

1655. 
1658. 
1660. 


Charles  I. 
executed. 


Cromwell, 
Protector, 
Dec.  16. 


Richard 
Cromwell, 

Sept.  3. 
Charles  II. 

restored. 


Popes. 


Archbisliops  of 
Canterbury. 


Innocent  X. 
1644. 


Alexander  VIL 
1655. 


1665. 


Will.  Juxton, 
1660. 


Gilbert  Sheldon, 
1663. 


Remarkable  Events. 


1635.  The  Thirty-nine  Articles  re- 
ceived by  the  church  of  Ire- 
land. 

Juxton,  lord-treasurer. 

36.  Writs  for  ship-money  issued. 

37.  Tumult  in  Edinburgh  about  the 
Liturgy. 

38.  General  assembly  at  Glasgow. 

39.  Peace  with  Scotland. 

40.  The  parliament  meet  April  3, 
dissolved  May  5. 

The    Long   Parliament  meet 
Nov.  3. 

41.  Lord  Strafford  executed. 
Protestation  of  the  bishops. 

42.  Bishops  deprived  of  their  votes. 
Aug.  25.    The  king's  standard 

raised. 

43.  Assembly  of  divines  meet. 
The  covenant  taken   by  the 

Houses. 

44.  Surrender  of  York. 

45.  Laud  beheaded. 
Directory  introduced 

46.  The  king  surrenders. 

47.  The  king  seized  by  Joyce. 

48.  Cromwell  defeats  the  Scotch  at 
Preston. 

Conference    in     the    Isle  of 
Wight. 

49.  Cromwell  goes  to  Ireland. 

50.  Charles  11.  lands  in  Scotland. 

51.  Charles  II.  crowned  at  Scone. 
Battle  of  Worcester,  Septem- 
ber 3. 

53.  Cromwell  dissolves  the  parlia- 

ment. 

54.  Triers  appointed. 

55.  Archbishop  Usher  dies. 

57.  Inauguration  of  Cromwell. 


60.  Trial  and  execution  of  the  re- 

gicides. 

61.  Savoy  conference. 

62.  Episcopacy  restored  in  Scot- 

land. 

Nonconformist  ministers  eject- 
ed. 

63.  Lord  Bristol  exhibits  articles 

against  Lord  Clarendon. 

64.  The  duke  of  York  takes  a  fleet 

of  Dutch  merchantmen. 

65.  Plague  in  London. 
Parliament  meets  at  Oxford. 

66.  The  fire  of  London. 

The    covenanters    beaten  by 
Dalziel. 


328  CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLES. 


Kin^  of 
Eogland. 

Popes. 

Arcbbishnps  of 
Canterbury. 

Remarkable  Events. 

1667. 

Clement  IX. 
1667. 

1667.  The  Dutch  enter  the  Med- 
wa\'. 

Banishment  of  Lord  Claren- 
don. 

68.  Bridgman's  attempt  at  a  com- 
prehension. 

1670. 

Clement  X, 
1670. 

70.  The  duchess   of  Portsmouth 

came  over  with  the  duchess 
of  Orleans. 

71.  Duchess  of  York  dies. 

72.  The  exchequer  shut. 

The  De  Witts  put  to  death  in 
Holland. 

73.  Test  act  passes. 

James  marries  the  princess  of 
Modena. 

1675. 

Innocent  XI. 
1676. 

Will.  Sancroft, 
1677. 

78.  Oates's  plot. 

79.  Archbishop  Sharp  murdered. 
Dangerfield's  plot. 
Habeas  Corpus  passed. 

1680. 

80.  Lord  Stafford  executed. 

83.  R3'e-house  plot. 

Lord  Kussell  beheaded. 
The  charter  of  the  city  of  Lon- 
don made  void. 

1685. 

James  H. 
Feb.  6. 

85.  Revocation   of   the    edict  of 
Nantes. 

1689. 

William  and 
Mary. 

Alexander  Vin. 
1689. 

89.  Episcopacy  abolished  in  Scot- 
land. 

1690. 

Innocent  XH. 
1691. 

John  Tillotson, 
1691. 

GENEALOGICAL  TABLES. 


329 


336 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES. 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES. 


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INDEX. 


The  large  figures  refer  to  the  Sections;  (he  small  figures,  ',  2,     ((C.  to  Notes. 


Abbot.  G.,  writes  to  James  against  tolerating 
Roman  Catholics,  521;  suspended,  why,  555. 

Abbots,  six  hanged,  210  ;  many  surrender  their 
monasteries.  212. 

Absolution,  Wiclif's  opinion  of,  IIS  ;  doctrines 
of  the  church  of  England  and  Rome  on  this 
point;  danger  thereof ;  Erudition  nearest  to 
Rome,  279  ;  of  the  sick,  407,  ;  question  of, 
at  Hampton  Court,  504. 

Abuses  galling,  before  men  wish  to  reform 
them,  101 ;  political,  in  the  church  of  Rome, 
102;  moral,  ditto,  105;  in  the  church,  com- 
plained of,  465. 

Acts  of  parliament.  Mortmain,  provisors, 
prEemunire,  104;  statute  against  heretics, 
113,  '■;  statute  de  hteretico  comburendo,  121  ; 
statute  subjecting  all  robbers  to  the  civil 
power,  inveighed  against  by  a  preacher, 
151 ;  against  the  pope  ;  of  succession,  166  ; 
of  succession,  Henry  VIII.  against  the 
pope's  authority,204  ;  of  the  six  articles,217; 
repealed,  307  ;  suppression  of  monasteries 
and  the  erection  of  new  bishoprics,  218  ;  to 
sanction  the  king's  proclamations  for  and 
against  the  reformers,  gave  great  power  to 
Henry  VIII.,  223;  dissolution  of  monaste- 
ries, several,  241;  marriage  of  the  clergy, 
312,  329  ;  many  severe  laws  repealed,  307; 
second  of  uniformity;  about  holydays  and 
fasting,  329 ;  for  dividing  the  see  of  Dur- 
ham, 331  ;  marriage  of  Henry  and  Catha- 
rine confirmed  ;  the  acts  relating  to  religion 
of  Edward  VI.  repealed;  act  of  attainder 
against  Lady  J.  Grey,  355  ;  acts  against  the 
prelacy  repealed ;  against  heresy  renewed, 
364 ;  supremacy  gives  authority  for  the 
High  Commission  Court,  (see  Supremacy, ) 
403;  tenths  and  first-fruits  restored  to  the 
crown;  the  power  of  exchanging  property 
between  the  crown  and  vacant  bishoprics, 
404;  act  of  uniformity,  405,  416;  passed, 
703;  severe  act  about  refusing  the  oath  of 
supremacv,  413  :  requiring  subscription  to 
the  XXXIX  Articles ;  age  of  priests  and 
deacons  for  ordination  ;  church  leases;  let- 
ting tithes,  435;  incorporating  the  universi- 
ties; enacting  the  poor  laws,  436  ;  against 
Roman  Catholics  ;  about  bulls  and  fugitives 
beyond  sea,  437;  for  the  security  of  the 
queen's  person,  directed  against  Mary  queen 
of  Scots  ;  against  seminarists  and  Jesuits, 
453;  penalty  for  not  frequenting  the  parish 
church;  popish  recusants  confined  to  their 
own  place  of  abode,  463  ;  transfers  of  church 
property  to  the  crown  made  illegal ;  severi- 
ties against  Roman  Catholics  renewed,  513 ; 


against  Roman  Catholics  required  to  attend 
the  sacrament,  and  take  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance ;  disabilities,  515  ;  suffragan  bishops, 
663,  ^ ;  leases  of  colleges  and  hospitals  dur- 
ing the  usurpation,  confirmed,  703  ;  corpo- 
ration, 712  ;  test  act,  720  ;  select  vestry  act, 
712  ;  first  conventicle  act,  713  ;  second,  ib. ; 
five-mile  act,  714;  exclusion  of  Roman 
Catholics  from  both  Houses,  730  ;  exclusion 
of  Roman  Catholics  carried  by  Lord  Shafts- 
bury,  731;  habeas  corpus,  731;  toleration 
act,  806. 

Adda,  F.  d',  the  pope's  nuncio,  consecrated  in 

St.  James's,  764. 
Addresses  made  to  James  delude  him,  753. 
Admonition  to  parliament,  433,  ',  446. 
Adrian  comes  to  England;  famous  for  his 

learning,  8. 
Advertisements  set  forth,  433. 
Adultery  made  capital,  620. 
Age  of  priests  and  deacons,  435. 
Alban,  St.,  death  of,  3.  ■> 
Albes,  743,  \  9. 

Alcuin's  idea  of  purgatory,  15. 
Aldrich  withdraws  from   the  commission, 
1689,  806. 

Alesse  argues  against  the  five  sacraments, 305. 

.\lexander,  Peter,  in  England,  314. 

Alfred  educates  England ;  he  translates  many 
books  into  Saxon  ;  his  general  learning;  es- 
tablishes a  school  for  his  son  ;  sends  an 
embassy  to  the  Syrian  churches,  11;  pub- 
lishes the  ten  commandments,  18,';  went 
to  Rome  with  his  father,  30  ;  translated  the 
psalms,  533. 

Alien  priories  dissolved,  1414,  348,  2. 

Alienation  of  church  property  by  exchanges 
during  a  vacancy  of  the  bishopric,  404. 

Allegiance,  oath  of,  Roman  Catholics  forbid- 
den to  take  it ;  many  took  it  at  first ;  Black- 
well  took  it,  and  was  punished  for  so  doing, 
516. 

Allen,  Cardinal,  provides  for  the  succession 
of  priests,  438 ;  much  to  blame  about  the 
Armada,  457. 

Allestree,  picture  of,  616  ;  employed  about  the 
continuation  of  episcopacy,  633, 

Alphonsus  preaches  against  persecution,  366, 

Altars  changed  into  communion  tables,  323. 

Alvie,  master  of  the  Temple,  dies,  454. 

.American  Prayer  Book,  808, 

Anabaptists  burnt,  316,  619;  demand  tolera- 
tion, 664. 

Andrews,  Bishop,  composes  the  service  for 

the  consecration  of  churches,  569,  750. 
St.  Andrew's,  castle  of,  taken,  494. 

333 


334 


INDEX. 


Anglo-Saxon  church,  the,  not  Protestant,  9 ;  ' 
progress  of  error  in,  26  ;  inadequate  views 
of  the  atonement,  and  prepared  lor  errors, 
24. 

Annates,  103.    See  First-fruils. 

Ansel m,  .53;  appeals  to  Rome  illegally,  and 

confirmed  by  the  legate,  54;  recalled  by 

Henry  I.,  55. 
Antinomians,  619. 

Apocrypha,  lessons  from  the,  objected  to,  507, 
671,' 672,  807. 

Apostates,  a  form  of  prayer  for  reconciling 
them,  808. 

Appeal  to  the  pope  by  Wilfrid,  8. 

Appctio  ad  Casarcm,  by  Montague,  552, 

Appointments,  ecclesiastical,  importance  of, 
132  ;  disputed  between  the  crown,  the  pope, 
and  the  lower  clergy,  133;  origin  of  this 
dispute;  nature  of  it,  132 — 135. 

Architecture,  promoted  by  monasteries,  245. 

Argyle,  victory  over,  754;  offended  at  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  archbishop  of  St.  An- 
drew's, 566. 

Arians,  4, 

Ariminura,  council  of,  4. 
Aries,  council  of,  ibid. 
Armachanus,  or  Fitzralph,  108, 
Armada,  457. 

Armies,  the  royalist  and  republican,  579  ;  per- 
sons who  composed  them,  580. 

Arminiiinism  prevails  among  the  higher  cler- 
gy, 557. 

Army,  payment  of  officers  in  the,  430,  "  ; 
friendly  to  independency,  593  ;  danger  from, 
at  the  Restoration  ;  their  fine  condition,  654. 
Jamps  II.  relies  on  tlie,  766. 

Arthinglon,  prophet  of  judgment,  461. 

Articles,  Thirty-nine,  481,  &c.  See  the  Table 
of  Contents.  Forty-two  prepared;  not  a 
compromise  of  opinions,  325;  published 
1553;  history  of  their  composition,  uncer- 
tain, 481 ;  not  sanctioned  by  convocation, 
and  subscribed  by  few  of  the  clergy,  484  ; 
Thirty-eight,  published  1663,  412  ;  prepared 
by  Parker;  altered,  printed,  a  bill  concern- 
ing subscribing  them  stopped  in  the  lords 
by  Elizabeth,  1566,  but  allowed  to  pass  in 
1571,  485.  Thirty-nine  reviewed  in  1571, 
485  ;  published  by  Jewel,  487  ;  coitroverted 
clause  in  the  twentieth  article  ;  testimonies 
concerning  it,  486  ;  theory  of  the  author, 
487  ;  Parker  did  not  tnean  to  authorize  it  ; 
Laud  not  to  blame  concerning  it,  488;  ob- 
jections raised  to  the  reading;  it,  663;  sources 
from  whence  they  are  taken,  483;  subscrip- 
tion to,  required  by  law,  435;  to  such  as 
pertain  to  faith,  454  ;  at  present,  dates  from 
the  canons  of  1604,  488;  objected  to  at 
Hampton  Court,  505,  506  ;  declaration  pre- 
fixed to,  557;  altered  by  the  assembly  of 
divines,  589. 

Articles  of  1536;  abstract  of,  20.5.  206,271; 
act  of  the  six,  217;  repealed,  307;  three, 
in  the  thirty-sixth  canon  ;  imposed  by  Whit- 
gift,  450;  ex  officio  niero,  451  ;  the  five,  of 
the  synod  of  Dort,  520.    See  Perth,  565,  K 

Articuli  pro  dero,  in  synodo  LdihI.  1584,  451. 

Aschara,  his  life  saved  by  Gardiner,  368. 


.\shley  rejects  the  authority  of  the  ministers 

at  Frankfort,  367, 
Aske,  a  leader  of  the  northern  rebellion,  210. 
Askew,  A.,  burnt;  her  supposed  connection 

with  the  court ;  Wriothesly  tortures  her  him- 

sell",  22,5. 

Assembly  of  divines  at  Westminster,  685; 
members  who  composed  it,  586  ;  power  of 
ordaining  vested  in  them,  589;  works  of, 
590;  incur  a  prKinunire,  592  ;  they  formed 
a  sort  of  church  government,  609. 

Association  formed  to  revenge  the  death  of 
Elizabeth,  439;  formed  among  the  clergy-. 
612. 

Asylum,  use  of,  243. 

.\thanasian  creed,  807, '. 

•Athens  not  reformed  by  the  plague,  727. 

Atonement,  inadequate  views  of,  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  church,  26^  held  by  Wiclif,  119. 

Attainder,  acts  of,  219.    Cromwell,  227. 

Augmentations,  court  of,  202, 

Aiiymenlatiim  of  livings,  703,  -. 

Augsburg  Confession,  232  ;  some  of  the 
'i'hirty-iiine  Articles  taken  from,  483,  and 

Augustin,  St.,  comes  to  England,  6  ;  archbi- 
shop of  England  ;  his  proceedings,  7. 

Auricular  confession  among  the  Saxons,  31. 

Babington's  conspiracy,  455. 

Bacon's  plan  for  a  seminary  for  diplomacy, 
249  ;  intolerant,  445. 

Bainhnm  burnt,  170;  his  conference  with 
Latimer,  Appendix  F. 

Bale,  J.,  trial  nf  Lord  Cobham,  124. 

Balmiranoch,  Lord,  condemned  to  death,  566. 

Banchor,  monastery  of,  5. 

Bancroft  at  the  Hampton  Court  conference, 
504;  ill  conduct  of,  50.5,  507,511  ;  his  ac- 
count of  the  ctmference  at  Hampton  Court, 
511,  \ 

Baptism  by  laymen  discussed,  424,  ';  504. 
(See /»/<(i(f.)  Cross  in,  questions,  508.  See 
Cross. 

Baptismal  servire  objected  to,  424,  671,  672. 

Barcbone  parliament,  603,  '. 

Barlow,  bishop  of  Chichester,  coneecrates 

Parker,  409. 
Barlow,  dean  of  Chester,  his  account  of  the 

conference  at  Hampton  Court,  510. 
Barnes,  martyrdom  (>f,  221. 
Baro  preaches  against  the  Lambeth  Articles, 

464. 

Barret  denies  absolute  predestination,  463. 
Barrow  executed,  461. 

Bartholomew,  St.,  liospital  of,  founded,  332; 

massacre  of,  437 ;  day  of,  hardships  of 

choosing  that  day,  1662,  707. 
Barton,  Elizabeth,  the  maid  of  Kent,  167. 
Barwick,  prolocutor,  prepares  a  grammar 

701. 

Bastwick  punished,  562. 

Bales,  one  of  the  disputants,  1661,  673. 

Baxter,  in  favour  of  toleration,  610;  his  mi- 
nistry at  Kidderminster,  611 ;  his  discipline 
associations,  612;  author's  opinion  con- 
cerning it,  613;  he  draws  up  an  answer  to 
the  bishops,  662;  urges  his  friends  to  go  on, 
663  ;  draws  up  a  violent  paper  to  the  king, 
ib.;  objects  to  toleration  to  others,  664;  de- 


INDEX. 


335 


termines  to  support  the  church,  but  refuses 
a  bishopric,  666;  draws  up  a  new  form  of 
prayer,  668;  petition  for  peace,  violence  of, 
670;  answer  to  the  reply  of  the  bishops, 
violence  of,  673;  disputation,  his  obstinacy 
in  the,  674 ;  Lord  Clarendon  otiended  with 
him,  and  with  reason  ;  his  good  qualities 
and  faults,  675;  the  cause  of  the  failure  of 
the  Savoy  conference,  676  ;  his  idea  of  a 
parish,  677;  sent  to  jail,  711,  731;  con- 
sulted about  a  comprehension,  715  ;  sends 
some  terms  for  reconciling  nonconformists 
to  Lord  Orrery ;  partially  fond  of  the  church ; 
gives  up  a  chapel,  717. 

Beal  unfriendly  to  the  bishops,  451. 

Beaton,  Cardinal,  his  want  of  prudence,  493; 
and  death,  494.  I 

Becket,  Thoinas,  is  persecuted,  and  flies,  57  ; 
received  by  the  courts  of  France  and  Rome  ; 
very  violent;  reconciled,  58;  murdered; 
miracles  at  his  tomb;  character,  59. 

Bede,  not  a  believer  in  transubstantialion.  16; 
his  division  of  the  Commandments,  18,8; 
his  translation  of  the  Bible,  533. 

Berkeley,  Colonel,  instructed  with  the  care  of 
James  II.,  776. 

Bertram,  16,  '»;  313,  K 

Bible  translated  by  Wiclif,  112;  proclamation 
for  printing  the,  218;  another  in  favour  of 
the,  and  an  attempt  to  suppress  it;  the  ex- 
I  amination  of  the,  referred  to  the  universi- 
ties, 222;  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  229; 
necessary  to  be  repressed  in  order  that  the 
clergy  might  refute  heretics,  317  ;  presented 
to  Elizabeth  in  a  pageant,  402;  translations 
of,  53 1  ;  see  Table;  dates  of  orders  about  | 
setting  it  up  in  churches.  Table,  before, 
531  ;  there  has  been  hut  one  translation 
corrected,  532;  Anglo-Saxon,  several  trans- 
lations; English,  Rolle's  or  Hampole's; 
Wiclif 's;  no  previous  one,  533,  \  p.  195  •, 
Tyndale's  translation  of  the  New  Tesia 
ment,  534;  price  of  a  Bihle,  534,  ^ ;  Cover 
dale's,  Matthew's  535;  Cranraer's,  or  the 
Great  Bible  ;  Taverner's,  536  ;  Geneva 
translation,  divided  into  verses,  537;  Par- 
ker's, or  the  Bishops',  538;  Rhemes  and 
Douay,  539;  authorized  version,  540. 

Bid  ales,  5.58. 

Bidding  prayer,  305,  •'. 

Biddle  tried  for  being  a  Socinian,  621. 

Bilney  burnt,  170. 

Bilson,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  at  the  confer- 
ence at  Hampton  Court,  504. 

Birchet  murders  Hawkins,  446. 

Bishoprics  divided,  8 ;  first  elective;  their  1 
wealth  made  them  fall  into  other  hands,! 
133;  appointed  by  the  crown,  135;  new, 
erected,  218;  void  in  1551,360;  power  of 
exchanging  property  with  the  crown  during 
a  vacancy,  404;  used,  427;  filled  up,  1559, 
409  ;  offered  the  nonconformist  divines,  660. 

Bishops,  British,  3 ;  at  the  early  councils,  4;  j 
power  of  their  courts  curtailed,  166;  inhi- : 
bited  from  visiting;  their  authority  restored  ! 
by  a  cc)mmission  from  the  king,  201 ;  source  i 
of  their  authority,  201,  2;  king's  letter  to,  I 
309;  Book,  213;  remain  at  their  posts,  and 


prepare  for  persecution,  354 ;  offer  a  .sum 
of  money  to  Elizabeth  in  exchange  for  the 
power  of  the  crown  to  transfer  their  pro- 
perty during  vacancies,  404,  ';  ejected  by 
the  oath  of  supremacy;  treated  kindly,  407; 
consecrated;  difficulty  about  it,  1559,  409; 
determined  not  to  leave  the  church  on  ac- 
count of  the  dresses,  418;  their  wealth  and 
power  disliked,  425  ;  disliked  by  some  of  the 
court,  451  ;  plan  for  curtailing  their  pomp, 
452;  hated  by  the  people,  459  ;  distinctive 
ofiices  of,  460,  ^;  difficulties  against  which 
they  had  to  strive;  many  of  them  unfit  men, 
471  ;  the  Bible  so  called,  538;  attacks  on 
their  votes  in  the  lords;  protestation;  sent 
to  the  Tower;  deprived  of  their  votes,  573; 
their  succession  endangered  during  the 
usurpation,  623  ;  nine  remaining  at  the 
Restoration,  656 ;  answer  to  the  noncon- 
formists, 662;  their  lands  restored  at  the 
Restoration,  703;  in  partihus,  76.3,  » ;  the 
seven  come  forward  nobly,  768;  sent  to  the 
Tower,  769;  tried,  770;  James  asks  their 
advice;  they  give  it,  773,  ' ;  they  refuse  to 
sign  any  expression  of  dislike  to  the  prince 
of  Orange,  774. 
Blackwell  took  the  oath  of  allegiance,  516. 
Blasphemy,  laws  against,  620,  621. 
Bocher,  Joan,  burnt,  1549,  315. 
Boethius  translated  by  Alfred,  11. 
Boleyn,  Anne,  executed  ;  divorced,  203. 
Bonner,  bishop,  injunctions  of,  223  ;  sent  to 
prison,  306;  deprived,  318;  takes  posses- 
sion of  his  see,  353;  Homilies;  and  Profit- 
able and  Necessary  Doctrine,  309,  ' ;  de- 
grades Cranmer,  370;  commission  granted 
to  him  for  discovering  heretics,  373  ;  glutted 
with  murder,  374;  dies  in  prison,  407. 
Books,  sent  to  Augustin,7,  ;  which  promoted 
the  Reformation,  171;  Bishops' and  King's, 
213  ;  to  be  kept  by  the  bishops,  of  the  names 
of  those  who  had  been  reconciled  to  Rome, 
365;  of  Sports,  disliked  by  the  clergy,  519; 
second,  559. 
Booth,  Sir  George,  his  rising  had  brought 

forward  a  new  set  of  royalists,  665. 
Bourn,  chaplain  to  Bonner,  preaches  at  Paul's 

Cross,  and  is  nearly  killed,  353. 
Bowing  "at"  the  name  of  Jesus,  661,  748, ''. 
Bradford,  tract  on  predestination,  267,  ^. 
Bramhall,  his  plan  for  re-ordaining,  710. 
Breeches  Bible,  537, 

Bribes  paid  to  Rome  for  aiding  suitors; 
annates  deemed  so,  103;  given  to  the  eccle- 
siastical commissioners,  and  to  Cromwell, 
211,  ;  given  by  Philip  to  secure  his  mar- 
riage with  Mary,  356. 

Bridewell  established,  1553,  .332. 

Bridgmnn,  Lord  Keeper,  attempts  to  frame  a 
bill  for  the  relief  of  the  nonconformists,  715. 

Britha  assists  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
into  England,  6. 

Browne  returns  to  the  church,  460. 

Brownrigge,  bishop  of  Exeter,  made  chanter, 
616. 

Brunswick,  Henry  VIII.  sends  ambassadors 
there,  232. 

Buccr,  professor  at  Cambridge,  314;  advises 


336 


INDEX. 


Hooper  to  comply,  321 ;  consulted  on  the 
Common  Prayer,  &c.,  322,  745  ;  his  bones 
burnt  at  Cambridge,  373. 
Bull  of  Pius  v.,  437. 

Bull,  George,  enters  in  orders,  and  performs 
his  ministry  during  the  usurpation,  615. 

Bullinger's  Decads  quoted,  430. 

Biirgrat,  agent  from  the  Protestants  to  Henry 
VIII.,  232. 

Burleigh,  Lord,  his  account  of  the  state  of  the 
church,  I5C3,  431  ;  dislikes  articles  ex  officio 
rncro,  451  ;  his  testimony  in  favour  of  the 
Roman  Catholics, 457 ;  blames  churchmen ; 
his  opinion  of  cathedrals,  471. 

Burnet  reviewed  the  Collects,  807,     p.  304. 

Burning  of  heretics;  the  gentry  thanked  for 
attending;  the  people  adverse  to,  367. 

Burnt,  the  number  of  those  who  were,  374. 

Burton  punished,  562. 

Byfield  burnt,  170. 

Calais  lost,  374. 

Calamv  refuses  a  bishopric,  666  ;  sent  to  jail, 
711.' 

Calderwood's  account  of  the  conference  at 
Hampton  Court,  511. 

Calvin  consulted  on  a  plan  of  Protestant  union, 
by  Cranmer,  324;  the  doctrines  of  the  church 
of  England  not  derived  from  him,  340. 

Cambridge,disputatinns  on  transubstantiation, 
315  ;  Bucer's  and  Fagius'  bones  burnt  there, 
373  ;  disputes  about  conformity,  433 ;  dis- 
pute there  on  predestination,  463;  suffer- 
ings of,  599  ;  the  vice-chancellor  ejected  by 
James  II.,  762. 

Campbell  betrays  Hamilton,  and  dies,  493. 

Campegio  sent  to  England ;  burns  the  bull, 
and  postpones  the  decision,  159. 

Campian  comes  to  England  and  is  executed, 
438. 

Canon  and  civil  law,  166, 

Canons  of  the  church  of  Rome  useless  for  re- 
foriTiing  it;  dispensed  with,  107;  of  1571 
never  passed  legally,  434;  of  1604,  512, 
sent  down  to  Scotland,  567 ;  of  1640,570; 
character  of,  571,  815;  abrogated,  756  ;  re- 
viewed, 1661,  701. 

Canons,  or  Canonici,  origin  of,  23. 

Canterbury  Hall,  Wiclif  expelled  from,  109. 

Canterbury,  service  performed  there  before 
Charles  II.,  652. 

Cardinal's  college,  plan  of,  157,  p.  44 ;  many 
sent  there  became  reformers,  157,  ',  p.  45. 

Carew,  Sir  Peter,  engaged  in  Wyat's  plot, 
359. 

Catryl,  James,  agent  at  Rome,  764. 

Cartvvright's  dispute  with  Whitgift;  expelled 
from  his  readership  and  fellowship;  his 
ideas  about  ordination,  433 ;  confined  for 
refusing  the  oath  ex  officio  mero,  458  ;  be- 
comes more  moderate;  his  character,  466. 

Cartwright,  bishop  of  Chester,  gets  up  an  ad- 
dress in  favour  of  the  declaration,  768. 

Castlemain,  liord,  sent  to  Rome,  763,  764. 

Catechising,  the  presbyterians  publish  direc- 
tions about,  614. 

Catechism,  Cranmer's,  310;  Ponet's  author- 
ized, 331  ;  stigmatized  by  convocation,  357  ; 
Noel's,  412;  church,  probable  history  of,  I 


331,  S;  objected  to,  507;  part  on  the  sacra- 
ments added,  747,  '. 

Catesby  and  Percy  powder-plot,  514. 

Cathedral  churches,  Burleigh's  opinion  ofir471. 

Cavelarius  leaches  Hebrew  at  Cambridge,  314. 

Cecil,  Sir  William,  the  Thirty-nine  Articles 
submitted  to  him,  482. 

Celibacy  of  the  clergy ;  the  Council  of  Nice 
endeavours  to  impose  it;  custom  of  the 
Greek  church;  early  established  in  Eng- 
land; generally  evaded,  22;  evils  arising 
from  it;  arising  from  dependence  on  Rome, 
23;  insisted  on  in  vain,  55;  Wiclif's  opi- 
nions of,  116;  evils  of,  105,  312;  proclama- 
tion about  the,  210;  eti'ects  of;  Lawney's 
answer  to  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  230,  '  ;  it 
directed  the  exertions  of  churchmen  to  their 
own  society,  247;  in  the  Erudition,  280. 
See  Marriage. 

Ceremonies  and  traditions,  281 ;  pressed  by 
Laud,  569;  objected  to,  661,  662,  671,  672. 

Censures,  ecclesiastical,  attended  with  tempo- 
ral penalties,  426,  and  -'. 

Chaderlon,  at  Hampton  Court,  504,  509. 

Chanting  proposed  to  be  left  off,  1689,  807. 

Chantries  and  chapels  granted  to  Henry  VIII., 
225;  to  Edward  VI.,  1547,  307. 

Chapels  and  chantries  granted  to  the  king, 
225. 

Chapters  founded  by  Henry,  248,  -;  lands  of, 
restored  in  1660,  703. 

Charles  I.,  551  ;  imprudence  about  the  Scotch 
Liturgy,  &c.,  566;  want  of  energy  to  com- 
mand, 581  ;  fault  in  betraying  Lord  Sti'af- 
ford,  582  ;  causes  of  his  death  ;  escape  from 
the  army,  594;  his  firmness  about  episco- 
pacy, he  understood  the  argument  well ; 
disputes  with  Henderson  and  at  Newport; 
his  query,  which  was  never  answered,  595; 
his  character,  596  ;  summary  of  his  reign, 
815. 

Charles  II.,  602;  goes  to  Scotland,  and  takes 
the  covenant ;  his  invasion  of  England,  607; 
restoration  of,  650;  civil  to  the  presbyteri- 
ans; will  not  allow  the  ceremonies  to  be 
dispensed  with,  652;  difficulties  attending 
the  Restoration,  654;  declaration  at  Breda, 
660  ;  promises  to  moderate  between  the 
parties,  663;  and  to  publish  a  declaration ; 
abstract  of,  665  ;  observations  on,  606  ;  let- 
ter for  augmenting  small  livings,  703,  2; 
disposed  to  favour  the  nonconformists,  but 
not  bound  to  more  than  he  did  ;  his  decla- 
rations, 709;  declaration  for  toleration,  715  ; 
liberty  of  conscience,  724;  cared  nothing 
about  religion,  725  ;  policy  of  his  reign,  726; 
always  sought  ease;  fond  of  money;  cha- 
racter; the  pensioner  of  France,  732 ;  im- 
morality of  the  reign,  733. 

Charta,  Magna,  the  pope  adverse  to  it,  63. 

Charter-house,  dispute  about,  James  II.,  762. 

Cheke,  his  comfort  in  Edward,  334;  the 
XXXIX  Articles  submitted  to  him,  432. 

Chelsea  college  at,  517. 

Cheyney  comes  forward  alone  to  dispute  in 

convocation,  357. 
Children  dying  before  the  commission  of  sin, 

671,  \ 


INDEX. 


337 


Choirs  in  dan<;t?r  of  being  destroyed  to  pay 
the  clergy,  452. 

Chorepisci'pi,  or  bishops  rural,  585. 

Christianily,  how  far  deslroyed  by  errors  in 
the  church,  25. 

Christ  Chnrch,  Wolsey's  plan  of",  157,-^;  the 
treatnipnt  uf  the  parliameniary  commission- 
ers, (iOO. 

Christ's  Hospital  founded  by  Edward  VI.,  332. 

Cliurch,  British,  1  ;  union  with  the,  attempted 
by  -•^ugustin,  7;  wealth  of,  in  the  Saxon 
times,  12;  of  England  dates  from  the  di- 
vorce, 201  ;  establishment,  value  of,  259; 
poverty  of,  330  ;  the  causes,  430  ;  Erastian- 
ism  of,  336  ;  origin  of  her  documents,  342  ; 
alterations  in,  made  by  churchmen,  338; 
property,  principles  of,  430,  -;  state  of,  1603, 
471  ;  ales,  558  ;  was  not  the  point  attacked 
by  the  houses,  571  ;  the  attacks  on,  aimed 
at  destroying  its  civil  power,  573,  576; 
government,  how  carried  on  during  the 
usurpation,  609;  government,  a  mixture  of 
discipline  and  government,  677;  blamed 
for  its  conduct  about  James,  781;  esta- 
blished at  the  Revolution,  summary  of  its 
history,  811. 

Churching,  the,  of  women  objected  to,  424. 

Churchmen,  their  high  stations  in  the  state  in- 
fluenced the  church,  551,  566  ;  in  the  privy- 
council,  554. 

Civil  and  canon  law,  166, 

Clarendon,  Constitutions  of,  57,  '. 

Clarendon,  Lord,  account  of  the  morals  in 
England,  61.5,  ^;  meeting  at  his  house  on 
the  king's  declaration,  664 ;  offended  with 
Baxter,  675;  his  arrangement  about  taxing 
the  clergy,  701  ;  his  conduct  about  the  pres- 
byterians  and  revolutionists,  730;  his  fate, 
731. 

Classes  at  Warwick  and  Northampton,  456. 

Clemens  Romanus,  quotation  from,  2,  2,  p.  1. 

Clement  VII.,  his  conduct  about  the  divorce 
of  Henry  and  Catharine,  159,  163. 

Clergy,  most  of  them  married  in  the  time  of 
the  Danes,  23;  how  to  be  fairly  regarded  in 
the  early  history,  51;  English,  ejected  by 
William  I.,  52;  a  balance  between  the 
crown  and  aristocracy,  and  beneficial  to 
the  lower  orders,  53  ;  claim  exemption  from 
civil  jurisdiction, 57;  the  claim  unjust,  102; 
taxed  by  the  pope,  103,  61 ;  further  papal 
exactions  from  them  refused,  64  ;  increased 
power  of,  to  be  tried  by  a  jury;  taxes  im- 
posed on  ;  bull  to  prevent  this  ineffectual, 
66;  tax  themselves;  the  oppression  of  the 
crown  induces  them  to  fly  to  Rome  and  to 
defend  themselves,  69;  degraded  state  of, 
pride  and  ignorance  of,  105;  why  power  is 
to  be  given  them,  131  ;  wealth  of,  inveighed 
against  by  the  reformers,  134;  hold  ofhces 
of  state,  136;  imprudence  of,  153;  vices  of, 
154;  ignorance  of,  157;  comply  with  the 
wishes  of  Henry  VIII.;  why,  16.3;  the  par- 
liament object  to  the  power  of,  164;  hated, 
causes,  170;  irritate  Henry,  201  ;  revenues 
of,  lessened  at  the  Reformation  by  the  loss 
of  fees  and  personal  tithes,  250  ;  marriage 
of,  312;  secular,  bound  by  no  oath  about 
43 


celibacy,  329  ;  degrading  employments  of, 
330;  many  fly  beyond  sea,  354;  married, 
ejected  from  benefices  very  unjustly,  360 ; 
ready  to  take  advantage  of  the  changes,  to 
avoid  their  oaths,  361  ;  Roman  Catholics 
ejected,  1559  ;  they  generally  comply,  407; 
defective  state  of,  1559,410;  profits  of,  in 
towns,  430;  state  of,  in  Elizabeth's  reign, 
431;  injured  by  promoting  forced  loans, 
553  ;  enjoined  to  read  the  Book  of  Sports, 
559;  crimes  usually  objected  to  them,  572; 
left  out  of  the  commission  of  the  peace, 
573;  faithful  to  the  crown,  574;  sufferings 
of;  charges  brought  against  them;  ejected 
for  not  taking  the  covenant;  provision 
made  for  them  of  a  fifth  of  their  preferment, 
598;  Cromwell's  severity  towards,  609; 
how  they  lived  during  the  usurpation;  in- 
strumental in  the  Restoration,  616;  when 
first  taxed  with  the  laity,  701  ;  dittieulty  of 
their  situation  in  1688,  768;  men  of  con- 
tracted notions,  730,  see  Dissenlerg :  blamed 
for  flattering  .Tames  about  passive  obedi- 
ence, 781;  blamed  for  taking  the  oath  un- 
der Will,  and  Mary,  801;  spiritual  authority 
of  the,  804;  their  institution  divine,  modi- 
fied by  law,  817.  See  London  Cieigy,  Celi- 
bacy, Marridge. 
Clerk  ales,  558. 

Clerk,  the,  of  the  crown,  withdraws  a  bill,  715. 

Cleves,  Anne  of,  married  to  Henry,  219;  di- 
vorced from  him,  atid  resides  in  England, 
221. 

Cloveshoo,  council  of,  9. 

Cobham,  Lord,  had  joined  Henry  IV.;  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  V.;  he  diffuses  Wiclif's 
doctrines;  Henry  V.  tries  to  convince  him 
of  his  error,  123;  brought  to  trial;  his  ex- 
amination resembles  that  of  Thorpe;  his 
answers  agree  with  those  of  Wicllf;  sent  to 
the  Tower;  escapes;  denies  a  false  recan- 
tation; hung  in  St.  Giles'  fields,  124;  sup- 
posed connection  with  a  disturbance  there, 
125. 

Coin  debased  by  Henry  VIII.,  249,  =. 

Colet,  reads  lectures  in  St.  Paul's;  accused 

of  heres)',  1.57. 
Collects,  intended  to  be  changed,  807,  ^ 
College  at  Chelsea,  517. 

Colleges,  alarm  about,  in  consequence  of  the 
chantries  being  given  to  the  king,  307; 
headships  of,  appointed  by  the  crown,  762, 

Commandment,  fourth;  observation  in  the 
Erudition,  274. 

Commandments,  ten,  Saxon,  18;  division  of, 
18,  »;  331,  ■';  by  Bonner,  369,  1. 

Commission  granted  to  the  bishops,  1535,201; 
granted  to  Bonner,  373;  High  Court  of, 
origin  of,  403;  established,  406 ;  ejects  the 
Roman  Catholic  clergy,  407 ;  described, 
428;  in  the  time  of  Charles  L,  555,  573, 
575;  established  in  Scotland,  1010,565;  ad 
melius  itujuirendmn  to  ascertain  the  value  of 
church  properly  stopped  by  the  church 
parly,  451 ;  for  a  reformation  in  the  church, 
1689,  legality  of  it  questioned,  806. 

Commissioners  appointed  to  frame  ecclesias- 
tical laws,  482. 

2F 


338 


INDEX. 


Commissions  granted  to  bishops  contrary  to 
all  souiul  opinions  ot  church  authority,  339  ; 
of  concealment,  428. 

Committee  of  religion,  572. 

Common  Prayer  examined,  1550,322  ;  altered, 
1551,326  ;  disputes  about  at  Frankfort,  367  ; 
the  services  examined,  1558,  402;  objected 
to  by  the  puritans,  423;  reviewed,  1661, 
701  ;  history  of,  (see  the  (Contents  of  the 
following  chapter,)  741  ;  Scotch,  748, 

Commons,  House  of,  restrained  by  Elizabeth, 
435;  interfere  about  the  XXXIX  Articles 
being  subscribed,  485;  unconstitutional 
vote  of,  against  the  prosecution  of  noncon- 
formists, 715;  see  Parliament. 

Communion  in  both  kinds,  307. 

Communion  service, 1548, 308, 309;  examined, 
742 ;  at  funerals,  407,  ' ;  table  railed  in, 
569,  571. 

Comprehension,  attempts  at,  715;  attempted 

by  Sancroft,  771. 
Complon,  Bishop  of  London,  called  before  the 

ecclesiastical  commission,  757;  adverse  to 

Tillotson,  809. 
Concealment,  (see  Commissims  of,)  428. 
Concessions  promised  by  the  bishops,  but 

never  rnade,  672  ;  which  might  safely  have 

been  made,  676, 
Conciliation  of  the  church  of  England  towards 

Roman  Catholics,  407,  K 
Conference,  see  Hampton  Court,  Savoy. 
Confession  ;  difl'erence  between  the  church  of 

Rome  and  England  with  regard  to  it,  21  ; 

Wiclif's  opinion  of,  118;  auricular,  evils 

of,  230  ;  auricular,  evils  of,  among  Roman 

Catholics;  neglected  by  Protestants,  309, 

414;  and  absolution  of  the  sick,  407,  ^;  to 

a  priest,  duty  of,  discussed,  514;  direction 

about,  1548,  742,  743,    ;   of  faith  of  the 

church  of  Scotland,  495. 
Confirmation  not  confined  to  bishops,  118; 

Erudition,  280  ;  discussed,  .504,  506 ;  Savoy 

conference,  671,  672. 
Conformity,  duty  of,  321. 
Conge  del  ire,  what,  307,  '. 
Congregation,  the,  formed,  494. 
Congregational  churches;  independents,  614. 
Connection  of  church  and  state,  evils  of,  818; 

advantages  of,  819. 
Consecration  of  churches,  569,  701,  750  ;  form 

of,  808. 

Consecration  of  bishops,  legality  of,  question- 
ed, 409,  ';  difficulty  about,  623. 

Constantine,  3,  4, 

Constaniius  Chlorus,3. 

Constitution  of  the  church  of  England,  817. 

Consubstantiation,  stated,  314  ;  article  on,  341 ; 
an  article  against,  left  out  of  the  Thirty- 
nine,  1562,  485, 

Conventicle  acts,  713. 

Convention  parliament  which  recalled  Charles, 
prudence  of  llieir  measures,  653. 

Conversion  of  Sussex  and  the  Heptarchy,  8. 

Convocation,  205 ;  reject  the  summons  of 
Henry  VIIL  to  Mantua,  208;  denominates 
the  Common  Prayer  an  abominable  book ; 
disputes  there,  357;  petition  that  church 
property  may  not  be  restored,  364 ;  1559, 


anti-reformers,  406  ;  1571.434;  petition  in 
favour  of  Grindal,  447  ;  1584,451;  regula- 
tion about  ministers,  456;  records  of,  burnt 
in  St.  Paul's,  1666,  486  ;  1601,  acts  of;  con- 
stitution of,  how  extinguished,  701  ;  1689, 
809. 
Cope,  743,  ^  9. 

Coppinger,  the  prophet  of  mercy,  461. 
Cornish  executed,  755,  '. 
Coronation  (Richard  II.)  service,  17, 
Corporal  presence  in  the  sacrament,  214.  See 

Jrt  of  Six  Art  ides,  217. 
Corporate  bodies,  their  lands  unproductive, 

252. 

Corporation  act,  712. 

Corrodies  lost  at  the  dissolution  of  monaste- 
ries, 253,  ■•f. 

Cosins,  plan  for  deciding  the  controversy, 
1661,  673;  engaged  on  a  form  of  consecra- 
tion for  churches,  750. 

Covenant,  solemn  league,  568, ' ;  brought  into 
England,  580;  ministers  ejected  for  not 
taking  it,  598;  Cambridge,  599;  Oxford, 
reasons  against,  000;  oath  about  the,  702, 
705. 

Coverdale  comes  before  the  ctjuncil,  354  ;  con- 
secrates Parker,  409;  his  Bible;  he  was 
not  well  suited  to  the  task,  5.35. 

Council  of  Cloveshoo,  9;  of  Aries,  Nice, 
Sardica,  Anminum,  4  ;  of  Nice,  second,  re- 
jected in  England,  18;  of  Mantua,  208. 

Courts,  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  separated  by 
William  I.,  52, 

Cox,  bishop  of  Ely,  friendly  to  severe  mea- 
sures, 422. 

Cranmer,  Archbishop,  his  suggestion  of  con- 
sulting the  universities,  162,  ;  made  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury;  his  objection  to  the 
oaths  to  the  pope,  164;  declares  the  divorce, 
165;  his  object  in  the  dissolution  of  monas- 
teries, 202;  divorces  Ann?  Boleyn,  203; 
argues  against  Lambert,  215;  never  a  Lu- 
theran with  regard  to  the  real  presence, 
215, 1 ;  screened  with  regard  to  the  celibacy 
of  the  clergy,  216;  sends  his  wife  into  Ger- 
many, 218;  argues  against  the  Act  of  Six 
Articles,  217;  little  affected  by  it,  218; 
speaks  in  favour  of  Thomas  Cromwell,  219; 
plot  against  him  ;  his  forgiving  temper,  224  ; 
in  danger,  delivered  by  Henry's  kindness; 
ill  conduct  of  the  council  towards  him,  226; 
retiring,  while  one  of  Edward  VI. 's  council, 
301 ;  anxious  to  destroy  images,  303;  uses 
civil  authority  to  promote  the  Reformation. 
304;  urges  Edward  VI.  to  sign  the  warrant 
for  burning  Joan  Bocher,  315;  answers  the 
demands  of  the  rebels  in  Devonshire,  317; 
tries  to  persuade  Hooper  to  comply,  321; 
befriends  learned  foreignei^s;  plan  of  a 
Protestant  union,  324;  unwilling  to  sign 
the  deed  in  favour  of  Lady  Jane  Grey,  333; 
his  Catechism,  310;  very  Erastian  in  his 
ideas,  337;  wise  in  the  way  of  reforming, 
340  ;  draws  up  a  priitest  which  is  published, 
3.54;  comprehended  in  the  attainder  of  Lady 
Jane  Grey,  355;  disputes  at  Oxford,  361; 
thinks  ill  of  Gardiner,  368 ;  degraded  and 
burnt;  his  character;  his  several  recanta- 


INDEX. 


339 


tions,  370 ;  see  Appendix  F.  directed  to  | 
frame  (he  Thirty-nine  Articles;  he  proba- 
bly did  so,  482  ;  the  sources  from  which  he 
drew  them,  483;  his  Bible,  or  the  Great 
Bible,  536. 

Creed,  Lord's  Prayer,  and  Gospel,  explained 
to  the  people,  23. 

Crew  suspends  his  clergy  about  the  declara- 
tion, 768. 

Crisom  left  out,  745,  \  3;  used,  743,  3. 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  Lord  Vicegerent,  201, 
proclamation  in  favour  of  reform,  207;  fall 
of;  condemned  by  an  act  of  attainder,  219; 
his  character,  220;  received  bribes,  211,  -'. 

Cromwell.  Oliver,  continued  in  his  command, 
together  with  his  seat;  his  talents,  580;  op- 
presses ("ambridge,  599  ;  chancellor  of  Ox- 
ford, €00;  his  progress  to  command,  602; 
governor  of  England  after  the  battle  of  Wor- 
cester; his  proceedings  in  taking  posses- 
sion of  this  power,  603;  his  manner  of 
governing;  the  protector  of  Protestants, 
604;  character  of,  by  Baxter,  605;  severity 
against  the  Church  of  England,  609  ;  tolera- 
tion of  Roman  Catholics  and  Jews,  GIO;  he 
winked  at  the  royalist  clergy,  616. 

Cross  in  baptism  objected  to,  424  ;  Hampton 
Court,  508;  objected  to,  661  ;  alterations  in 
the  Liturgy,  1689.  807. 

Crown,  power  of,  in  Scotland  and  England  at 
the  Reformation,  493. 

Crucifix  retained  in  the  chapel  of  Elizabeth, 
408,  " ;  used  at  coronation  ol  < Iharles  L,  569. 

Cup,  denied  to  the  laity  in  the  twelfth  century, 
17,  ">;  given  to  them,  307.  See  Conununioii. 

Danes  attack  monasteries,  10,  23;  incorpo- 
rated with  the  English,  12  ;  restore  monas- 
teries, 243. 

Dangerfield,  his  plot,  722  ;  condemned,  755, '. 

Davenaiit,  reprimanded  for  preaching  on  pre- 
dcsiination,  557  ;  allowed  the  ordination  of 
foreign  Protestant  churches,  710,  '. 

Deacons,  age  of,  when  ordained,  435 ;  in  the 
Presbyterian  (;hurch,  -591. 

Dead,  see  Prmjer  for  the,  305. 

Decalogue,  Saxon,  18,^;  introduced  into  the 
communion  service,  745,  2. 

Decimation  of  the  royalists,  605. 

Declaration  prefixed  to  the  Thirty-nine  Arti- 
cles, 557;  of  Cromwell  against  the  clergy 
of  the  Church  of  England,  605,  609  ;  of 
Charles  II.,  at  Breda,  660  ;  promised  by 
Charles  IL,  663  ;  abstract  of,  665  ;  of 
Charles  IL,  for  toleration,  715;  of  liberty  of 
conscience,  758  ;  republished  ;  to  be  read  in 
churches,  767. 

Defender  of  the  Faith,  Henry  declared,  157. 

Delaiine,  re-ordinaticju  of,  710. 

Depravity  of  the  religions  orders,  130,  202. 

Derinc;,  Sir  E.,  bill  for  de'-troying  bishops,  573. ; 

Desiderata  in  the  Liturgy,  808. 

Deuce,  derivati(m  of  the  word,  7, 

Devonshire,  risings  in,  1549,  317. 

Diocess,  division  of,  a  civil  enactment,  804. 

Diplomacy,  plan  for  a  school  for,  249. 

Directory,  590. 

Dirige  of  the  King's  Primer,  contains  prayers 

for  the  dead,  741. 
Discipline  establisl^ed  at  Frankfort,  367,  ■  ; 


objected  to  by  the  puritans,  423,  425;  over 
the  laity,  desired  by  many  reformers;  prin- 
ciples of  it;  not  to  be  desired,  426;  esta- 
blished by  Baxter,  612;  over  the  laity,  657; 
real  subject  of  dispute  at  the  Restoration. 
671 ;  question  of,  677;  and  government, 
their  dift'erence,  677 ;  church  over  the  laity, 
678;  prevented  by  the  connection  between 
church  and  state,  818. 
Discussions,  ecclesiastical;  the  method  of 

carrying  them  on,  700. 
Dispensations,  promote  perjur)',  50;  profitable 
to  Rome,  107;  granted  by  Clement  V.  to 
Archbishop  Reynolds,  107, 
Dispensing  power,  758. 

Disputation  in  convocation,  on  transubstantia- 
tion,  3,57;  inutility  of,  358  ;  held  at  Oxford. 
Cranmer,  &c.,  361  ;  in  Westminster  Abbey, 
405;  at  the  Savoy  conference,  673;  inutility 
of,  674 ;  carried  on  before  some  of  the  court, 
451. 

Dispute  between  the  crown  and  church,  68,69. 

Dissenters,  petition  about  them;  James  IL 
tries  to  balance  them  against  the  high 
church,  754;  sufferings  of,  760;  the  good 
conduct  of,  at  the  Revolution,  771  ;  little 
friendly  feeling  towards  them,  1689,  809. 

Dissolution  of  mcmasteries,  see  MnmiMeries. 

Divorce  of  Catharine,  1.58  ;  decisions  concern- 
ing, 162,  163;  texts  of  scripture  which  bear 
on  the,  165,  3;  of  Aane  Boleyn,  ground  ol'. 
203, '. 

Doctrine,  a  Profitable  and  Necessary ,Bonner's, 

369,  '.    See  Erudition. 
Dort,  synod  of,  520. 
Douay  Bible,  .539. 

Dress  of  the  clergy,  422,  p.  132;  743,  ••,  9; 
745,  9., 

Dresses,  ecclesiastical,  disputed,  321,  414; 

Bucer  wishes  them  changed,  322;  of  1549, 

enjoined  by  the  act  of  uniformity,  416; 

opinions  about,  418. 
Dubritius  and  Illutus  establish  schools,  5. 
Dudley,  Guilford,    married    to   Lady  Jane 

Grey,  33.3. 
Dunbar,  battle  of,  602. 

Dunstan,  12;  imposes  a  penance  on  Edgar, 
21  ;  ejects  the  married  clergy,  23. 

Durham,  see  of,  divided,  331 ;  university  there, 
251,". 

Easter,  Roman  method  of  keeping,  adopted  by 
Oswi,  7;  derivation  of  the  word,  7,  '. 

Ecclesiastical  courts  separated  from  the  civil 
by  William  I.,  52 ;  error  in  their  composi- 
tion, 307. 

Ecclesiastical  discipline  of  episcopacy  and 
presbytery,  593.  See  Presliyli-rian  Government. 

Ecclesiastical  commission,  court  of;  esta- 
blished by  James  II.,  756.    See  ("om mission. 

Edinburgh,  tiimult  about  the  Liturgy,  568. 

Education,  how  best  promoted,  251,  252. 

Edward  III.  inquires  what  preferments  are  in 
the  hands  of  foreigners,  flO. 

Edward  VI.  comes  to  the  throne,  1547,  301; 
unwilling  to  sign  the  warrant  for  burning 
Joan  Bocher,  315;  always  adverse  to  allow- 
ing the  use  of  the  mass  to  Mary,  327,  334 
his  charitable  foundations,  332;  leaves  the 
crown  to  Lady  Jane  Grey,  333;  his  power 


340 


INDEX. 


of  doing  so,  351 ;  under  hhn  England  be- 
came Protesiant,  811. 

Ejection  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy,  407; 
of  the  nonconformist  clergy,  704. 

Election  of  ministers,  426. 

Eleutherius,  bishop  of  Rome,  King  Lucius 
sends  messengers  to  him,  3. 

Elfric's  homily  against  transubstantiation,  16; 
translated  the  Scriptures,  5.33. 

Elizabeth  confined  for  Wyat's  rebellion,  359; 
saved  by  Philip,  363;  ascends  the  throne, 
401;  prudence  of  her  conduct;  sends  lo 
Philip  and  Rome;  Paul  rejects  her  claim  to 
the  throne;  her  personal  conduct  conciliat- 
ing, 402  ;  crowned;  entertains  scruples  with 
regard  to  the  name  of  Supreme  Head  of  the 
church,  403;  looks  to  her  own  interests, 
404  ;  her  injunctions,  4C6  ;  temporizin:; 
spirit  of,  408;  retains  a  crucifix  in  her 
chapel.  408.  ;  presses  conformity  by  writiug 
to  Parker,  416  ;  very  peremptory  about 
conformity,  420 ;  pillaged  the  church,  427, 
429  ;  unjust  and  unwise  in  her  proceedings 
as  to  church  properly;  her  conduct  coin- 
pared  to  that  of  Henry  YHI.  and  Edward 
VI.;  very  selfish;  her  reasons  for  taking 
church  property,  429;  wishes  the  bishops 
to  act  on  her  supremacy,  434  ;  her  skill  in 
repressing  the  growing  power  of  the  com- 
mons, 435;  exf onimunicated  by  Pius  V., 
437  ;  to  blame  for  not  marrj-ing,  439  ;  per- 
secutions under,  compared  with  those  during 
the  reign  of  .Mary,  444;  injustice  during  her 
reign,  445;  thereat  author  of  severe  mea- 
sures, 446;  silence  of  Grindal,  447;  her 
conduct  towards  him  impolitic  and  severe, 
448  ;  tried  to  suppress  sermons,  449  ;  pre- 
vents innovations  in  religion,  456;  firmness 
of,  465;  dislikes  the  Lambeth  Articles, 464,  ■' ; 
moderated  in  her  severity  to  the  puritans 
by  age,  465 ;  character  of,  467 ;  her  treat- 
ment of  Roman  Catholics  and  puritans; 
disliked  sermons ;  disliked  married  clergy- 
men,468,  '  ;  religious;  agreat  monarch, 469; 
her  death,  470;  stops  a  bill  concerning  sub- 
scription to  the  Articles,  1566;  allows  it  to 
pass,  1571  ;  her  wisdom  in  so  dning,  485; 
her  prepossessions  about  the  doctrines  of 
the  church,  487,  " ;  how  she  restrained  the 
growing  desire  of  freedom,  526;  fostered 
animosities  in  Scotland,  564 ;  summary  of 
her  reign,  813. 

Eluanus  and  Medwinus  sent  to  Rome,  3. 

Engagement  imposed  ;  called  the  covenant  of 
the  independents,  606. 

England,  early  convened  to  Christianity,  2. 

Episcopacy,  early  established  in  England,  1 ; 
Wiclif's  opinion  of  not  a  distinct  order,  1 17; 
objected  to,  425;  preserved  by  Cranmer, 
340;  argument  in  favour  of  460;  in  Scot- 
land, 564;  disliked  as  an  engine  of  state, 
571  ;  disputes  on,  at  Newcastle  and  New- 
port, 595;  on  episcopal  government,  595, 
p.  224;  Archbishop  Usher's  plan  of,  585, 
662  ;  how  far  objected  to,  661 ;  saved  at  the 
Revolution  by  the  conduct  of  the  bishops, 
774;  now  existing  in  Scotland,  804. 

Episcopalians,  object  of  the,  at  the  Restora- 
tion, 658. 


Epistle  and  gospel  allowed  in  English,  402. 
Erasmus's  paraphrase  to  be  set  up  in  churches, 
305,  and  ^. 

Erastianism  of  the  church  of  England,  336; 
introduced  by  the  Reformation,  414. 

Erasiians;  Thomas  Erastus,  588. 

Errors,  progress  of,  in  the  church  of  England  ; 
and  introduced  by  degrees  from  Rome,  24  ; 
in  the  church,  how  far  they  destroy  Chris- 
tianity, and  the  hopes  of  salvation  ;  ill  ten- 
dency of,  25. 

Erudition  ;  King's  Book,  233;  doctrines  of  it 
examined,  271,  &c. ;  points  wheiein  it  is 
nearer  to  the  church  of  England,  than  the 
Institution,  272,*;  wherein  the  Institution 
is  the  nearest,  283.  Little  progress  had 
really  been  made  in  the  doctrines,  282;  com- 
pared with  the  Thirt)--nine  Articles,  App. 
B.  271,  &c. 

Essex,  the  earl  of,  his  objects  in  the  war,  580. 
Establishment,  plan  of  an  ecclesiastical,  sent 

to  England,  7  ;  monastic,  useful  ai  first,  23; 

use  of,  as  a  political  engine,  132;  value  of,  259. 
Ethelbert,  receives  Angusiin.  6. 
Ethelwnlph's  grant  to  the  church,  10;  goes 

on  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  20. 
Eusebins,  quotation  from,  2,  -,  p.  1. 
Ex  officio,  see  Officio. 

Exclusion  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  no  want 
of  toleration,  725. 

Excommunication,  an  evil  means  of  coercion 
for  discipline,  504 ;  rarely  exercised  by  Bax- 
ter, 612. 

Executions  during  the  reign  of  Henry  VHL 

very  numerous,  227. 
Exequies  and  masses,  227. 
Exeter,  the  Jesuit's  day  still  kept  there.  317,  * 
Exiles  for  religion,  on  their  return  disliked  the 

power  exercised  by  the  bishops,  475. 
Exorcisms;  examined,  322;  of  the  devil  from 

the  child,  743,  3. 
Extempore  prayer,  use  of,  demanded.  671,  672. 
Extreme  unction,  see  Unction. 
Fagius  pii^ced  at  Cambridge,  314;  his  bones 

burnt  there,  373. 
Fairfax,  seneral,  580. 
Family  of  love.  619. 

Family  prayer  drawn  up  by  anthorit]-,  SOS. 

Fanaticism,  cause  of,  617. 

Farmer,  James  II.  orders  the  fellows  of  Mag- 
dalen to  elect  him  president,  761. 

Fasting  in  Lent,  329;  neglected  among  Pro- 
testants, 414. 

Fell,  Samuel,  dean  of  Christ  Church,  opposes 
the  parliamentary  commissioners;  Mrs.,  re- 
fuses to  leave  the  deanery,  600. 

Fell,  Dolben,  and  Allestree,  picture  of,  616. 

Fellows  of  colleges  restored,  656. 

Felton  affixes  the  bull  lo  the  gates  of  the 
bishop  of  London,  437. 

Festivals. Christian, accommodated  to  heathen 
feasts,  7. 

Fifth-monarchy  men,  619. 

Fifths  granted  to  the  ejected  clergy,  598. 

Fines,  estates  let  on,  202, '. 

Fire  of  London,  728. 

First-fruits,  or  annates,  103;  considered  as 
bribes,  103,  ^\  126,  taken  from  the  pope, 
164;  history  of,  201.  ',  p.  54. 


INDEX, 


341 


Fiih,  Simon,  writes  the  Supplication  of  the 
Beggars,  171. 

Fish  to  be  eaten  on  the  fast  days,  1549,  312. 

Fisher  sent  to  the  Tower,  1C7  ;  death  and  cha- 
racter, 169. 

Fitzralph  opposes  the  errors  of  Rome;  called 

Armaclianus,  108,  •'. 
Five  points  of  Perth,  565,  ■:    See  J)oii  too. 
Fivc-inile  act,  passed  at  Oxford,  714. 
Fletcher,  bishop  of  London,  draws  up  the 

Lambeth  Articles,  463,  ■ ;  marries,  468, 
Foreign  churches  establislied  under  John  u 

Lasco,  324;  quit  England,  354. 
Foreign  divines,  opinion  of,  concerning  the 

dresses,  419. 
Foreign  reformed  churches,  the  convocation 

will  ack nowledege  no  connection  with,  809. 
Foreigners,  holding  ]ireferments  in  I^ngland, 

103;  learned,  aided  the  Reformation,  314  ; 

received  by  Cranmer,  324. 
Forest  burnt,  493. 

Formularies  of  Faith,  Henry  VHL,  271, 

Fornication  severely  punished,  620. 

Fox,  Bishop,  introduces  Wolsey  to  Henry 

VHL,  15.5. 
Fox,  G.,  founder  of  the  Quakers,  618. 
Francis,  A.,  James  11.  orders  a  degree  of  a.  m. 

at  Cambridge  to  be  granted  him,  762. 
Franciscans  executed,  201. 
Frankfort,  troubles  at,  367. 
Freewill,  27.5. 

Friars,  VViclif  an  enemy  to,  109;  visit  Wiclif 

in  his  illness,  112. 
Frith.  John,  burnt,  170.    (See  also  Appendix 

F.)  assisted  Tyndale  in  his  translation,  534. 
Fry  expelled  from  the  House  for  being  a  Soci- 

nian,  621. 
Fugitives,  roany  English,  354. 
Fundamentals  in  reliction,  question  about,  610. 
Gag,  a,  for  the  new  Gospel,  552,  2. 
Galilean  Liturgv,  5. 

Galloway,  his  account  of  the  Hampton  Court 
conference,  51 1. 

Gardiner,  Stephen,  objects  to  the  commissions 
granted  to  ilie  bishops,  201 ;  new  line  of 
policy  adopted  by,  214;  writes  in  favour  of 
images,  302;  imprisoned,  300,  310;  de- 
prived of  his  bishopric,  320;  minister  to 
Mary;  his  plans,  353;  prevents  Pole  from 
coming  to  England,  350;  no  friend  to  mild 
measures,  and  personally  hostile  to  the  vic- 
tims of  persecuti(m  ;  his  book  republished, 
365;  disappointed  at  the  effects  of  persecu- 
tion, 306  ;  death;  character;  he  saves  the 
lives  cif  Smith  and  Ascham,  368. 

Garneti,  powder  plot,  514. 

Gauden's  petitions  to  Cromwell  in  favour  of 
the  clergy,  609,  '. 

Gaul,  early  cimnection  with  the  church  of 
England,  1  ;  Christianity  established  in,  3. 

Gaunt,  Mrs.,  burnt,  754. 

Geneva,  the  service  of,  adopted  by  the  dissent- 
ing clergy,  1.566,  432;  translation  of  the 
Bible,  537. 

Gentry,  thanked  for  attending  the  execution 

of  heretics,  3C7. 
Gerhard  and  his  followers  punished  ;  their 

opinions  uncertain,  60. 
Germanuscoraes  to  assist  the  British  church,  5. 


Germany,  reformation  in,  its  effects  on  Eng- 
land, 231. 

Giffard,  B.,  president  of  Magdalen  college,  761. 

Giles'  St.  field,  Lord  Cobham  executed  in,  124  ; 
disturbance  there,  125. 

Glasgow,  general  assembly  at,  568. 

Glastonbury  .\bbey  founded  by  Joseph  of  Ari- 
mathea,  2;  church  of  foreigners  placed 
there,  324. 

Gloucester,  see  of,  suppressed,  330. 

Good  works,  idea  of,  among  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
26  ;  in  the  Erudition,  275. 

Grammar  prepared  by  convocation,  1661,  701. 

Grey,  Lady  Jane,  declared  heir  to  the  crown 
by  Edward  VL,  333,  351;  executed;  her 
character,  359. 

Greathead  opposes  the  power  of  Rome;  es- 
teems the  pope  antichrist,  65,  and  •'. 

Greek  church,  custom  of,  with  regard  to  the 
marriage  of  the  clergy,  22. 

Greek  literature  patronised  by  Henry  VHL, 
Wolsey,  and  Colet,  157. 

Greenwood  executed,  461. 

Gregory  L  sends  Augustin  into  England,  6; 
sends  relics  to  Augustin,  19. 

Grindal,  his  opinion  on  the  dresses,  418;  his 
treatment  of  Sampson,  422  ;  cautious  in  not 
adopting  the  canons  of  1571,434;  offends 
Elizabeth  by  giving  directions  about  pro- 
phesyings;  his  letter  to  Elizabeth  ;  confined 
to  his  palace,  and  silenced,  447 ;  his  cha- 
racter, 448 ;  remonstrates  with  Elizabeth 
on  her  arbitrary  conduct  as  to  ecclesiastical 
matters,  468. 

Grostele,  65, 

Guisnes  lost,  374. 

Gunning  one  of  the  disputants,  1661,673. 

Gunpowder  used  by  Wishart,  493,  '. 

Hacket  represents  our  Saviour,  461. 

Hackington,  convent  at,  61. 

Hale,  Sir  M.,  endeavours  to  convert  the  decla- 
ration into  an  act  of  parliament,  666. 

Hales,  Judge,  refuses  to  sign  the  deed  in  fa- 
vour of  Lady  Jane  Grey,  333  ;  imprisoned 
by  Mary,  354. 

Hall's,  Bishop,  Hard  Measure,  574;  he  and 
Laud  drew  up  a  form  of  prayer  for  recon- 
ciling apostates,  808. 

Hall,  G.,  preacher  in  London,  616. 

Hamilton,  Patric,  burnt,  493. 

Hamilton  rescinds  all  the  acts  about  the  Li- 
turgy, 508. 

Hampole's,  or  Rolie's  translation,  533. 

Hampton  Court  conference,  never  intended 
for  a  free  discussion  ;  held  for  the  sake  of 
informing  the  king  as  to  the  stale  of  the 
question,  503;  the  parties  who  composed 
it;  confirmation;  absolution;  private  bap- 
tism by  laics;  excommunication  as  a  means 
of  coercion  objected  to,  504;  objections  of 
Reynolds;  final  perseverance,  505  ;  confir- 
mation, never  performed  by  a  priest  with- 
out a  bishop  ;  objection  to  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles,  506;  catechism;  Sabbath;  trans 
lation  of  the  Bible;  seditious  and  popish 
books;  lessons  from  the  Apocrypha,  507 
cross  in  baptism;  questions  proposed;  sur 
plice ;  marriage  service ;  churching  of 
v.-oraen  ;  prophes\'ings,  508  ;  James  pleases 
'2  F  2 


343 


INDEX. 


the  episcopalians;  their  flattery;  his  opi- 
nion of  the  puritans  ;  his  real  superiority, 
509;  Barlow's  account  of  the  conference, 
510;  GaUoway's  account;  the  cause  of  the 
apparent  difference,  511. 

Hardins;,  170. 

Hariford,  L.,  see  So?>if)sff. 

Headships  of  colleges  appointed  by  the  crown, 
762. 

Heath  sent  to  prison,  319;  treated  kindly  by 

Elizabeth,  407. 
lleber,  Bishop,  idea  with  regard  to  re-ordina- 

lion,  710,  '. 

Helvetic  confession  not  the  source  of  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles,  483. 

Henderson,  his  dispute  with  Charles  I.  on 
episcopacy,  595. 

Henry  I.  recalls  Anselm  ;  the  dispute  between 
them  compromised,  55;  sells  his  prefer- 
ment, 67. 

Henry  U.  accepts  the  grant  of  Ireland  from 
the  pope,  57;  violent  about  Beckel,  58; 
submits,  59. 

Henry  IV.  grants  power  to  the  church,  121  ; 
joined  by  Lord  Cobham,  123. 

Henry  V.  tries  to  convince  Lord  Cobham,  123. 

Henry  VIII.  supports  the  civil  power,  152. 
Wolsey's  influence  over,  154;  spoilt  by 
Wolsey ;  his  book  against  Lulher,  156; 
patronises  literature,  157;  protests  against 
his  marriage  with  Catharine ;  fears  the 
curse  of  dying  childless;  scruples  not  in- 
fused byLongland;  entertained  before  his 
love  for  Anne  Boleyn,  158;  supremacy  of, 
163  ;  hardly  less  arbitrary  than  that  of 
Rome,  172;  refuses  to  appear  at  Rome  by 
proxy,  166;  irritated  by  the  clergy,  201; 
his  object  in  the  dissolution  of  monasteries; 
gains  little  by  it,  202;  reconciled  to  Mary, 
203  ;  marries  Jane  Seymour,  204 ;  sum- 
moned to  appear  at  Mantua;  rejects  the 
summons ;  Cardinal  Pole  writes  against 
him,  208;  letter  to  the  bishops,  209;  sits 
as  juds-e  on  Lambert,  215;  angry  with  the 
Protestants  for  refusing  him  church  proper- 
ty ;  argues  in  favour  of  the  Six  Articles, 
217;  his  proclamations  made  law,  218; 
marries  Anne  of  Cleves,  219;  marries  Ca- 
tharine Howard,  221  ;  his  judicious  speech 
abont  religion,  and  persecuting  conduct, 
225;  marries  Catharine  Parr,  224;  delivers 
Cranmer,  220  ;  character  ;  ungrateful,  well 
served,  but  selfish  ;  naturally  a  fine  charac- 
ter, but  spoilt;  an  instrument  in  the  hands 
of  Providence,  227,  228  ;  the  opinion  of  the 
German  divines  about  his  marriage  alien- 
ated him  from  them, 231  ;  rapacity;  always 
poor;  chapters  founded  by;  he  did  not  begin 
the  transfer  of  property  from  one  religious 
use  to  another,  248,  -  ;  plan  of  constructing 
harbours,  249 ;  leaves  money  for  masses  and 
obits,  303;  in  his  reign  England  ceased  to 
be  popish,  811. 

Herbert's, Lord,observation  on  persecution,221. 

Heresy,  first  punished,  60;  laws  against,  dur- 
ing the  usurpation,  621. 

Heretics,  statute  against,  113,  ''\  de  h(tretuo 
combvrcndo,  statute,  121. 

llern.  Sir  N.,  his  saying  about  dissenters,  716. 


i  Heptarchy,  when  converted,  8,  ' ;  union  of,  10 
Hewett,  170. 

I  Hichins,  alias  Tyndale,  534, 
]  High  Commission,  see  Commission. 
Hocus-pocus,  derivation  of,  7,  '. 
Hodgkin,  sufl'ragan  of  Bedford,  consecrates 

Parker,  409. 
I  Holydays,  law  about,  329;  objected  to,  661. 

67  1,(372. 
j  Holy  water,  23. 

Homilies,  published  1540,223;  first  book  of, 
published  1547,305;  Bonner's,  369,';  se- 
cond book  of,  published  ;  history  of  their 
composition,  412,  '. 
Hooker,  dispute  with  Travers,  454. 
Hooper,scruples  about  the  dresses, 321 ;  comes 
before  the  council,  354  ;  burnt  at  Glouces- 
ter, 366. 

Home,  pastor  at  Frankfort,  367, 
Horsey,  Chancellor,  compromise  about,  152  ; 

coroner's  verdict  against,  153. 
Hotchyn,  alias  Tyndale,  534,  ''. 
Hough,  elected  president  of  Magdalen,  ejected 

by  .lames  H  ,  761. 
Howard,  Catharine,  married  to  Henry  VIII., 

221  ;  executed,  222.  , 
Humphrey,  winked  at,  complies,  416. 
Hunne  dies  in  prison  ;  the  coroner's  verdict 
of  murder  against  the  chancellor;  his  body 
burnt,  152. 
Jacomb,  one  of  the  disputants,  1661,  673. 
James,  St.,  tradition  about,  2. 
James  I.  succeeds  quietly  to  the  throne;  his 
answer  about  the  church  of  England,  501  ; 
anxious  to  learn  the  real  state  of  the  church, 
502  ;  observations  about  predestination  ;  re- 
proves Bancroft,  505  ;  vehemence  against 
presbyteries,  508 ;  pleases  the  episcopa- 
lians ;  their  flattery  ;  his  opinion  of  the 
nonconformists  ;  his  superiority  in  the  con- 
ference, 509 ;  puts  a  stop  to  transfers  of 
church  property  to  the  crown  ;  disappoints 
the  papists  and  puritans,  513;  founds  a 
college  at  Chelsea  for  controversial  divinity, 
517;  puts  forth  the  Book  of  Sports,  519; 
letter  about  preaching;  advice  about  the 
study  of  theology,  521,';  character  of;  a 
weak  man  ;  the  state  tutor  of  Europe  ;  did 
not  keep  his  word,  523;  his  opinions  of 
government,  524  ;  with  high  notions  he  pre- 
served no  power,  and  was  laughed  at ;  the 
victim  of  favourites  ;  could  not  bear  parlia- 
ments ;  disliked  the  presbytery  for  the  same 
reason  ;  his  change  of  language  about  the 
church  of  England ;  his  treatment  of  Roman 
Catholics,  526;  possessed  of  little  real  reli- 
gion ;  all  offices  under  him  sold,  527;  cruelty 
to  heretics,  518;  his  observations  on  the 
Geneva  Bible,  537:  his  management  about 
the  bishops  in  Scotland,  564;  bribes  the 
presbyterians,566;  summary  of  his  reign, 8 14. 
James  II.,  as  duke  of  York,  excepted  from  the 
bill  against  Roman  Catholics,  720;  cared 
not  for  religion,  723  ;  the  pensioner  of 
France,  732;  accession,  751;  his  educa- 
tion ;  his  conversion  political,  752 ;  pro- 
mises to  support  the  church  of  England, 
753;  levies  duties  without  parliament;  re- 
venue settled  on  him  ;  cruelty  of,  754  ;  he 


INDEX. 


343 


was  open  in  his  attacks  on  the  constnution; ' 
his  real  want  of  religion,  755;  prohibils 
preaching;  on  controverted  points,  756;  as- 
sumes the  power  of  dispensinj;  with  the 
laws,  758;  his  conduct  with  regard  to  the 
judges,  759  ;  tries  to  balance  the  dissenters 
and  church.  754,  760  ;  his  fully  about  Peire 
and  Lord  Cnstlemain,  763 ;  advised  by  the 
pope  and  others  to  use  moderation,  764; 
endeavours  to  change  the  laws,  by  procur- 
ing a  parliament  favourable  to  his  own 
views,  765;  lie  relies  on  the  ariny,  766; 
obstinate,  771  ;  at  la^t  convinced  of  his  er- 
ror, and  endeavours  to  retrace  his  steps, 
772;  asks  advu-eofthe  bishops,  773  ;  find- 
in^r  every  thing  lost,  he  attempts  to  Ry  into 
France,  775  ;  his  character.  776;  birth  of 
his  son  instrumental  in  ihe  Revolution,  779. 

Jane,  Dr.,  author  of  the  Oxford  decree,  729; 
withdraws  from  the  commission,  1689,  806  ; 
elected  prolocutor,  809. 

January  30th,  observance  of,  653  ;  service, 750. 

Idolatry  of  the  church  of  Rmne,  106. 

Jeffreys  rewarded  by  James  II.,  755;  at  the 
head  of  the  ecclesiastical  commission,  757. 

Jerusalem,  pilgrim  iges  of  the  English  to,  20. 

Jesuits'  day  at  E.xeter,  317,  ';  their  dispute 
with  the  seculars,  462. 

Jewel's  Apology  printed,  1562,  411  ;  opinion 
on  the  dresses,  418 ;  publishes  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles,  485,  487. 

Jews,  toleration  of,  under  Cromwell,  610. 

Ignorance  of  the  clergy,  105,  157. 

lUutus  and  Dubriiius  established  schools,  5. 

Image  worship,  when  introduced  into  England; 
before  Alfred's  time;  observations  on,  18, 
and  10. 

Images,  Wiclif's  opinion  of,  118;  Pecock's 
opinion  of,  127;  erudition,  277  ;  destroyed, 
303  ;  abused  by  false  devotion  ;  to  be  taken 
down,  304 ;  removed,  308 ;  abuse  of,  in- 
quired into,  408. 

Immoraliiy  prevalent  during  the  usurpation, 
615;  in  Charles  II.'s  reign,  733. 

Impropriations  a  great  e-vil,  250;  plan  for 
transferring  them  to  the  cure,  452;  feoffees 
of,  dissolved,  556. 

Independents,  promote  religious  liberty;  tole- 
rate all  except  the  church  of  England  and 
Roman  Catholics,  007  ;  propagation  of  the 
gospel  in  Wales  their  work,  608  ;  they  de- 
stroyed the  existence  of  a  ministry,  609, 
614;  the  Triers,  609;  strict  in  admitting 
church  members;  many  of  them  in  Nor- 
folk and  Suffolk;  they  publish  a  declaration 
of  faith;  called  congregaiional  churches; 
their  government  democratic,  614 ;  church 
government  of,  588;  tendency  and  growth 
of,  .589,  593;  established  in  Wales,  593; 
liberty  of  conscience  their  object,  594;  they 
<3emand  toleration,  664. 

Indulgence,  greater,  might  have  been  shown 
to  the  nonconformists,  417. 

Infallibility,  papal,  282;  a  bar  to  all  discus- 
sion, 353,  405  ;  leads  to  persecution,  443. 

Infant  baptism,  a  source  of  dilferences,  317; 
argument  for,  460,     p.  159. 

Inhibition  sent  to  the  bishops,  201. 

Injunctions,  put  forth  by  Bonner,  223;  Ed- 


ward VI.,  304  ;  of  Elizabeth,  about  the  mar- 
riage of  the  clergy  and  the  supremacy,  406. 

Injustice,  common  during  the  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth, in  judicial  trials,  445. 

Innocent  XI.  advised  moderation  to  James  II., 
764. 

Innovation  in  religion  stopped  by  Elizabeth, 
456. 

Innovators,  danger  of,  at  the  Reformation,  340. 

Inquisition,  sleps  tending  towards  establish- 
ing, 365,  367. 

Insecurity  under  Charles  II.,  722. 

Institution,  Bishops'  Book,  213.  See  Erudition, 
271,  &c. 

Instrument  of  government,  603,  ',  p.  233. 
Interdict,  England  laid  under  an,  63. 
Intolerance  generally  prevalent,  445;  a  name 

for  selfishness,  705. 
Introit,  what,  743,  ■'. 
Investitures,  54,  '. 

John  excommunicated;  about  to  be  deposed 
by  Philip  of  France,  62  ;  he  submits,  63. 

Johnson,  Dr.,  prayed  for  his  mother  when 
dead,  15. 

Johnson,  publishes  an  address  to  the  army, 
and  is  punished,  766. 

Joseph  of  Arimathea,  founder  of  Glaston- 
bury, 2. 

Joye,  G.,  alters  Tyndale's  translation,  534. 

Ireland  granted  to  Henry  II.  by  the  pope,  57; 
war  in  ;  Oliver  Cromwell,  602. 

Juilges,  James  II.'s  conduct  about  ihem  with 
regard  to  the  dispensing  power,  759. 

Jurisdiction,  exclusive,  of  the  clergy,  injuri- 
ous, 102,  136. 

Jus  divinum  of  presbytery,  589,  592  ;  episco- 
pacy, 595.  ^ 

Justification  by  faith,  275. 

Juxon,  made  lord  treasurer,  583. 

Kent,  the  maid  of,  167  ;  Joan  of,  316. 

Kuider,  Bishop,  ejected,  and  conformed,  707. 

Kidderminster,  Baxter's  ministry  there,  611. 

King,  power  of,  while  a. minor,  questioned,  318. 

Kings,  foreign,  educated  in  England,  11; 
Saxon,  visit  Rome,  20  ;  Book,  213. 

Kneeling  at  the  eucharist  objected  to,  661,  671. 

Knewstubbs  at  Hampton  Court,  504,  509. 

Knocking  on  the  breast,  743,  10. 

Knolles  hostile  to  the  bishops,  451. 

Knox,  conspicu(uis  at  Frankfort,  367;  comes 
to  Scotland  ;  character,  495  ;  proceedings, 
harshness,  496. 

Labourers,  agricultural,  too  numerous  in 
Henry  VIII.'s  time,  257;  out  of  employ- 
ment, 317. 

Laity,  Wiclif  asserts  their  duly  to  take  away 

misused  property  from  the  church,  116; 

chiefly  instrumental  in  bad  appointments  in 

the  church,  259. 
Lambert  appeals  to  the  king,  is  tried  and 

burnt,  215. 

Lambeth,  convent  at,  61  ;  Articles,  never  the 
doctrine  of  the  church  of  England,  464,'' ;  de- 
sired to  be  inserted  into  the  Thirty-nine,  505. 

Langton,  Stephen,  appointed  archbishop  of 
Canterbury  by  the  pope,  62;  adverse  to 
Magna  Charta,  6.3. 

A  Lasco,  superintendent  of  foreign  churches, 
324. 


344 


INDEX. 


Latimer  resigns  his  see,  218;  disputes  at  Ox- 
ford, 361.  A  pp.  V. 
Latin  service,  '^3. 
Latiliidinarians,  719. 

Laiul,  question  of  the  coniroverti-d  clause  in 
llie  'l'hirt3'-nine  articles,  48ti,  488;  urges  the 
clerfry  to  pnimoie  forced  loans;  his  ideas 
of  <;overnment.  .').'53 ;  liis  faults  injured  the 
chiirch,  555;  offended  at  Richardson  for 
ordering  a  notice  to  be  read  in  church,  559; 
tries  to  benefit  tlie  church  by  advancing 
churchmen  to  places  in  the  state,  5GG,  585; 
iirgps  the  Scotch  bishops  to  be  cautious  that 
their  proceedings  about  the  Liturgy  might 
be  legal,  6G7;  fond  of  ceremonies ;  intro- 
duces them;  crucifi.K;  consecration  of 
churches,  569;  i'rames  canons,  1640,  570; 
impolicy  of,  in  alienating  moderate  men, 
571;  difhcully  of  drawing  his  character, 
582;  his  character,  583;  absurdity  of  the 
charges  of  treason,  584  ;  accused  of  alter- 
ing the  Liturgy,  748  ;  he  and  Hall  drew  up 
a  form  of  prayer  for  reconciling  apostates, 
808,   ;  mistake  of  his  administration,  S 15. 

Lawney's  joke  about  the  mairiage  of  priests, 
230,  '. 

Laws,  ecclesiastical,  reformation  of,  330;  dis- 
cussed, 434  ;  respecting  morality,  620;  and 
justice  perverted;  Charles  II.,  722. 

Lay  fiei's  a  premiutn  on  war,  244. 

Lay  baptism,  allowed  in  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, 424,  ';   service  ahered  to  e.xclude. 

747,  '. 

Laymen  held  preferments,  303,  '. 
Lay  patrons,  simony  of,  430. 
Leases  of  colleges  and  hospitals  confirmed, 
1660,  703. 

Legates,  papal,  admitted  by  William  I.,  52  ;  re- 
fused admittance  into  England  by  Mary, 374. 

Legate,  B.,  burnt  in  Smithfield,  518. 

Leicester,  Lord,  at  the  head  of  the  anti-episco- 
palians, 451  ;  sent  into  the  Netherlands,  453. 

Lent,  derivation  of  the-word,  7,  ' ;  fasting  ob- 
jected to,  071,  672,  807. 

Letters  of  foreign  divines  about  the  noncon- 
forniisls,  718. 

Lewis  admitted  not  the  power  of  Rome,  778. 

Libels  against  the  bishops,  458. 

Liberty,  civil,  much  mixed  up  with  the  Re- 
formation,425;  of  conscience,  declaration  of, 
758;  republished,  to  be  read  in  churches, 767. 

Libraries  destroyed  at  the  dis.solution  of  mo- 
nasteries, 256. 

Licenses  of  preaching  not  to  be  given,  521. 

Lies  published  for  history,  608,  -'. 

Lights  in  churches,  23. 

Lisle,  Mrs.,  executed,  754. 

Litany  put  forth  in  English,  224;  not  used  on 
Sundays,  741,  743,  •• ;  744,  745, 

Literature,  progress  of,  promoted  the  Reforma- 
tion ;  English  literature,  157,  ^p.  45;  pro- 
moted by  monasteries,  245. 

Littleton,  lord  keeper,  reads  the  protestation 
of  the  bishops,  573. 

Liturgy,  Galilean,  brought  into  England,  5; 
new,  1548,  moderation  of,  309,  316;  law 
about,  329 ;  origin  of,  341 ;  Scotch,  564, 

748,  '';  objected  to  by  the  nonconformists, 
661  •  answer  to  objections,  602 ;  answered, 


673;  interruptions  in  the,  objected  to,  671, 
(i72 ;  points  in,  deemed  sinful,  673;  review 
of,  701  ;  published  just  before  August  24lh, 
707;  atiempted  alteration  in, 806;  points  set- 
tled, 807;  the  failure  of  the  plan.  809;  altera- 
tions in,  why  desirable,  810.  See  Common 
Priiycr. 

Livings,  augmentation  of,  609 ;  how  hetd  under 
ecclesiastical  bodies,  703, 

Loans,  forced,  promoted  by  the  clergy,  553. 

Lollards,  numerous,  120;  name,  120,  ';  pro- 
clamation against  them  ;  their  petition,  121 ; 
inveigh  against  the  wealih  of  the  clergy,  134. 

London  clergy,  generally  comply,  many  dis- 
sent, 41G;  importance  attached  to  their 
compliance,  422;  ejected;  form  separate 
congregations,  432;  their  address  to  James 
II.  753,  ^  781. 

Long  parliament,  572. 

Longland,  Henry's  confessor,  accused  of  in- 
fusing scruples  into  his  mind  about  the 
marriage  with  Catharine,  158. 

Lord's  Prayer,  Creed,  and  Gospel,  explained 
to  the  people,  23. 

Lord's  Supper,  kneeling  at,  807. 

Love,  Mr.,  executed,  607. 

Love,  family  of,  619. 

Lucius,  king,  3. 

Luck,  derivation  of  the  word,  7,  '. 

Lupus,  a  French  bishop,  assists  the  British 
church,  5. 

Luther,  Henry's  book  against,  157. 

Lutheran  states,  difiiculty  with  regard  to,  214, 

Lutheran  doctrines  of  our  church  ;  of  the 
Forty-two  Articles;  and  services,  341. 

Magdalen  college,  dispute  about  the  head- 
ship, 76 1. 

Maid  of  Kent,  the,  167. 

Maine  executed,  438. 

Main  waring  fined,  and  then  made  a  bishop,  552. 

Manchester,  earl  of,  oppresses  Cambridge,  599. 

Mantua,  council  assembled  at;  Henry  sum- 
moned toappear;  the  con  vocation  and  king 
reject  the  summons,  208. 

Margaret  professorships,  lO?. 

Marriage  of  Henry  and  Catharine  dissolved, 
165;  confirmed,  355. 

Marriage  of  the  clergy,  311,  329,  468,  ;  at- 
tacked, and  the  married  clergy  ejected,  360 ; 
rules  concerning,  1550,  400, 

Marriage  made  a  civil  contract,  622;  service, 
508;  confirmed  at  the  Restoration,  653. 

Martin  Marprelate,  a  name  given  to  several 
books,  458. 

Martyr,  Peter,  disputes  at  Oxford,  314;  his 
wife's  bones  buried  in  a  dunghill,  373;  con- 
sulted on  the  Liturgy,  745. 

Martyrs,  succession  of,  their  examinations 
chiefly  on  transubstantiation  and  submis- 
sion to  the  church,  122,  130. 

Mary,  see  Virgin  Mary. 

Mary  objects  to  alterations  during  her  bro- 
ther's minority,  306;  her  mass  is  stopped, 
327,  334  ;  succeeds  to  the  throne;  her  reli- 
gious opinions  unfavourable  to  her  cause, 
351;  proclaimed  queen;  she  promises  too 
much,  352;  supposed  attachment  to  Cardi- 
nal Pole,  356  ;  punishes  those  who  spread 
reports  about  herself,  363 ;  disappointment 


INDEX. 


346 


about  her  delivery,  increases  the  persecu- 
tion ;  her  notion  about  it;  neglected  by  her 
husband,  366 ;  rebuilds  the  convent  of  Fran- 
ciscans, and  gives  up  church  lands  and 
tenths,  369  ;  vindictive  about  Craniner,  370 ; 
converts  Westminster  into  a  monastery ; 
dtsitoys  the  documents  of  former  reigns, 
372;  refuses  admission  to  Pelo,  the  papal 
legate,  into  England,  374 ;  death  of;  charac- 
ter, 375  ;  her  severities  had  gone  beyond  the 
wishes  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  and  her 
government  had  alienated  the  nation,  401 ; 
persecutions  during  her  reign  compared 
with  those  under  Elizabeth,  444  ;  summary 
of  her  reign,  812. 

Mary,  queen  of  Scots,  an  act  for  security  of 
the  queen's  person  levelled  against  her, 
453;  injustice  of  her  execution,  455. 

Mass,  believed  by  the  Anglo-Saxons  to  be  a 
sacrifice  for  the  quick  and  the  dead,  17  ; 
the  meaning  of  the  word,  17,  ". 

Masses  and  exequies,  277  ;  Henry  VIII.  leaves 
money  for,  303;  private,  forbidden,  307. 

Massey,  dean  of  Christ  Church,  a  Roman  Ca- 
tholic, 761. 

Mathews,  'J'obie,  writes  the  petition  in  favour 
of  Grindal,  447  ;  at  the  Hampton  Court  con- 
ference, 504. 

Matthew's  Bible,  535. 

Matrimony,  Wiclif's  opinion  about,  1 18  ;  Eru- 
dition, 280. 

Maznrine,  Cardinal,  afraid  of  Cromwell,  604. 
Mechanics  ordained,  410. 
Medwinus  and  Eluanus  sent  by  King  Lucius 
to  Rome,  3. 

Melancthon's  opinion  of  Wiclif,  119;  Henry 
VIII.  anxious  that  he  should  come  to  Eng- 
land, 232;  consulted  by  Cranmer  on  a  plan 
of  Protestant  unicm,  324,  ;  invited  to  Eng- 
land and  consulted,  341. 

Mendicant  orders,  105. 

Mew,  liishop  of  Winchester,  withdraws  from 

the  commission,  1689,  806. 
Midwives  baptize,  424. 
Mill  burnt,  495. 
Millenary  petition,  502. 

Minisiers  in  Kent  and  Suffolk  silenced;  ap- 
peal to  the  council,  450. 

Ministers,  calling  of,  and  election,  426. 

Ministi-y,  the,  totally  destroyed  by  the  inde- 
pendents, 608. 

Monasteries  attacked  by  the  Danes,  10;  re- 
stored by  ihem,  243;  abuses  in,  130;  Hen- 
ry's object  in  their  dissolution;  Cranmer's  ; 
all  under  200/.  per  ann.  suppressed ;  instruc- 
tions given  to  the  visitors,  202;  surrender 
of;  some  refounded,  209 ;  new  visitation 
of;  disorders  discovered  in  some;  excep- 
tions, 211;  surrenders  of;  small  benefit  to 
the  crown,  212;  act  for  suppressing,  218; 
dissolution  of,  241,  &c. ;  originally  useful, 
242  ;  a  premium  on  peace,  and  practically 
beneficial,  244 ;  promoted  architecture,  lite- 
rature, and  trade,  245  ;  by  degrees  they  be- 
come less  useful,  246;  favoured  by  the 
people  ;  why  ]  they  admitted  the  younger 
branches  of  great  families,  fed  the  poor, 
and  were  good  landlords;  247;  number  of, 
founded  ia  each  reign,  247,  ' ;  they  would 

44 


hardly  have  been  overthrown  except  by 
violence;  plans  for  employing  the  wealth 
of  them,  248,  249,  251  ;  evils  arising  at  the 
time  from  the  dissolution  of,  253,  255,  258; 
the  property  ultimately  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  industrious,  254  ;  property  of,  trans- 
ferred, 258;  the  transfer  ultimately  bene- 
ficial, 259  ;  properly  transferred  at  the 
dissolution,  equal  to  the  present  property 
of  the  church,  258,  ',  p.  77 ;  destroyed  in 
Scotland,  495. 
Monastic  establishments  useful  at  first;  fa- 
vourable to  civilization;  attacked  by  the 
Danes,  23. 

Monk,  General,  destroys  the  power  of  the  pres- 
bytery in  Scotland,  007 ;  deceived  every 
one  at  the  Restoration,  624. 

Monks,  origin  of,  5, ' ;  preferments  granted  to,  a 
hinderance  to  the  Relurmation,  303;  in  St. 
James's  allowed  to  wear  their  dresses,  764. 

Money  given  to  the  bride,  743, 

Monmouth,  victory  over,  754. 

Montague  attacked  by  the  commons,  552. 

Morality,  laws  respecting,  620. 

Morals,  dissolute,  1519,  317. 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  sent  tu  the  Tower,  167, 
death  and  character,  168. 

Morley,  his  jest  about  .^rminians,  557 ;  wishes 
for  a  comprehension,  715. 

Mortmain,  statute  of,  66;  impolicy  of,  104. 

Murderers  and  robbers  subjected  to  the  civil 
courts,  151. 

Music,  church,  objected  to,  424. 

Nag's-head  consecration,  409  ;  denied  by  Mor 
ton,  623. 

Nantes,  edict  of,  James  receives  the  refugees, 
778. 

Nash,  Thomas,  his  satirical  writings  useful, 
461. 

Naylor  severely  punished,  621. 

Necessary  Doctrine  and  Erudition,  223. 

Nevill,  Dr.,  sent  to  congratulate  James,  501. 

Nice,  council  of,  4;  second,  rejected  by  the 
British  church,  18;  endeavours  to  impose 
celibacy  on  the  clergy,  22. 

Nicholson,  (see  Lumbeii,)  215, 

Nicodemus,  Gospel  of,  157. 

Nismes,  Protestants  of,  protected  by  Croin 
well,  604. 

Noel's  Catechism  published,  412. 

Nonconformists, treatment  of;  they  were  gene- 
rally disliked,  704 ;  how  they  should  have 
been  treated,  705,  707;  allowed  no  support 
from  their  livings  when  ejected,  706;  the 
manner  of  doing  it  cruel,  707;  some  had 
never  seen  the  Common  Pr.ayer  till  they 
were  called  on  to  use  it,  707 ;  causes  of 
their  ill-treatment,  708;  the  people  in  fault 
rather  than  the  king,  709;  number  ejected, 
710;  relief  of  the  nonconformists  attempted, 
715;  faults  of,  716;  testimonies  against 
them  ;  foreign  letters,  718;  adverse  to  tole- 
ration, 724;  not  praiseworthy  for  their  op- 
position to  Roman  Catholics,  725  ;  exerted 
themselves  during  the  plague,  714,  727  ;  mi- 
nisters injured  by  the  fire  of  London;  they 
opened  meetings,  728.    See  Presbyterians. 

Nonjurors,  801  ;  subsequent  conduct  of,  803, 
continue  the  succession  of  bishops,  803; 


346 


INDEX. 


principles  on  which  they  acted,  not  to  be 
justified,  804;  principles  of  their  political 
conduct,  805. 

Non-residence  objected  to  by  the  puritans,  423. 

Non-resistance,  doctrine  of,  prevalent,  729. 

Norfolk,  risings  in,  1549,  317. 

Northumberland,  duke  of,  causes  the  fall  of 
Protector  Somerset,  328  ;  obtains  the  pala- 
tinate of  Durham,  331  ;  persuades  Edward 
VI.  to  set  aside  .Mary  and  Elizabeth,  in  fa- 
vour of  Lady  Jane  Grey,  333;  his  unpo- 
pularity injures  the  cause  of  Lady  Jane 
Grey,  352. 

Norwich,  properly  of  the  church  of,  in  dan- 
ger; refounded,  488. 

Number  of  those  who  were  burnt,  374;  eject- 
ed, 710. 

Nuncio  of  the  pope  received  b)'  James,  764. 
Oates's,  T.,  plot,  721 ;  condemned  to  be  whip- 
ped, 755, 

Oaths  to  the  pope,  Cranmer  protests  against, 
164;  of  priests  did  not  bind  them  to  celi- 
bacy in  England,  360  ;  sanctity  of,  destroyed 
by  the  changes,  in  England,  361  ;  of  allegi- 1 
ance,  515  ;  the  et  rsetera  oath,  570  ;  about  the  j 
covenant,  702,  705 ;  of  supremacy,  160,  403; 
supremacy  and  allegiance,  William  and  j 
Mary,  801  ;  unnecessarily  imposed,  1689,  \ 
803  ;  question  as  to  the  utility  of,  802.  See 
ex  Officio  mem. 

Obits,  Henry  VIIL  leaves  money  for,  303. 

Odo,  12. 

Officers  in  the  armv,  preachers,  593.  j 

Offices  of  stale  held  by  the  clergy,  136,  583. 

Officio  mere.  Articles  ex,  proposed  to  clergy-  j 
men;  of  an  inquisitorial  nature, 451;  many  i 
puritans  refuse  to  take  the  oath;  method  of 
proceeding,  458,    p.  157;  James  speaks  in 
favour  of  it,  509. 

Oldcastle,  Sir  John,  see  Cobham,  Lord. 

Oldcorn,  powder  plot,  514. 

Opinions  of  Wiclif,  115,  &c. 

Orange,  prince  of,  solicited  to  invade  Eng- 
land, 772;  never  questions  the  legitimacy, 
of  James's  heir,  779. 

Orders,  see  Religious  Orders:  seven  orders  of 
the  church  of  Rome,  22;  confusion  con- 
cerning, 117;  only  two  mentioned  in  Scrip- 
ture,280;  how  many  in  the  primitive  church ; 
equivocation  about  the  term,  460,  %  p.  158. 

Ordination  of  priests  to  offer  mass  for  the  liv- 
ing and  the  dead,  17;  service,  319,  744;  of 
inadequate  persons,  410;  supposed  to  exist 
in  the  election  of  the  congregation,  426  ; 
Cart  Wright's  ideas  about,  433  ;  age  of  priests 
and  deacons;  regulations  about, 435;  pres- 
byterian,  discussed,  454,  ' ;  power  of,  vested 
in  the  assembly,  589 ;  form  of,  in  the  direc- 
tory, 590;  by  foreign  churches,  710,  '. 

Organs  and  church  music  objected  to,  424. 

Oriental  literature  flourished  during  the  usurpa- 
tion, 616. 

Origen,  quotation  from,  2,  K 

Original  sin,  275. 

Orrer}-,  Lord,  he  attempts  a  comprehension, 
715. 

Osbolston,  ill  treated,  563. 
Oswi  adopts  the  Roman  method  of  keeping 
Easter.  7. 


Overall,  Bishop,  his  plan  for  re-ordaining,  719; 

drew  up  part  of  the  Catechism,  747, '. 
Outram,  728. 

Oxford;  Gerhard  and  his  followers  punished 
for  heresy,  60;  Wiclif's  opinions  approved 
there,  111 ;  he  is  summoned  before  commis- 
sioners there,  112  ;  friendly  to  Wiclif;  gives 
him  tetters  testimonial,  120;  erected  into  a 
see,  218,  f';  disputations  on  transubstantia- 
tion,  315  ;  disputation  at;  Cranmer,  361 ;  P. 
Martyr's  wife's  bones  dug  up,  373  ;  sufler- 
ings  of;  reasons  against  the  covenant;  Er- 
bury  silences  the  piesbyterian  divines  there, 
600;  decree,  729;  state  of,  1687.  761. 

Pagit,  Eusebius,  ill  treatment  oi^,  459. 

Pardons  of  the  church  of  Rome,  106. 

Pare,  George  Van,  burnt,  1551,  315. 

Parish,  churches,  8  ;  discipline,  Baxter's,  612. 

Parishes,  division  into;  a  civil  enactment,  804. 

Parker,  M.,  publishes  the  Testimony  of  Anti- 
quity, 16;  consecrated  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbur)',  1559,  409;  Elizabeth  writes  to  him 
pressing  conformity,  4 10;  entertained  doubts 
as  to  the  dresses,  418;  his  difficulties  in 
pressing  conformity,  420;  peremptory  in  his 
treatment  of  Sampson  and  other  noncon- 
formists; his  excellences,  422;  writes  to 
Elizabeth  on  the  spoliation  of  the  church, 
429,  " ;  urges  Grindal  to  adopt  the  canons 
of  1571,  434;  how  far  he  was  the  cause  of 
persecution  is  uncertain  ;  his  character,  and 
death,  446;  prepares  the  Articles  for  the 
convocation,  1562, 484 ;  remodels  them,  485, 
487. 

Parker,  Mrs.,  called  by  her  maiden  name,  468,'. 

Parker,  Samuel,  bishop  of  Oxford,  elected 
president  of  Magdalen  college,  761. 

Parliament;  (see  jicis  of  Parliamenl  .-)  present 
a  petition  in  favour  of  reform  in  the  church, 
1581,  448;  members  sent  to  the  Tower  for 
innovating  in  religion,  456  ;  selfishness  and 
tyranny  of,  580;  Jjong,  oppression  of,  598; 
the  kingdom  disgusted  with  them,  603;  Ro- 
man Catholics  prevented  from  sitting  in, 
720,  721. 

Parliamentarv  religion,  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, a,  336',  811. 

Parr,  Catharine,  married  to  Henrj-,  224;  talks 
to  the  king  on  religious  subjects;  in  dan- 
ger, but  escapes,  226. 

Parties  for  and  against  Reformation,  205. 

Pascal  II.,  his  ill  conduct  about  .\aselm,  55. 

Pascatius  Radbertus,  16. 

Passive  obedience,  doctrine  of,  prevalent,  729, 
preached  till  the  clergy  had  to  suffer  for  it, 
781. 

Pastoral  Stafl",  743,  ^  9. 
Patric,  employed  about  the  Collects,  728,807, 
p.  304. 

Paul,  St.,  possibly  converted  England,  2. 
Paul's  Cross,  353. 

Paul  IV.  annuls  the  settlement  about  church 
property,  364;  refuses  to  acknowledge  Eli- 
zabeth, 402. 

Paul  V.  forbids  Roman  Catholics  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  516. 

Pa3'ment  of  ofBcers  in  the  army,  430, 

Peachell,  ejected  from  the  vice-chancellorship 
at  Cambridge,  762. 


INDEX. 


347 


Pecoclc,  promolps  the  Reformation  by  excus- 
ing Romish  errors,  and  analyzinp;  what  was 
innocent  in  them  ;  promoted  to  the  sees  of 
St.  Asapii  and  (.'hichesler ;  deprived  of  his 
preferments,  126;  he  otfended  by  betraying 
the  weakness  of  Rome,  by  defending  it  on 
its  risrhl  ground ;  images;  pilgrimages,  127; 
defends  the  supremacy,  and  the  religious 
orders,  but  blames  the  abuses,  128;  the  Bi- 
ble the  standard  of  his  faith;  his  opinions 
similar  to  Wiclif's;  a  man  of  no  great 
talents,  129. 

Peers,  House  of,  the  number  of  lay  and  spi- 
ritual memb'^rs,  129,  '. 

Pelagian  heresy,  5. 

Penal  laws  render  the  Roman  Catholics  fa- 
vourable to  the  tyranny  of  James  II.,  753; 
James  tries  to  repeal  them,  759. 

Penance  and  repentance  confounded,  21,  ; 
and  confession,  difference  between  the 
churches  of  England  and  Rome;  those  ge- 
nerally imposed  among  the  Sa.\'(ms;  com- 
mutation of,  21,  •■ ;  or  repentance;  sacra- 
mental part,  279.    See  Absnlalwn. 

Penitents  and  apostates,  a  form  of  prayer  for 
reconciling,  808. 

Penruddock,  rising  of,  605. 

Penry  executed,  4G1. 

Perjury,  promoted  by  dispensations,  56;  pre- 
valence of,  and  cause,  615. 

Persecutions,  early,  St.  Alban,  3;  directed  the 
attention  of  mankind  to  the  false  doctrines 
of  Rome, 1 36;  effects  of,  173;  Lord  Herbert's 
observation  on,  221  ;  question  concerning, 
discussed,  365;  dissust  excited  by;  petition 
against;  ."Mphonsus  preaches  against;  Phi- 
lip adverse  to  persecution,  366  ;  under  Mary 
and  Elizabeth,  444;  in  England  before  Lu- 
ther, 491,  ;  James  I.,  518  ;  of  the  usurpa- 
tion and  Charles  II.,  731;  of  dissenters; 
('harles  11.;  arising  from  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, 816. 

Perseverance,  final,  discussed  at  Hampton 
Court,  505. 

Persons,  comes  to  England,  438;  much  to 
blame  about  the  armada,  457. 

Perth,  assembly  of;  the  five  points,  565,  ■'. 

Peter,  St.,  tradition  about,  2. 

Peter's  pence,  103,  ';  re-demanded;  Wiclif 
declares  them  not  to  be  due,  110. 

Petitions  presented  against  episcopacy;  the 
Millenary;  its  value,  502;  of  the  noncon- 
formists to  the  king,  1660,  661  ;  for  peace, 
of  Baxter,  670  ;  after  the  conference,  679  ; 
of  the  seven  bishops,  768. 

Peto,  refused  admission  into  England,  374. 

Petre,  Father,  made  privy-counsellor,  763. 

Philip,  St.,  tradition  about,  2. 

Philip  of  France  proceeds  to  depose  John,  63. 

Philip  of  Spain  sends  money  to  Gardiner  to 
bribe  off  opponents,  356;  he  saves  Eliza- 
beth, 363  ;  adverse  to  persecution;  he  neg- 
lects Mary,  366. 

Pictures  and  images,  when  introduced;  de- 
crees of  second  council  of  Nice,  18. 

Pierson,  one  of  the  disputants,  1661,  673. 

Pilgrimages  to  Jerusalem,  early  made  by  the 
English  •  and  to  Rome ;  abuses  arising 
from;  penitential  canons  enact  them,  20; 


Wiclif's  opinion  of,  118  ;  Pecock's,  127  ;  of 

grace,  209. 
Pius  V.  excommunicates  Elizabeth,  437. 
Plague  in  London,  714;  nonconformists  et- 

erted  themselves,  727. 
Plans  for  employing  the  wealth  of  the  sup- 

pi'essed    monasteries,   248  ;  constructing 

harbours  ;  a  school  of  diplomacy,  249. 
Plays,  none  acted  during  the  usurpatnm,  620. 
Plots  against  the  government, 721 ;  Charles  II., 

722. 

Ploughman,  complaint  of;  notice  of,  107, 
Pocock,  ill  treatment  of,  609,  '. 
Poinets.    See  Ponet. 

Pole,  Cardinal,  writes  against  Henry,  208; 
appointed  legate;  idea  of  his  marrying 
Mary,  356;  comes  to  England  and  recon- 
ciles the  kingdom  to  the  pope;  he  alarms 
the  holders  of  church  property,  364;  a 
friend  to  mild  measures,  365 ;  evil  reports 
sent  of  him  to  Rome,  by  Gardiner,  368; 
reforms  the  church  ;  intends  to  publish  the 
New  Testament,  and  to  establish  cathedral 
schools,  369;  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
372  ;  dismisses  several  heretics,  373  ;  per- 
secuted by  Paul  IV.,  but  restored,  374; 
death  of ;  character,  375. 

Police,  moral,  established  by  the  church,  819. 

Pollanus,  Valerandus,' 745,  \  1. 

Ponet,  defence  of  priests'  marriage,  216 ;  Cate- 
chism, 331. 

Poor  laws,  436. 

Poor  priests,  Wiclif's,  120. 

Pope,  the,  grants  Ireland  to  Henry  II.,  57 ;  ap- 
points Stephen  Langton  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, 62 ;  ;axes  the  clergy,  103 ;  many 
of  them  Frenchmen  ;  offensive  to  England, 
103  '  ;  laws  against,  166. 

Popery,  political  tendency  of,  752. 

Popham,  A.,  at  the  Charter-house,  762. 

Poverty  of  the  church,  330,  causes  of,  410, 430. 

Powder-plot,  514. 

Power,  why  given  to  the  ministers  of  the  gos- 
pel, 131. 

Practice  of  prelates,  171. 

Praemunire,  statute  of,  104,  '. 

Prayers  for  the  dead,  early  in  use;  not  con- 
nected necessarily  with  purgatory,  15;  al- 
tered, 305;  examined,  322  ;  in  the  primers 
of  Edward  VL  and  Elizabeth,  741 ;  ad- 
dressed to  saints  before  Alfred's  time; 
Anglo-Saxon  church's  opinion  about,  (see 
iorrf's,)  18;  bidding,  .305,  ■■  \  in  Latin;  wis- 
dom of  having  the,  an  odd  argument  for, 
310  ;  for  the  sufferers  under  Mary,  forbid- 
den, 374;  common,  used  in  Scotland,  (see 
Common,)  494;  how  used  during  the  usur- 
pation, 615,  '  ;  Bates  says  it  was  allowed, 
616;  the  nonconformists'  objection  to,  671; 
form  of,  for  the  fifth  of  November,  &c.,  750. 

Praying  for  William  and  Mary,objecled  to,  804. 

Preacher,  a,  inveighs  against  the  bill  which 
subjected  all  robbers  to  the  civil  power,  151. 

Preachers,  king's,  appointed  and  sent  through 
the  country  to  preach,  1551,  326;  licensed, 
who  are  favourable  to  the  church  of  Rome, 
354  ;  in  Oxford,  silenced  for  preaching  on 
predestination,  557. 

Preaching  forbidden,  223  ;  on  week-days. 


348 


INDEX. 


stopped,  323  ;  James's  letter  about,  521 ;  on 
controverted  points, forbidden;  James  II. ,756. 
Predestination,  a  source  of  differences,  276, 
317  ;  disputes  about, 367;  controversy  about, 
463;  Hampton-courl,  505.  See  Lambetk  ^r- 
tiiles. 

Preferments,  (see  Appointments,')  value  of,  the 
cause  of  disputes,  133;  and  of  wrong  ap- 
pointments, 134  ;  granted  to  monks  ;  pover- 
ty of,  a  hinderance  to  the  Reformation,  303. 

Presbyterians,  few  in  the  House  of  ('ommons 
at  iirst,  571,  '  ;  tyrannical  over  the  laity, 
587;  why,  591,  ■'■ ;  established  in  London 
and  Lancashire,  592;  tlieir  church  govern- 
ment, 587  ;  divine  right  of,  589,  592  ;  framed 
by  the  assembly  of  divines,  591 ;  republican, 
593;  ministers  petition  for  the  king,  595,  '; 
silenced  by  Erbury,  600;  they  wished  to 
establish  a  limited  monarchv,  601  ;  their 
proceedings  when  in  power;  ejected  by  the 
engagement;  abused  the  power  of  the  bish- 
ops, but  loved  the  power  of  the  presbytery, 
606 ;  oflended  at  the  execution  of  Mr.  Love  ; 
they  afterwards  possessed  no  power  ;  Monk 
destroys  it  in  Scotland,  607  ;  their  govern- 
ment in  the  minister  and  elders;  they  publish 
directions  about  catechising,  614;  instru- 
mental in  the  Restoration,  650;  who  are 
meant  by  the  term  ;  republicans  in  the 
church,  (551;  difficulty  arising  from  them 
at  the  Restoration,  656  ;  anxious  for  parish 
discipline,  657;  object  of  the,  at  the  Resto- 
ration; the  difficulty  of  it,  659  ;  their  peti- 
tion to  the  king,  objections  to  the  church, 
661  ;  alter  the  king's  declaration,  (see  Savoy 
Conference,')  664;  after  the  conference  they 
present  an  address  to  the  king,  675. 

Presbytery  admired  by  those  who  had  been 
exiles  for  religion,  425;  first  established  at 
Wandsworth,  446  ;  attempt  to  introduce  the, 
452  ;  how  introduced  into  England,  574,  580. 

Price  of  a  Bible,  534,  '-. 

Prideaux,  J.  V.  C,  when  the  Articles  were 
published  without  the  first  clause  in  the 
twentieth,  487. 

Prideaux,  H.,  formed  great  hopes  of  a  reform 
in  the  church,  808. 

Priests,  poor,  Wiclif's,  120;  age  of,  when  or- 
dained, 435. 

Priests  and  ministers,  the  term  used  without 
rule  in  the  Rubrics,  748, 

Primer,  224,  ' ;  741, 2. 

Principles  on  which  the  nonjuring  bishops 
continued  the  succession,  804;  of  the  Revo- 
lution, 805. 

Printing,  157. 

Printing-press  of  the  libellers  discovered,  458. 

Priories,  alien,  dissolved,  1414,  248,  ^. 

Prisoners  at  Worcester  sold  for  slaves,  607. 

Proclamation  to  the  clergy  in  favour  of  re- 
form, 207;  about  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy; 
Cranmer  screened,  216;  against  innova- 
tions, 308;  Henry's  made  equivalent  to 
laws;  for  printing  the  Bible,  218  ;  in  favour 
of  the  Bible,  222. 

Profitable  and  Necessary  Doctrine,  published 
by  Bonner,  369,  '. 

Propaganda,  Protestant,  604. 

Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Wales,  608. 


Proparents,  671. 

Properly,  church,  Wiclif's  opinion  of,  116, 
confusion  about,  116,  ';  why  granted  to  the 
church, 131 ;  transferred  at  the  dissolution  of 
monasteries, 258;  not  restored,  1554;  Cardi- 
nal Pole  in  veighs  against  this,  and  Paul  IV. 
annuls  all  the  concessions,  364  ;  principles 
of,  430,      at  the  Restoration,  703,  'K 

Prophesyings,  what  they  were ;  stopped  by 
the  queen;  advantages  of.  427 ;  ^n  Nt)rwich, 
slopped,  446  ;  bishops  ordered  to  suppress 
them,  447;  objected  to  by  James,  508. 

Protestant  Union  of  Faith  proposed  by  Cran- 
mer, 324. 

Protestantism,  political  tendency  of,  752. 
Provisions,  papal,  103;  statute  against,  104; 

dispute  about,  compromised,  110. 
Provision  made  for  the  ejected  clergy,  598. 
Provisors,  statute  of,  104. 
Prynne  punished,  562. 

Psalm  singing,  312  ;  authority  of  the  Old  Ver- 
sion, and  history  of,  312,  ■  ;  in  the  Prayer 
Book,  taken  from  the  Great  Bible,  or  Cran- 
mer's,  536,  ';  selections  from,  1689,  and 
new  translation,  807. 

Purgatory,  doctrines  of,  when  invented;  com- 
mon to  many  religions  ;  prayers  fur  the  dead 
not  necessarily  connected  with  it ;  traces  of 
it  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  ;  popular  notions 
of  it  in  the  time  of  Bede  and  Alcuin,  15 ;  first 
believed,  and  then  made  profitable, 24;  Wic- 
lif's opinion  of,  117;  attacked,  170;  the 
origin  of  the  wealth  of  the  clergy,  229;  ex- 
amined, 248  ;  Erudition,  277. 

Puritans  opposed  the  civil  power,  421;  objec- 
tions of,  423;  intolerant,  445;  treatment  of, 
449,459,  401 ;  endeavour  to  alter  the  govern- 
ment of  the  church,  458;  their  plan  of  pro- 
ceeding, 459 ;  much  to  blame,  yet  treated 
with  severity,  466,  471  ;  Elizabeth's  treat- 
ment of,  468  ;  points  complained  of  by  them, 
502;  James's  opinion  of  them,  509  ;  idea 
conveyed  by  the  name,  524  ;  different  par- 
ties comprehended  under  the  term.  527. 

Quakers,  name  of,  618,  ;  compelled  to  take 
an  oath,  713  ;  sufferings  of,  760. 

Qiiare  impedit,  110, 

Quick  and  the  dead,  the  mass  a  sacrifice  for, 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  17. 

Rachell,  Dr.,  ejected  from  the  vice-chancellor- 
ship of  Cambridge,  762. 

Rationale  of  the  Roman  Catholic  service,271,-. 

Ratram,  see  Bertram. 

Rebellion,  northern,  suppressed.  210  ;  hastens 
the  suppression  of  monasteries,  211;  Wy- 
at's,  caused  by  the  Spanish  match,  359. 

Recantation,  feigned  one  of  Wiclif,  112;  of 
Lord  Cobham,  124. 

Reconciliation  with  Rome,  1554.  364. 

Redemption,  universality  of,  276. 

Reform,  plans  of,  452 ;  only  safe  when  carried 
on  by  the  upper  orders,  601. 

Reformatio  legiim  cerlesiastirorrtm, 330,435,  and 
the  first  chapters  an  authorized  expression 
of  the  meaning  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles, 
482. 

Reformation,  steps  towards  a,  137;  causes  of 
151 ;  promoted  by  the  progress  of  literature 
157;  review  of,  instruments  who  produced 


INDEX. 


349 


it,  174;  state  of  the,  1547,  229;  in  Germa- 
ny, its  efTects  on  England  not  considerable 
during  Henry's  reign, 231 ;  hindered  by  hav- 
ing monks  put  into  benefices,  and  poverty 
of  the  livings,  303;  of  ecclesiastical  law, 
330 ;  afleciions  of  the  people  towards  the, 
1553,  335  ;  review  of  the  benefits  and  evils 
arising  from  the,  413;  political  character 
of,  442  ;  in  England,  not  liasty.  491  ;  it  had  j 
been  long  preparing,  492 ;  to  be  preferred' 
to  that  in  Scotland,  498  ;  in  Scotland,  491 ; 
rapid,  493;  established  1560,  495;  general 
view  of,  497;  a  revolution  in  the  church,  498 ; 
introduced  discussion  in  church  and  state, 
525.  I 

Reformed  churches  too  simple  in  their  cere- 
monies, 414. 

Reformers,  ihe,  publish  a  statement  of  their 
belief,  from  prison,  362. 

Regeneration,  at  baptism,  671,  672,    p.  257. 

Relics,  used  in  the  consecration  of  churches, 
18  ;  natural  respect  for  thera  ;  sent  by  Gre- 
gory to  .\ugustin,  19. 

Religion,  inlluence  of,  in  forming  the  army, 
579  ;  used  by  Cromwell,  582  ;  stale  of,  dur- 
ing the  usurpation,  611,  615. 

Religious  orders,  Pecock  defends  the  variety 
of,  128;  depravity  of,  130. 

Re-ordination  objected  to,  663;  influences 
manv  of  the  nonconformists,  710,  and  '; 
454,  i;  form  of,  807, 

Repentance  and  penance  confounded,  21  ;  sa- 
cramental part  of  if,  276,  279. 

Responses  in  the  Liturgy  objecied  to,  671,  672. 

Restoration,  causes  of,  624  ;  the  presbyterians 
negligent  in  providing  for  their  safety  at,  650 ; 
service  for,653 ;  summary  of  the  history,816. 

Revenues  of  the  clergy  lessened  at  the  Re- 
formation by  the  loss  of  fees  and  personal 
tithe,  250, ' ;  of  the  suppressed  monasteries, 
how  they  might  best  have  been  applied,  251. 

Revolution,  progress  of  the,  722;  was  it  a  po- 
litical or  religious  struggle  1  780 ;  principles 
of,  805. 

Reynolds  at  the  conference  at  Hampton  Court, 
504,  505,  .506,  507  ;  accepts  a  bishopric,  666. 

Rhemes  New  Testament,  539. 

■Richardson,  ch.  j.,  suppresses  wakes,  &c.,  559. 

Ridley,  disputations  in  Cambridge,  315;  ad- 
vises Hooper  to  comply,  321  ;  made  bishop 
of  London,  323  ;  his  assistance  desired  in 
the  dispute  in  convocation,  357 ;  disputes 
at  Oxford,  361  ;  supposed  to  have  assisted 
Cranmer  in  framing  the  39  Articles,  482. 

Ring,  in  marriage,  671. 

Risings  in  Devon  and  Norfolk,  317. 

Rites,  diversity  of,  destroys  not  the  unity  of 
the  church,  277. 

Robbers  and  murderers  subjected  to  civil 
courts,  151. 

Rogers,  ^.,  his  assistance  desired  by  the  Pro- 
testants disputing  in  convocation,  357; 
burnt  in  Smithfield,  366;  publishes  Mat- 
thew's Bible,  535. 

Rolle's  translation  of  the  Bible,  533. 

Roman  Catholics  injured  by  the  conduct  of 
Paul  IV.,  402  ;  they  attended  church  early 
in  Elizabeth's  reign,  437;  treatment  of,  438 ; 
severity  caused  by  the  ill  conduct  of  their 


own  leaders,  439  ;  treatment  of,  under  Eliza- 
beth, discussed,  440  ;  their  conduct  alarmed 
Protestants,  468, " ;  treatment  of,  at  the  lime 
of  the  armada,  457  ;  their  cause  cursed  with 
injudicious  leaders;  some  of  tne  clergy 
view  the  matter  truly  ;  Burleigh's  testimony 
in  their  favour,  457  ;  in  some  measure  the 
cause  of  their  own  sufferings  ;  number  who 
suffered,  462,  ;  severe  laws  against,  515; 
punished,  1606,  516  ;  a  project  for  tolerating 
them  under  Cromwell,  610;  laws  against 
them;  excluded  from  parliament,  720  ;  ques- 
tion about  them,  723;  driven  to  support 
James  by  the  intolerance  of  the  Prolestants, 
753  ;  in  England  have  much  reason  to  com- 
plain at  not  having  bishops,763,  ;  excluded 
from  toleration,  806 ;  not  tolerated,  nor  So- 
cinians,  817. 

Rome,  superiority  of,  over  Sason  England, 9,  ^; 
errors  of  the  church  of,  generally  those  of 
human  nature;  debt  due  to,  from  Europe, 
14;  date  of  their  introduction  into  England, 
15;  pilgrimages  to;  visited  by  many  of  the 
Saxon  kings,  20 ;  inlluence  of,  arose  from 
the  vices  of  the  kings;  interfered  to  sup- 
port the  just  rights  ol' the  church,  53;  inter- 
feres with  the  affairs  of  England,  61  ;  power 
of,  64;  Greathead  opposes  it,  65;  growth  of 
the  power  of,  67;  causes  of  it;  injustice  of 
the  crown,  68,  70;  political  abuses  of  the 
church,  with  regard  to  England;  attempts 
to  limit  it,  102  ;  moral  abuses,  105;  doctrinal 
errors  of,  idolatry,  &c.,  106;  coveiousness 
of,  Wiclif  writes  against  the,  108;  Wiclif 
opposes  the  temporal  power  of,  and  (he  doc- 
trines, 114;  Pecock  excuses  the  errors  of, 
126  ;  defends  them  on  the  right  ground,  and 
so  injures  their  defence,  127;  misuses  the 
power  granted  to  her,  131  ;  the  power  of,  a 
check  to  the  crown,  132;  stepped  in  to  de- 
fend the  right  of  the  clergy  to  appoint  their 
own  superiors,  against  the  crown,  133; 
power  of,  dependent  on  false  doctrines  ;  and 
attacked  by  ihe  translation  of  the  Bible,  136; 
final  rupture  with, 165  ;  the  religion  of,  never 
in  the  Bible,  172,  ';  the  power  of,  thrown 
down  by  opinion,  as  well  as  laws,  229. 

Royalists,  division  among  the,  at  the  Restora- 
tion ;  eager  for  preferments,  655. 

Roye,*Villiam,  assisted  Tyndale,  534. 

Rural  deans  promised;  their  office,  665. 

Russell.  Lord,  722. 

Sabbatarian  controversy,  519,  558. 

Sabbath,  strict  observance  of  it  enjoined,  Ed- 
ward VI.,  304 ;  how  spent  in  the  days  of 
Elizabeth,  519,  ';  laws  about,  during  the 
usurpation,  620. 

Sacramentaries,  214, 

Sacraments,  seven,  Wiclif 's  opinion  of,  118; 
Alesse  argues  against  Ihem,  205  ;  a  question 
of  the  name,  rather  than  the  thing;  differ- 
ence between  the  different  sacraments; 
three  most  necessary  ;  how  the  church  of 
England  views  this,  278. 

Sacraments  to  be  administered  by  the  clergy, 
460,  \  p.  159 ;  of  the  Lord's  supper,  671. 

Saints,  invocation  of,  18,  277. 

Salisbury,  services  after  the  use  of,  the  basis 
of  the  Comraon  Prayer,  744. 

2G 


350 


INDEX. 


Salvation  throi]<!:h  Christ  alone,  276. 

Sampson  deprived,  410  ;  ininlerani,  445. 

Sancroft  urges  chapters  to  au^rrnent  their  liv- 
ings, 703,  - ;  attempts  a  comprehension, 715; 
refuses  to  act  on  the  ecclesiastical  commis- 
.sion,  757;  conduct  about  the  declaration, 
768  ;  sent  to  the  Tower,  769  ;  publishes  ad- 
monitiims  to  the  other  bishops;  allempts  a 
comprehension,  771  ;  presents  a  paper  of 
advice  to  James  II.,  773,  ' ;  draws  up  a  ser- 
vice for  30th  of  January,  750,  '  ;  transfers 
his  authority  to  Lloyd,  803. 

Sanctification,  held  by  Wiclif,  119. 

Sanctuary,  abuse  of,  103  ;  benefit  of,  243. 

Sanderson  carries  on  hi.s  ministry  ;  method  of 
using  the  Common  Prayer,  G15. 

Sandys'  opinion  on  the  dresses,  418. 

Sardica,  council  of,  4. 

Saunders,  L.,  burnt  at  Coventry,  36G  ;  his  letter 

to  his  wife,  App.  F. 
Savoy  conference;  the  commission,  667;  iis 

failure  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  discussion, 

700. 

Sawtrey,  William,  burnt,  122. 

Saxons  invade  England,  6. 

Saxon  names  of  days  and  feasts,  7,  ' ;  kings 
visit  Rome,  20. 

Scandalous  ministers,  committee  of,  574. 

Schism,  hardly  deemed  a  sin,  718. 

Schools,  early  established  in  England.  5;  es- 
tablished by  Alfred  for  tiis  son,  11;  for  di- 
plomacy, plan  for,  249  ;  cathedral,  Pole  in- 
tends to  establish,  369. 

Scotland;  (see  Li'vr^y,  Sro'rh  .)  reformatiini 
in,  compared  with  that  of  England,  491, 
495;  Cromwell's  war  in,  602;  episcopacy 
now  existing  there,  804. 

Scotch  church  write  concerning  dresses,  419. 

Scory,  consecrates  Parker,  409. 

Scriptures,  Holy,  the  standard  of  faith,  in 
Wiclit's  opinion,  116  ;  Pecock's,  129  ;  study 
of.  157;  use  of,  172;  burning  of,  173. 

Sea,  Form  of  Prayer  to  be  used  at,  749. 

Sects,  during  the  Usurpaiicm,  617. 

Secular  clergy,  dispute  with  the  Jesuits  ;  de- 
clare their  loyalty,  462. 

Sees,  new,  erected,  218,  . 

Selden's  Table  Talk,  657,  ' ;  675,  2;  717,'. 

Self-denying  ordinance,  580. 

Seminaries  established;  the  oath  taken  by  the 
seminarists  in  Scoiland,  438. 

Separation  of  the  church  of  England  from 
Rome,  165,204,403,437;  when  allowable, 
718. 

Sermons,  written,  223;  prohibited  by  Mary, 
354;  prevalence  of,  injurious,  614. 

Service,  church,  in  Latin,  23;  books,  old,  de- 
stroyed, 1550,  319  ;  at  the  end  of  the  Prayer 
Book,  759. 

Severus,  a  French  bishop,  assists  the  British 
church,  5. 

Seymour,  Jane,  married  to  Hp nry  VIII ,  204. 

Seymour,  Sir  Thomas,  admiral,  executed,  313. 

Shaftesbury,  carries  the  exclusion  bill  against 
Roman  Catholics,  721;  cares  little  for  reli- 
gion, 723. 

Sharp  preaches  against  popery,  757. 

Shaxton,  resigns  his  see,  218;  condemned  to 
be  burnt;  recants,  225. 


Sheldon,  makes  nn  arrangement  about  subsi- 
dies, 701,  705;  s"ving  about  the  noncon- 
foi  mists,  731. 

Shirt,  see  Si  ^iiiilers,  L..  Append.  F. 

Shrines  destroyed,  212. 

Si  bihorpe, Ills  serin,  ai  not  licensed  by  Abbot,555 
Simon  Zelotes,  tradition  about,  2. 
Sirnoniacal  contracts  of  patrons,  305,  410,  430. 
Sinliilnessdf  the  impositions  in  the  Liturgy, 673. 
Six  Articles,  act  of,  217. 

Skinner,  bishop  of  Oxford,  ordains  during  the 
usurpation,  (,'15. 

Smalralde,  princes  assembled  there,  write  to 
France  and  England  ;  Henry  answers  them, 
and  sends  ambassadors,  232. 

Smith  challenges  P.  Martyr  at  Oxford,  313; 
he  flies,  314. 

Smith,  ^ir  T.,  his  life  saved  by  Gardiner,  368. 

Siicinians;  severity  against,  621;  not  tole- 
rated ;  nor  Ruman  t.'atholics,  817. 

Some!  set,  duke  of,  protector,  301  ;  his  fall, 
319  ;  and  character,  328. 

Soiiih  prayed  publicly  in  Westiriinster  school 
for  Charles  on  the  day  of  his  execution,  600. 

Southworlh,  a  Romish  priest,  executed,  610. 

Spanish  match;  parliament  petitions  against 
It,  356;  creaies  a  rebellion,  359. 

Sparkes.at  the  Hampton  Court  conference,  504. 

Sparrow,  one  of  the  dispulanis,  1661,  673. 

Spies,  the  papal  otlie.ers  are,  103. 

Spidiation.  siill  carried  on,  1552.  330. 

Sponsors,  ihe  answers  made  by, objected  to,424. 

Sports, B'lokof;  disliked  by  the  clergy ,5 19,559. 

Sprati,  bi.shop  of  Rochesier,  on  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal comuussion,  7.'j7  ;  reads  the  declaration 
in  Westminsler  Abbey,  768.  ■' ;  withdraws 
from  the  commission,  1689,806. 

Staiidish,  Dr.,  advocates  the  civil  power,  152. 

Siar  (Chamber,  courl  of.  554,  575. 

SfUe  of  the  country,  1040,  571. 

•Stephen  increases  the  papal  power  by  his 
injustice;  summoned  before  the  bishop  of 
Winchester,  56. 

Slillincrtieel,  preaches,  728  ;  reviewed  the  Col- 
lects, 807,  \  p.  304. 

Siraflord,  Lord,  injustice  of  his  death,  582. 

Strasburg,  service  of  the  church  at,  745,  1. 

Straw,  miracle  c^f,  514. 

Subscription  to  the  .'Articles;  limited  to  those 
relating  to  faith  and  the  s  irraments,  485 ; 
dates  from  the  canons  (if  16!)4,  488. 

Subsidy,  what,  331, '  ;  last,  paid  by  the  clergy, 
how  paid,  701. 

Sudbury,  S.,  summons  Wiclif  before  him.  111. 

Suffiilk,  men  of,  Mary's  promise  to  them, -352. 

SufTidk,  duke  of,  executed  I'or  Wyat's  rebel- 
lion, 359. 

SufTragan  bishops,  062,  '. 

Summary  of  the  history  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land. 811. 

Sunderland,  Lord,  dishonest.  777. 

Supererogation,  works  on,  275. 

Supei  ioritj'  of  Rome  over  Saxim  England,  9. 

Supplication  of  bejrgars,  by  Fish,  171. 

Supremacy,  papal,  Wiclif  opjioses  the,  115, 
Pecock  defends  it,  128;  of  the  king,  ill  re- 
ceived by  the  clergy,  163;  oath  of,  166; 
hardly  less  arbitrary  than  that  of  Rome,  172 : 
Erudition,  281 ;  the  parliament  unwilling  to 


INDEX. 


351 


give  it  up,  356;  Elizabeth  scruples  about 
the  name;  oaili  of,  403;  declaraiion  of  Eli- 
zabeth concerning,  406 ;  Roman  Catholic 
clergy  ejected  by  it,  407;  oath  of;  severe 
act  (if  parliament  about,  412  ;  oath  of,  453, ' ; 
established  in  England  very  arbitrary,  525. 

Surplice,  question  about,  at  Hampton  Court, 
508;  objected  to,  661,671  ;  use  of,  1689,807. 

Surrender  of  monasteries,  see  Monasteries. 

Surrey,  Lord,  execution  of,  227. 

Sussex  converted  to  Christianity,  8. 

Swearing,  laws  against,  620. 

Sword,  "  You  have  the  word,  but  we  have  the," 
358. 

Syrian  churches, .Mfred  sends  an  embassy  to,l  1. 
'I'averner's  Bible,  536. 

Tax  imposed  by  the  pope  on  the  clergy,  61, 
103;  by  Edward  I.,  66;  imposed  on  the  cler- 
gy by  parliament,  701. 

Taylor  burnt  at  Hadley,  366. 

Temporalities  during  a  vacancy,  53,  2.  See 
Projierly, 

Tennison  reviewed  the  Liturgy,  807,  ^,  p.  304. 
Tenths  and  first  fruits  restored  to  the  crown, 

404;  augmentation  of,  430,  ". 
Tenths  and  fifteenths,  331,  '•. 
Tertullian,  quotation  frotn,  2,  *  ;  and  3. 
Test  act,  720. 

Testimonials  given  by  Oxford  to  Wiclif,  120. 
Tewkesbury  burnt,  170. 

Thanks  given  to  the  gentry  for  attending  the 
execution  of  heretics,  367. 

Theodore,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  8. 

Theodoret,  quotation  from,  2,  ',  p.  1  ;  ',  p.  2. 

Theology,  study  of  James's  advice,  521,  '. 

Thirlby  degrades  Cranmer,  370. 

Thorpe,  William,  examination  of,  124. 

Throgmorton,  Sir  N.,  the  jury  fined  for  ac- 
quitting him,  359. 

Tillotson,  preaches,  1666,  728  ;  exposed  to 
much  obloquy,  804;  reviewed  the  Collects, 
807;  not  elected  prolocutor,  809. 

Tithes  mentioned  before  Eihelwulph's  grant 
to  the  church  ;  spoken  of  as  due  by  divine 
right,  10;  personal,  430 ;  not  to  be  let  by  a 
non-resident  clergyman,  435. 

Toleration  estal>li^hed  by  Cromwell,  610  ;  pro- 
mised by  Charles  IL  at  Breda,  660;  little 
understood;  demanded  by  the  anabaptists 
and  indepf-ndents,  664;  Charles  IL,  decla- 
ration for,  715. 

Toleration  act,  806. 

Tombs  of  the  archbishops  of  Canterbury,  re- 
spect paid  to;  dispute  about  it,  19. 

Tonstal,  story  of  burning  the  New  Testament, 
173  ;  draws  up  an  answer  to  the  German 
Protestants,  232  ;  deprived,  331. 

Torture  directed  to  be  used,  367;  used  at  the 
powder-plot,  514. 

Tracy,  his  will,  170. 

Trade  promoted  by  monasteries,  245. 

Traditions  and  ceremonies,  281. 

Transfer,  the,  of  properly  from  one  religious 
use  to  another  not  begun  by  Henry  VIIL, 
248,  to  the  crown, made  illegal,  513;  in- 
jurious when  sudden,  656. 

Translations  formed  by  Alfred,  11  ;  of  the  Bi- 
ble, 507,  531,  &c.  (see  Bihlr);  question  of  a 
new  translation,  540  ;  new  to  be  used,  67L 


Transubstantiation,  Waterland's  history  of; 
not  held  by  the  Anglo-Saxons,  16;  first  be- 
lieved, and  then  made  profitable,  24;  de- 
clared to  be  a  tenet  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
63,  106;  opposed  by  Wiclif,  112;  Wiclif's 
opinion  ;  the  first  decisicm  about  in  England, 
119;  the  point  on  which  martyrs  were  ex- 
amined,122  ;  Erudition,  280  ;  doctrine  stated, 
313;  disputations  on,  at  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge, 314;  disputed  on  in  convocation, 
357  ;  the  doctrine  for  which  the  martyrs  suf- 
fered, 444  ;  declaration  to  be  made  against 
it,  720. 

Travers,  disputes  with  Hooker ;  question  as 
to  his  ordination,  454. 

Tremellius,  placed  at  Cambridge,  314. 

Triers,  established  by  Cromwell ;  used  politi- 
cally, 609. 

Trinity,  correct  faith  in,  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons,  26;  doctrine  of,  in  the  Erudition, 
273;  non-believers  in,  excluded  from  tole- 
ration, 806. 

Troubles  at  Frankfort,  367,  '. 

Tunicles,  743,  ',  9. 

Turner,  bishop  of  Ely,  engaged  in  Lord  Pres- 
ton's plot,  805. 

Tyndale's  translation  of  the  New  Test.,  534 ; 
burnt  by  Tonstal,  173. 

Vdlor  erclesiasticits,  history  of  the  various  ones 
in  England,  201,  ',  p.  54;  question  as  to  the 
right  of  the  crown  to  frame  a  new  one,  756,  ^. 

Vaudois  relieved  by  Cromwell,  604. 

Ubiquitarians,  313,  '  ;  article  about,  341. 

Udal  translates  Erasmus's  Paraphrase,  205, ' ; 
executed,  461. 

Verses,  Bible  divided  into,  537,  K 

Vesey,  Dr.,  persuades  Henry  VHL  to  support 
the  civil  power,  152. 

Vicars  apostolic  in  England,  763, 

Virgin  Mary,  worship  of,  18  ;  addresses  to,  744. 

Visitation  of  the  church  (see  Monasteries),  201; 
ecclesiastical,  1547, 304;  1549,314;  of  the  uni- 
versities, 373  ;  Articles  of,  framed,  1661,701. 

TTnction,  extreme,  280. 

Uniformity,  act  of,  405;  compared  with  that  of 
Elizabeth,  702 ;  discussed;  its  policy,  703, 
&c. ;  its  justice,  706;  persecutions  under 
it,  711. 

Union,  Protestant,  planned  by  Cranmer,  324, 
and  ■'. 

Universities,  the  question  of  the  divorce  re- 
ferred to  them,  163;  alarmed  at  the  grant 
of  chapels  and  chantries,  confirmed,  225  ; 
wanted  in  the  north  of  England,  251  ;  visit- 
ed, 373;  sad  state  of,  1559,  410,  p.  123; 
incorporated,  436  ;  state  of,  1603,  471  ;  sub- 
jected to  the  ecclesiastical  commission,  757 ; 
first  attacked  by  James  II.;  state  of,  761. 

Vorstius,  James  I.  offended  with  him,  518. 

Vows  of  chastity,  a  great  snare,  116. 

Usher's,  Archbishop,  episcopacy,  585,  662, 
intercedes  with  Cromwell  in  favour  of  the 
clergy,  609;  allowed  of  the  ordination  of 
foreign  Protestant  churches,  710,  '. 

Usurpation,  601. 

Utopians,  the,  allowed  not  of  persecution, 

168,  ',  p.  50. 
Wales,  propagation  of  the  gospel  there,  593  ; 

independency  established,  608. 


352 


INDEX. 


Walker,  Obadiah,  head  of  University  college, 
a  Roman  Cathnlic,  761. 

Walton's  accouDtof  the  morality  of  the  usurpa- 
tion, 615. 

Wadsworih,  presbytery  at,  446,  \  p.  148. 
War,  civil,  causes  of,  575  ;  abstract  of,  578. 
Ward,  Bp.,  severe  on  nonconformists,  731. 
Warham,  persecutions  of,  1511,  491,  ^. 
Warwick,  E.  of,  (duke  of  Norlliuniberland,) 
joins  the  ieformers,319.  See  Norlliumbedaml. 
Water,  holy,  23. 

Water  to  be  mixed  with  the  wine  in  the  sacra- 
ment; baptismal,  when  consecrated,  743, 

Watson,  the  last  of  the  Roman  Catholic  bish- 
ops, 763,  ■. 

Wealtli,  taken  out  of  England  to  Rome,  103; 
of  I  he  clergy,  why  the  reformers  inveighed 
against  it,  134,  137. 

Wedding  garment.    See  Shirl. 

Weederburn  makes  the  alterations  in  the  Li- 
turgy, 567. 

Wentworth  brings  in  ecclesiastical  bills,  435. 

Wcsiminsier  Abbey,  disputation  there,  1559, 
405;  School;  ihe  boys  pra5-e(l  for  Charles 
on  the  day  of  his  execution,  600. 

Weston,  prolocutor  of  convocation,  357;  his 
remark  on  the  controversy  between  the  two 
parlies,  358. 

Whightman,  burnt  at  Lichfield,  518. 

White's,  Jeremy,  list  of  sufferers,  760. 

Whiigift's,  Robert,  observation  about  the  reli- 
gious orders  172, '. 

Whiigift,  Archbishop,  petitioned  for  greater 
liberty  about  the  dresses,  418  ;  dispute  with 
Carl  Wright,  433;  archbishop  of  Canterbury ; 
strict  in  enforcing  uniformity;  imposes  the 
three  Articles,  450;  holds  disputations  at 
Lambeth  before  some  members  of  the  Court, 
451;  puts  a  stop  to  plans  of  reform,  452  ; 
opposes  the  appointment  of  Travers,  454; 
discovers  a  press,  458 ;  determines  the  pre- 
destinarian  controversy  by  the  Lambeth  Ar- 
ticles, 463;  moderated  towards  the  puritans 
by  age;  peremptory  ;  his  gentleness,  465, '; 
sends  letters  to  the  suffragan  bishops  con- 
cerning the  slate  of  the  church,  502  ;  makes 
preparations  for  the  Hampton  Court  con- 
ference, 503;  present  there,  504;  his  ex- 
pressions about  James,  509. 

Whitiingham,  at  Frankfort,  367, 

Wiclif,  distinguished  at  Oxford;  writes  against 
the  covetousness  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
108;  expelled  from  the  wardenship  of  Can- 
terbury Hall;  an  enemy  to  the  friars;  dis- 
putes on  the  arrears  claimed  by  the  pope; 
lectures,  109;  called  professor  of  divinity, 
why  !  109, " ;  declares  Peter's  pence  not  due 
to  Rome  ;  offends  the  pope  and  clergy,  110; 
brought  before  S.  Sudbury  in  St.  Paul's  ;  his 
doctrines  approved  in  Oxford;  brought  be- 
fore the  archbishop  at  Lambeth;  sends  in 
a  declaration  of  his  faith  as  to  certain 
points.  111  ;  labours  under  a  severe  fever; 
the  friars  visit  him;  translates  the  Scrip- 
tures; opposes  transubstantiation ;  sum- 
moned before  commissioners  in  Oxford; 
leaves  the  university;  is  reported  to  have 
recanted,  112;  prepares  his  mind  for  mar- 

THE 


tyrdom  ;  dies  of  the  palsy,  113;  his  great 
learning,  and  good  qualities  ;  he  opposes  the 
temporal  power  and  doctrines  of  Rome,  1 14; 
his  opinions;  adverse  to  the  papal  supre- 
macy, 115;  asserts  the  duty  of  the  laitv  to 
take  away  church  propertyif  misused  ;  ce- 
libacy; the  Holy  Scriptures  his  ultimate 
standard;  purgaiory;  episcopacy  not  a  dis- 
tinct order,  116,  117;  seven  sacraments; 
baptism  ;  confirmation  not  coiifin,ed  to  bish- 
ops ;  absoluiion  and  confession  ;  matrimo- 
ny; pilgrimages;  images,  118;  opinion  on 
transubstantiation;  beheld  the  doctrines  of 
the  atonement  and  sanctificaiion ;  Melanc- 
thon's  opinion  of  \\'iclif,  119;  hi^  poor 
priests  ;  his  doctrines  promote  disturbances; 
Oxford  friendly  to  him.  gives  him  letters 
testimonial,  120;  Lord  Cobham  maintains 
his  opinions,  123,  124;  Pecock's  opinions 
lesemble  his,  129;  his  followers  inveigh 
asainst  any  temporal  power  in  the  hands 
of  the  clergy.  135;  attacked  the  power  of 
Rome  by  pointing  out  her  false  doctrines, 
136;  foresaw  the  final  result  of  the  strug- 
gle, 137  ;  translation  of  the  Bible.  533  ;  ques- 
tion of  a  previous  translation,  533, p.  195. 

AVilfrid  appeals  to  the  pope,  8,  9. 

Vv  ilkins.  Bp.,  attempts  to  frame  a  bill  for  the 
relief  of  the  nonconformists,  71.5. 

William  L  possessed  of  full  power  over  the 
church;  subjects  ecclesiastical  property  lo 
civil  service  ;  ejects  the  English  clergy  ;  ad- 
mits papal  legates  ;  separates  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  couris,  52. 

William  IL  quarrels  with  Anselm,  53 ;  admits 
the  authority  of  the  pope,  and  deceived  hy 
it.  54. 

William  and  Mary  assume  the  throne,  801. 
Williams,  A  bp.,  ill-treated,  555;  Osbolston,563. 
Williams,  Speaker,  fined,  755,  '. 
Winchelsey  opposed  Edward  I.,  66. 
Windsor,  persecution  at,  224. 
Wine  at  the  sacrament  to  be  mixed  with  wa- 
ter, 743,  '. 

Wirtemberg  Confession,  articles  taken  from, 

among  the  Thirtj'-nine,  485,  ^ 
Wishart  burnt,  493. 

Wives  who  animated  their  husbands  to  suffer 
martyrdom.    See  Appendix  F. 

Wolsey,  154;  Fox  introduces  him  to  Henry; 
his  rise  ;  influence  over  Henry;  his  honesiy, 
155;  spoils  Henry;  his  qualities  and  faults, 
156  ;  patronises  literature  ;  his  college ;  saw 
the  need  of  reforming,  157,  ";  accused  of 
[  insinuating  scruples  to  Henry  by  means  of 
Longland,  158;  his  fall;  unjustly  treated, 
160;  submits;  goes  to  York;  dies;  charac- 
ter of,  161. 

Worcester-house,  meeting  ihere,  1660,  664. 
Word,  "  You  have  the,  but  we  have  the  sword," 
358. 

Works  before  justification,  275. 
Wriothcsley,  Chancellor,  tortures  A.  Askew, 

225  ;  loses  his  influence,  301  ;  dies,  319. 
Wryght,  a  priest  at  Douay,  writes  in  favont 

of  obedience  to  Elizabeth,  457. 
Wyat,  Sir  Thomas,  359. 
Yule,  origin  of  the  name,  7, 

END. 


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